^lERICANHlSTOKf 


IN   CONGRESS 

imanimMt*3>«f<irafwn  ,«. 


2 
HALF-HOURS 


WITH 


SELECTED   AND   ARRANGED   BY 

CHARLES    MORRIS, 

^^ 


* 

AUTHOR  OF  "A   MANUAL  OF  CLASSICAL  LITERATURE,"  AND  "HALF-HOURS   WITH 
THE  BEST  AMEEICAN   AUTHORS." 


VOL.    I. 

COLONIAL  AMEEIOA. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY. 

LONDON:   10  HENRIETTA   STREET,  COVENT  GARDEN. 
1887. 


r.-s 


Copyright,  1886,  by  J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY. 


Copyright,  1887,  by  J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY. 


PKEFACE. 


OF  histories  of  America  there  exists  an  abundant  store, 
some  of  them  attempting  to  cover  the  whole  period,  others 
limited  in  scope,  while  many  are  devoted  to  some  single 
topic  of  the  varied  panorama  of  national  life.  Some  of 
these  works  are  noted  for  brilliancy  of  style,  others  for 
conscientiousness  in  research,  others  as  being  written  by 
participants  in  the  events  described,  while  to  still  others 
quaintness  of  manner  or  antiquity  of  date  gives  a  certain 
value.  Yet  few  of  them  are  without  unevenness  of  quality, 
and  in  history  as  in  general  literature  authors  often  appear 
to  most  advantage  in  selected  extracts  from  their  works, 
since  no  man  can  be  always  at  his  best.  Led  by  this  con- 
sideration, the  editor  has  deemed  it  desirable  to  add  to  his 
"  Half-Hours  with  the  Best  American  Authors"  a  com- 
panion work  of  "Half-Hours  with  American  History," 
which  he  hopes  may  be  found  to  have  a  special  value  of 
its  own.  The  subject  is  certainly  one  of  the  highest  in- 
terest and  importance,  while  many  of  the  works  from 
which  selections  have  been  made  are  beyond  the  reach  of 
general  readers,  and  often  too  voluminous  for  the  taste  and 
leisure  of  others  than  students  of  history.  ^ 

The  extracts  from  historians  have  not  been  grouped,  as 
in  the  preceding  work  mentioned,  with  a  studied  avoid- 
ance of  systematic  arrangement,  but  are  presented  in 
chronological  succession,  as  more  in  accordance  with  their 
character,  divided  into  historical  eras,  and  joined  by  con- 

3 


4  PREFACE. 

necting  links,  each  giving  in  brief  outline  a  sketch  of  the 
intermediate  events.  By  this  means  the  work  has  been 
given  the  character  of  a  history  of  America,  as  well  as  of 
a  series  of  selections  from  historians,  and  in  this  respect 
may  be  held  to  possess  features  of  peculiar  merit.  Thus 
the  selections  have  been  confined  to  events  of  special  in- 
terest or  importance,  many  of  them  describing  those 
striking  and  dramatic  scenes  which  have  become  like 
household  words  to  American  readers.  Events  of  minor 
importance  have  been  passed  over  in  rapid  outline.  Hence 
the  numerous  details  of  uninteresting  incidents,  to  which 
historians  are  obliged  to  give  a  prominence  little  less 
marked  than  that  devoted  to  events  of  particular  impor- 
tance, and  which  readers  often  labor  through  with  a  sense 
of  mental  weariness,  are  here  thrown  into  the  background 
to  which  they  naturally  belong,  while  the  foreground  is 
occupied  with  detailed  descriptions  of  events  to  which 
some  particular  interest  attaches.  A  work  thus  arranged 
may  be  compared  to  a  landscape,  over  whose  dead  levels 
the  eye  ranges  with  a  rapid  glance,  while  constrained  to 
rest  with  attention  upon  its  elevations  or  features  of  special 
attractiveness. 

In  addition  to  the  connecting  links  of  narrative,  and  re- 
marks introductory  to  historical  eras,  the  editor  has  been 
obliged  himself  to  furnish  several  more  extended  articles, 
through  failure  to  find  satisfactory  brief  statements  of 
certain  subjects  a  treatment  of  which  was  necessary  to 
the  historical  completeness  of  the  work.  Yet  in  these 
articles  as  in  the  others  he  acknowledges  indebtedness  to 

O 

the  labors  of  American  historians,  as  he  has  simply  pre- 
sented their  facts  and  inferences  in  his  own  words. 

The  work  thus  prepared  is  offered  to  the  public  with  the 
trust  that  it  will  be  found  to  possess  features  of  value  and 
interest,  and  that  it  may  be  accepted  by  many  as  a  more 


PREFACE.  5 

satisfactory  treatment  of  American  history  than  are  most 
of  the  works  which  seek  to  cover  with  full  detail  the  entire 
field. 

The  editor  returns  sincere  thanks  to  the  various  authors 
whose  names  are  given  in  the  body  of  the  work,  and  many 
of  whom  have  with  great  courtesy  granted  him  permission 
to  use  extracts  from  their  copyrighted  works ;  and  to  the 
following  publishers,  to  whom  he  is  indebted  for  similar 
favors :  Harper  &  Brothers,  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  G-.  P.  Put- 
nam's Sons,  A.  S.  Barnes  &  Co.,  Charles  Scribner's  Sons, 
Dick  &  Fitzgerald,  and  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  of  New  York ; 
Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Ticknor  &  Co.,  and  Houghton,  Mifflin 
&  Co.,  of  Boston ;  Porter  &  Coates  and  J.  B.  Lippincott 
Co.,  of  Philadelphia ;  American  Publishing  Co.,  and  O.  D. 
Case  &  Co.,  of  Hartford ;  Robert  Clark  &  Co.,  of  Cincin- 
nati ;  and  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  and  Callaghan  &  Co.,  of 
Chicago ;  also  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


l* 


CONTENTS. 


SECTION  I. 

THE  PERIOD  BEFORE  COLUMBUS. 

SUBJECT.                                                                                   AUTHOR.  PAOE 

On  the  Origin  of  the  Americans HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT  ....  9 

The  Kingdom  of  Fussing S.  WELLS  WILLIAMS     ....  18 

Discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen   .  ARTHUR  J.  WEISE 22 

The  Aborigines  of  America CHARLES  MORRIS 28 

SECTION  II. 

THE  ERA  OF  DISCOVERY. 

Columbus  in  Europe WILLIAM  ROBERTSON    ....  40 

The  Discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  .  WASHINGTON  IRVING    ....  49 

The  Discovery  of  the  Pacific  by  Balboa    .  THOMAS  F.  GORDON  .....  61 

Retreat  of  Cortes  from  the  City  of  Mexico .  WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT  ....  69 

Hernando  de  Soto N.  D'ANVERS 80 

The  Discovery  of  the  St.  Lawrence    .    .    .  JOHN  McMuLLEN 89 

The  Massacre  of  the  French  Protestants  .  W ALTER  BESANT 97 

The  Colonies  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh    .    .    .  MARY  HOWITT 105 

SECTION  III. 

THE  ERA  OF  SETTLEMENT. 

Introductory  Remarks 114 

John  Smith  and  the  Jamestown  Colony    .  CHARLES  CAMPBELL 116 

The  Indian  Massacre  in  Virginia   ....  ROBERT  R.  HOWISON     ....  130 

The  Settlement  of  Maryland J.  THOMAS  SCHARP 138 

The  Landing  of  the  Pilgrims JOHN  GORHAM  PALFREY  .    .    .  145 

Religious  Dissensions  in  New  England     .  WILLIAM  ROBERTSON    ....  154 

ThePequotWar G.  H.  HOLLISTER 162 

Champlain  and  the  Iroquois FRANCIS  PARKMAN 172 

The  Settlement  of  New  York E.  B.  O'CALLAGHAH     ....  182 

The  Quaker  Colony JOHN  STOUGHTON 193 

The  "  Grand  Model"  Government  ....  HUGH  WILLIAMSON 203 

Louisiana  and  the  Natchez LE  PAGE  Du  PRATZ     ....  208 

7 


g  CONTENTS. 

SECTION   IV. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

SUBJECT.  AUTHOR.  PAGE 

The  Persecution  of  the  Quakers JAMES  GRAHAME 217 

The  Death  of  King  Philip BENJAMIN  CHURCH 225 

The  Salein  Witchcraft GEORGE  BANCROFT 233 

The  Tyrant  of  New  England BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL  ....  243 

The  Leisler  Revolt  in  New  York     ....  WILLIAM  SMITH 251 

The  Bacon  Rebellion CHARLES  CAMPBELL     ....  260 

Colonial  Hostilities FRANCIS  X.  GARNEAU  ....  273 

The  Spanish  Invasion  of  Georgia  ....  WILLIAM  BACON  STEVENS    .    .  284 

The  Negro  Plot  in  New  York MARY  L.  BOOTH 292 

SECTION  V. 

THE  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 

Introductory  Remarks 301 

The  Opening  of  the  War JARED  SPARKS 304 

Braddock's  Defeat JOHN  FROST 313 

The  Battle  at  Lake  George FRANCIS  PARKMAN 322 

The  Expulsion  of  the  Acadians JAMES  HANNAY 333 

Three  Years  of  Warfare ABIEL  HOLMES 344 

Wolfe  and  Montcalm  at  Quebec WASHINGTON  IRVING    ....  355 

War  with  the  Cherokees BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL  ....  368 

SECTION  VI. 

THE  THRESHOLD  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

Political  Development  in  America  ....  CHARLES  MORRIS 380 

England  and  her  Colonies MARY  HOWITT 397 

How  the    Stamp    Act   was    received    in 

America RICHARD  HILDRETH 406 

A  Parliamentary  Examination BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN    ....  414 

The  Growth  of  Discontent HENRY  CABOT  LODGE    ....  424 

The  Tea  Tax  and  the  Boston  Port  Bill  .    .  JAMES  GRAHAME 431 

The  First  Shots  of  the  Revolution  ....  THOS.  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSOX.  444 

The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill WILLIAM  CUTTER 450 

Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain ISAAC  N.  ARNOLD 462 

The  Siege  of  Boston DAVID  RAMSAY 472 

The  Continental  Congress  and  its  Doings  .  EDMUND  OLLIER 480 

America  in  1776 EUGENE  LAWRENCE 495 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  ....  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 507 


HALF-HOURS 


AMERICAN    HISTORY. 


SECTION    I. 
THE  PERIOD  BEFORE  COLUMBUS. 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 

HUBERT   H.  BANCROFT. 

[The  written  history  of  America  begins  with  the  year  1492,  the  date 
of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  its  previously-unknown  shores. 
Yet  there  pertains  to  the  preceding  period  a  considerable  variety  of 
interesting  materiaLof  a  semi-historical  character, — in  part  traditional, 
legendary,  and  speculative,  in  part  based  on  researches  into  the  lan- 
guages, race-characteristics,  customs,  and  antiquities  of  the  American 
aborigines.  Some  attention  to  the  abundant  literature  relating  to  this 
earlier  epoch  seems  desirable  as  a  preface  to  the  recent  history  of 
America.  This  literature  is  in  no  proper  sense  American  history,  yet 
it  is  all  we  know  of  the  existence  of  man  upon  this  continent  during 
the  ages  preceding  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  is  far  too 
voluminous,  and,  as  a  rule,  too  speculative,  to  be  dealt  with  otherwise 
than  very  briefly,  yet  it  cannot  properly  be  ignored  in  any  work  on 
the  history  of  the  American  continent.  The  more  speculative  portion 
of  this  literature  has  been  fully  and  ably  treated  by  Hubert  H.  Ban- 
croft, in  his  "  Native  Kaces  of  the  Pacific  States,"  from  which  we 

9 


10  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

make  our  opening  Half-Hour  selection,  lack  of  space,  however,  forbid- 
ding us  from  giving  more  than  some  brief  extracts  from  his  extended 
treatise  on  the  subject.] 

WHEN  it  first  became  known  to  Europe  that  a  new 
continent  had  been  discovered,  the  wise  men,  philosophers, 
and  especially  the  learned  ecclesiastics,  were  sorely  per- 
plexed to  account-for  such  a  discovery.  A  problem  was 
placed  before  them,  the  solution  of  which  was  not  to  be 
found  in  the. records  of  the  ancients.  On  the  contrary,  it 
seemed  that  old-time  traditions  must  give  way,  the  infal- 
libility of  revealed  knowledge  must  be  called  in  question, 
even  the  Holy  Scriptures  must  be  interpreted  anew. 
Another  world,  upheaved,  as  it  were,  from  the  depths  of 
the  sea  of  darkness,  was  suddenly  placed  before  them. 
Strange  races,  speaking  strange  tongues,  peopled  the  new 
land  ;  curious  plants  covered  its  surface ;  animals  unknown 
to  science  roamed  through  its  immense  forests  ;  vast  seas 
separated  it  from  the  known  world ;  its  boundaries  were 
undefined ;  its  whole  character  veiled  in  obscurity.  Such 
was  the  mystery  that,  without  rule  or  precedent,  they 
were  now  required  to  fathom.  .  .  . 

When,  therefore,  the  questions  arose,  whence  were  these 
new  lands  peopled  ?  how  came  these  strange  animals  and 
plants  to  exist  on  a  continent  cut  off  by  vast  oceans  from 
the  rest  of  the  world  ?  the  wise  men  of  the  time  unhesi- 
tatingly turned  to  the  Sacred  Scriptures  for  an  answer. 
These  left  them  no  course  but  to  believe  that  all  mankind 
were  descended  from  one  pair.  This  was  a  premise  that 
must  by  no  means  be  disputed.  The  original  home  of  the 
first  pair  was  generally  supposed  to  have  been  situated  in 
Asia  Minor;  the  ancestors  of  the  people  found  in  the  New 
World  must  consequently  have  originally  come  from  the 
Old  World,  though  at  what  time  and  by  what  route  was 
an  open  question,  an  answer  to  which  was  diligently  sought 


BANCROFT]    ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS.         H 

for  both  in  the  sacred  prophecies  and  in  the  historical 
writings  of  antiquity.  .  .  . 

Noah's  ark,  says  Ulloa,  gave  rise  to  a  number  of  such 
constructions,  and  the  experience  gained  during  the  patri- 
arch's aimless  voyage  emboldened  his  descendants  to  seek 
strange  lands  in  the  same  manner.  Driven  to  America 
and  the  neighboring  islands  by  winds  and  currents,  they 
found  it  difficult  to  return,  and  so  remained  and  peopled 
the  land.  He  thinks  the  custom  of  eating  raw  fish  at  the 
present  day  among  some  American  tribes  was  acquired 
during  these  long  sea- voyages.  That  they  came  by  sea  is 
evident,  for  the  north — if  indeed  the  continent  be  connected 
with  the  Old  World — must  be  impassable  by  reason  of 
extreme  cold.  Ulloa,  though  he  would  not  for  a  moment 
allow  that  there  could  have  been  more  than  one  general 
creation,  does  not  attempt  to  account  for  the  presence  of 
strange  animals  and  plants  in  America ;  and  I  may  observe 
here  that  this  difficulty  is  similarly  avoided  by  all  writers 
of  his  class.  Lescarbot  cannot  see  why  "  Noah  should 
have  experienced  any  difficulty  in  reaching  America  by 
sea,  when  Solomon's  ships  made  voyages  lasting  three 
years."  Villagutierre,  on  the  contrary,  thinks  it  more 
probable  that  Noah's  sons  came  to  America  by  land  ;  an 
opinion  also  held  by  Thompson,  who  believes,  however, 
that  the  continents  were  not  disconnected  until  some  time 
after  the  flood,  by  which  time  America  was  peopled  from 
the  Old  World. 

[Many  other  writers  have  advocated  this  theory,  basing  their  belief 
on  the  numerous  deluge-myths  which  exist  among  the  traditions  of 
the  American  tribes,  and  which  bear  a  certain  resemblance  to  the 
Biblical  story  of  the  deluge,  even  in  some  cases  describing  the  subse- 
quent building  of  a  tower  of  refuge,  and  the  disconcertion  of  the 
builders  in  their  impious  act  by  the  gods,  or  by  the  Great  Spirit.  Yet 
most  modern  writers  consider  these  myths  to  have  been  of  local  origin/] 


12  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

Let  us  now  turn  from  these  wild  speculations,  with 
which  volumes  might  be  filled,  but  which  are  practically 
worthless,  to  the  special  theories  of  origin,  which  are, 
however,  for  the  most  part,  scarcely  more  satisfactory. 

Beginning  with  eastern  Asia,  we  find  that  the  Ameri- 
cans, or  in  some  instances  their  civilization  only,  are  sup- 
posed to  have  come  originally  from  China,  Japan,  India, 
Tartar}^  Polynesia.  Three  principal  routes  are  proposed 
by  which  they  may  have  come, — namely,  Bering  Strait, 
the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  Polynesia.  The  route  taken  by 
no  means  depends  upon  the  original  habitat  of  the  immi- 
grants :  thus,  the  people  of  India  may  have  immigrated  to 
the  north  of  Asia,  and  crossed  Bering  Strait,  or  the  Chi- 
nese may  have  passed  from  one  to  the  other  of  the  Aleu- 
tian Islands  until  they  reached  the  western  continent. 
Bering  Strait  is,  however,  the  most  widely  advocated,  and 
perhaps  most  probable,  line  of  communication.  The  nar- 
row strait  would  hardly  hinder  any  migration  either  east 
or  west,  especially  as  it  is  frequently  frozen  over  in  winter. 
At  all  events,  it  is  certain  that  from  time  immemorial  con- 
stant intercourse  has  been  kept  up  between  the  natives 
on  either  side  of  the  strait ;  indeed,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  they  are  one  and  the  same  people.  Several  writers, 
however,  favor  the  Aleutian  route.  .  .  . 

The  theory  that  America  was  peopled,  or  at  least  partly 
peopled,  from  eastern  Asia,  is  certainly  more  widely  ad- 
vocated than  any  other,  and,  in  my  opinion,  is  moreover 
based  upon  a  more  reasonable  and  logical  foundation  than 
any  other.  It  is  true,  the  Old  World  may  have  been 
originally  peopled  from  the  New,  and  it  is  also  true  that 
the  Americans  may  have  had  an  autochthonic  origin ;  but, 
if  we  must  suppose  that  they  have  originated  on  another 
continent,  then  it  is  to  Asia  that  we  must  first  look  for 
proofs  of  such  an  origin,  at  least  so  far  as  the  people  of 


BANCROFT]    ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS.        13 

northwestern  America  are  concerned.  "  It  appears  most 
evident  to  me,"  says  the  learned  Humboldt,  "that  the 
monuments,  methods  of  computing  time,  systems  of  cos- 
mogony, and  many  myths  of  America,  offer  striking  anal- 
ogies with  the  ideas  of  eastern  Asia, — analogies  which  in- 
dicate an  ancient  communication,  and  are  not  simply  the 
result  of  that  uniform  condition  in  which  all  nations  are 
found  in  the  dawn  of  civilization." 

[Closely  similar  opinions  are  expressed  by  Prescott,  Dr.  Wilson, 
Colonel  Smith,  Dupaix,  Tschudi,  Gallatin,  and  other  writers.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  theory  of  a  Chinese  settlement  in  the  fifth  century, 
which  we  shall  consider  subsequently,  there  are  theories  of  Mongol 
and  Japanese  settlement.] 

In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Mongol  emperor  Kublai 
Khan  sent  a  formidable  armament  against  Japan.  The 
expedition  failed,  and  the  fleet  was  scattered  by  a  violent 
tempest.  Some  of  the  ships,  it  is  said,  were  cast  upon 
the  coast  of  Peru,  and  their  crews  are  supposed  to  have 
founded  the  mighty  empire  of  the  Incas,  conquered  three 
centuries  later  by  Pizarro.  Mr.  John  Ranking,  who  leads 
the  van  of  theorists  in  this  direction,  has  written  a  goodly 
volume  upon  this  subject,  which  certainly,  if  read  by 
itself,  ought  to  convince  the  reader  as  satisfactorily  that 
America  was  settled  by  Mongols,  as  Kingsborough's  work 
that  it  was  reached  by  the  Jews,  or  Jones's  argument  that 
the  Tyrians  had  a  hand  in  its  civilization.  That  a  Mongol 
fleet  was  sent  against  Japan,  and  that  it  was  dispersed  by 
a  storm,  is  matter  of  history ;  but  that  any  of  the  dis- 
tressed ships  were  driven  upon  the  coast  of  Peru  can  be 
but  mere  conjecture,  since  no  news  of  such  an  arrival  ever 
reached  Asia.  .  .  . 

A  Japanese  origin,  or  at  least  a  strong  infusion  of  Jap- 
anese blood,  has  been  attributed  to  the  tribes  of  the  north- 
west coast.  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  this  ;  indeed, 
i.  2 


14  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  on  various  occasions 
small  parties  of  Japanese  have  reached  the  American  con- 
tinent, have  married  the  women  of  the  country,  and 
necessarily  left  the  impress  of  their  ideas  and  physical 
peculiarities  upon  their  descendants.  Probably  these  vis- 
its were  all,  without  exception,  accidental ;  but  that  they 
have  occurred  in  great  numbers  is  certain.  There  have 
been  a  great  many  instances  of  Japanese  junks  drifting 
upon  the  American  coast,  many  of  them  after  having 
floated  helplessly  about  for  many  months.  Mr.  Brooks 
gives  forty-one  particular  instances  of  such  wrecks,  be- 
ginning in  1782,  twenty-eight  of  which  date  since  1850. 
Only  twelve  of  the  whole  number  were  deserted.  In  a 
majority  of  cases  the  survivors  remained  permanently  at 
the  place  where  the  waves  had  brought  them.  There  is 
no  record  in  existence  of  a  Japanese  woman  having  been 
saved  from  a  wreck.  The  reasons  for  the  presence  of 
Japanese  and  the  absence  of  Chinese  junks  are  simple. 
There  is  a  current  of  cold  water  setting  from  the  Arctic 
Ocean  south  along  the  east  coast  of  Asia,  which  drives  all 
the  Chinese  wrecks  south.  The  Kuro  Siwo,  or  "black 
stream,"  commonly  known  as  the  Japan  current,  runs 
northward  past  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Japan  Islands, 
then  curves  round  to  the  east  and  south,  sweeping  the 
whole  west  coast  of  North  America,  a  branch,  or  eddy, 
moving  towards  the  Sandwich  Islands.  A  drifting  wreck 
would  be  carried  towards  the  American  coast  at  an  average 
rate  of  ten  miles  a  day  by  this  current.  .  .  . 

"We  may  now  consider  that  theory  which  supposes  the 
civilized  peoples  of  America  to  be  of  Egyptian  origin, 
or,  at  least,  to  have  derived  their  arts  and  culture  from 
Egypt.  This  supposition  is  based  mainly  on  certain  anal- 
ogies which  have  been  thought  to  exist  between  the  ar- 
chitecture, hieroglyphics,  methods  of  computing  time,  and, 


BANCROFT]    ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS.         15 

to  a  less  extent,  customs  of  the  two  countries.  Pew  of 
these  analogies  will,  however,  bear  close  investigation,  and, 
even  where  they  will,  they  can  hardly  be  said  to  prove 
anything.  .  .  . 

Turning  now  to  western  Asia,  we  find  the  honor  of  first 
settling  America  given  to  the  adventurous  Phoenicians. 
The  sailors  of  Carthage  are  also  supposed  by  some  writers 
to  have  first  reached  the  New  "World ;  but,  as  the  exploits 
of  colony  and  mother-country  are  spoken  of  by  most 
writers  in  the  same  breath,  it  will  be  the  simplest  plan 
to  combine  the  two  theories  here.  They  are  based  on  the 
fame  of  these  people  as  colonizing  navigators  more  than 
upon  any  actual  resemblances  that  have  been  found  to 
exist  between  them  and  the  Americans.  It  is  argued 
that  their  ships  sailed  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  to 
the  Canary  Islands,  and  that  such  adventurous  explorers 
having  reached  that  point  would  be  sure  to  seek  farther. 
The  records  of  their  voyages  and  certain  passages  in  the 
works  of  several  of  the  writers  of  antiquity  are  supposed 
to  show  that  the  ancients  knew  of  a  land  lying  in  the  far 
west.  .  .  . 

Diodorus  Siculus  relates  that  the  Phoenicians  discov- 
ered a  large  island  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  beyond  the  Pil- 
lars of  Hercules,  several  days'  journey  from  the  coast  of 
Africa.  This  island  abounded  in  all  manner  of  riches. 
The  soil  was  exceedingly  fertile ;  the  scenery  was  diver- 
sified by  rivers,  mountains,  and  forests.  It  was  the  cus- 
tom of  the  inhabitants  to  retire  during  the  summer  to 
magnificent  country-houses,  which  stood  in  the  midst  of 
beautiful  gardens.  Fish  and  game  were  found  in  great 
abundance.  The  climate  was  delicious,  and  the  trees 
bore  fruit  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  The  Phoenicians" 
discovered  this  fortunate  island  by  accident,  being  driven 
upon  its  coast  by  contrary  winds.  On  their  return  they 


16  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

gave  glowing  accounts  of  its  beauty  and  fertility,  and 
the  Tyrians,  who  were  also  noted  sailors,  desired  to  col- 
onize it. 

[Several  authors  have  believed  these  "  Fortunate  Islands"  to  be 
America,  but  in  all  probability  they  were  the  Canary  Islands.] 

The  theory  that  the  Americans  are  of  Jewish  descent 
has  been  discussed  more  minutely  and  at  greater  length 
than  any  other.  Its  advocates,  or  at  least  those  of  them 
who  have  made  original  researches,  are  comparatively 
few  ;  but  the  extent  of  their  investigations,  and  the  multi- 
tude of  parallelisms  they  adduce  in  support  of  their  hy- 
pothesis, exceed  by  far  any  we  have  yet  encountered. 

Of  the  earlier  writers  on  this  subject,  Garcia  is  the 
most  voluminous.  Of  modern  theorists,  Lord  Kingsbor- 
ough  stands  pre-eminently  first,  as  far  as  bulky  volumes 
are  concerned;  though  Adair,  who  devotes  half  of  a  thick 
quarto  to  the  subject,  is  by  no  means  second  to  him  in 
enthusiasm — or  rather  fanaticism — and  wild  speculation. 

[The  idea  advanced  is  that  America  was  settled  by  the  ten  lost 
tribes  of  Israel,  in  support  of  which  a  multitude  of  similarities  be- 
tween American  and  Jewish  customs  and  characteristics  are  adduced, 
yet  none  of  them  sufficient  to  influence  any  cool-headed  critic.]  *  > 

We  now  come  to  the  theory  that  the  Americans,  or  at 
least  part  of  them,  are  of  Celtic  origin.  In  the  old 
Welsh  annals  there  is  an  account  of  a  voyage  made  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century  by  one  Madoc,  a  son  of 
Owen  G-wynedd,  prince  of  North  Wales.  The  story  goes, 
that  after  the  death  of  Gwynedd  his  sons  contended  vio- 
lently for  the  sovereignty.  'Madoc,  who  was  the  only 
peaceable  one  among  them,  determined  to  leave  his  dis- 
turbed country  and  sail  in  search  of  some  unknown  land 
where  he  might  dwell  in  peace.  He  accordingly  procured 
an  abundance  of  provisions  and  a  few  ships,  and  embarked 


BANCROFT]    ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  AMERICANS.        17 

with  his  friends  and  followers.  For  many  months  they 
sailed  westward  without  finding  a  resting-place;  but  at 
length  they  came  to  a  large  and  fertile  country,  where, 
after  sailing  for  some  distance  along  the  coast  in  search 
of  a  convenient  landing-place,  they  disembarked  and  per- 
manently settled.  After  a  time  Madoc,  with  part  of  his 
company,  returned  to  Wales,  where  he  fitted  out  ten  ships 
with  all  manner  of  supplies,  prevailed  on  a  large  number 
of  his  countrymen  to  join  him,  and  once  more  set  sail  for 
the  new  colony,  which,  though  we  hear  no  more  about 
him  or  his  settlement,  be  is  supposed  to  have  reached 
safely.  .  .  . 

Claims  have  also  been  put  in  for  an  Irish  discovery  of 
the  New  World.  St.  Patrick  is  said  to  have  sent  mission- 
aries to  the  "  Isles  of  America,"  and  early  writers  have 
gravely  discussed  the  probability  of  Quetzalcoatl  [the 
Mexican  white  deity]  having  been  an  Irishman.  There 
is  no  great  improbability  that  the  natives  of  Ireland  may 
have  reached,  by  accident  or  otherwise,  the  northeastern 
shores  of  the  new  continent  in  very  early  times,  but  there 
is  certainly  no  evidence  to  prove  that  they  did. 

[The  evidences  in  favor  of  the  several  theories  described  by  Mr. 
Bancroft,  as  presented  by  the  many  writers  upon  these  subjects,  are 
given  by  him  in  considerable  detail,  and  their  probability  discussed, 
with  the  final  conclusion  that  none  of  the  theorists  have  succeeded  in 
proving  that  the  Americans  were  of  Old- World  origin,  and  that  "  no 
one  at  the  present  day  can  tell  the  origin  of  the  Americans :  they  may 
have  come  from  any  one  or  from  all  the  hypothetical  sources  enumer- 
ated in  the  foregoing  pages,  and  here  the  question  must  rest  until  we 
have  more  light  upon  the  subject." 

A  brief  reference  to  the  Atlantis  theory,  omitted  in  our  extract 
from  Bancroft,  is  here  in  place.  The  story  of  a  land  that  formerly  lay 
in  or  beyond  the  Atlantic,  and  was  subsequently  submerged,  is  men- 
tioned by  several  Greek  writers,  and  is  said  by  Plutarch  to  have  been 
communicated  to  Solon  by  the  priests  of  several  Egyptian  cities.  Ac- 
i.— £  2* 


18  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [WILLIAMS 

cording  to  Plato,  these  priests  declared  that  the  events  related  to  Solon 
had  taken  place  nine  thousand  Egyptian  years  previously.  In  the 
Platonic  version  the  priestly  story  was  to  the  effect  that  beyond  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules  there  was  an  island  larger  than  Asia  Minor  and 
Libya  combined.  From  this  island  one  could  pass  to  other  islands, 
and  thence  to  a  continent  which  surrounded  the  sea  containing  them. 
In  the  island  of  Atlantis  reigned  three  powerful  kings,  whose  dominion 
extended  to  some  of  the  other  islands  and  to  part  of  the  continent,  and 
reached  at  one  time  into  Africa  and  Europe.  Uniting  their  forces, 
they  invaded  eastern  Europe,  but  were  defeated  and  their  army  de- 
stroyed by  the  Athenians,  independence  being  gained  by  all  the  subject 
countries  east  of  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  Afterwards,  in  one  day  and 
night,  earthquakes  and  inundations  overwhelmed  Atlantis  and  sunk  it 
beneath  the  sea,  which  became  impassable  on  account  of  the  mud 
which  the  sunken  island  left  in  its  place. 

The  theory  that  there  actually  existed  such  an  island,  extending  to 
the  vicinity  of,  or  perhaps  continuous  with,  the  American  continent, 
has  been  held  by  several  writers,  principal  among  them  being  the 
Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg.  The  recent  advocacy  of  the  theory  is 
based  on  the  fact  that  traditions  and  written  records  of  cataclysms 
similar  to  that  described  by  the  Egyptian  priests  have  been  found 
among  the  American  nations.  Yet  the  story  is  in  all  probability  one 
of  those  fabulous  statements  of  which  many  can  be  found  in  the  works 
of  ancient  writers.] 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  FU-SANG. 

S.  WELLS  WILLIAMS. 
(TRANSLATION.) 

[In  addition  to  the  speculative  theories  above  described  are  two  his- 
torical documents  of  considerably  more  value,  one  given  in  the  Chinese 
annals,  and  one  in  the  Scandinavian  literature,  which  appear  to  point  to 
discoveries  of  America  centuries  before  the  era  of  Columbus,  first  by 
the  Chinese,  afterwards  by  the  Northmen. 

The  argument  of  several  writers,  that  the  Chinese  discovered  Amer- 
ica early  in  the  Christian  era,  is  based  upon  a  curious  historical  state- 


WILLIAMS]         THE  KINGDOM  OF  FU-SANO.  19 

merit  in  the  works  of  Ma  Twan-lin,  one  of  the  most  notable  of  Chi- 
nese historians.  It  is  professedly  an  extract  from  the  official  records 
of  China,  embracing  a  traveller's  tale  told  in  the  year  499  A.D.  by  a 
Buddhist  priest  named  Hwui  Shin,  on  his  return  from  a  journey  he 
had  made  to  a  country  lying  far  to  the  east.  This  story  seems  to  have 
been  considered  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  recorded  by  the  impe- 
rial historiographer,  from  whom  Ma  Twan-lin  copied  it.  It  describes 
the  people  and  natural  conditions  of  a  country  known  as  Fu-sang,  and 
has  given  rise  to  considerable  controversy,  some  writers  asserting  that 
Japan  was  the  country  visited.,  others  claiming  this  honor  for  America. 
The  literature  of  the  subject  is  summed  up  in  E.  P.  Vining's  "An 
Inglorious  Columbus,"  a  recent  work,  in  which  the  Chinese  record  is 
exhaustively  reviewed,  and  the  balance  of  proof  shown  to  incline 
towards  the  American  theory. 

Of  the  various  translations  of  the  Chinese  record  we  present  that  of 
Professor  S.  Wells  Williams,  prefacing  it  with  the  statement  of  Li- 
yan-tcheou,  the  original  historian,  that  in  order  to  reach  this  distant 
country  one  must  set  out  from  the  coast  of  the  Chinese  province  of 
Leao-tong,  to  the  north  of  Peking,  reaching  Japan  after  a  journey  of 
twelve  thousand  li.  Thence  a  voyage  of  seven  thousand  li  northward 
brings  one  to  the  country  of  Wen-shin.  Five  thousand  li  eastward 
from  this  place  lies  the  country  of  Ta-han.  From  the  latter  place 
Fu-sang  may  be  reached  after  a  further  voyage  of  twenty  thousand  li. 
(The  li  is  a  variable  measure,  ordinarily  given  as  about  one-third  of  a 
mile  in  length.)] 

IN  the  first  year  of  the  reign  Yung-yuen  of  the  emperor 
Tung  Hwan-hau,  of  the  Tsi  dynasty  (A.D.  499),  a  Shaman 
priest  named  Hwui  Shin  arrived  at  King-chau  from  the 
Kingdom  of  Fu-sang.  *He  related  as  follows: 

Fu-sang  lies  east  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ta-han  more  than 
twenty  thousand  li;  it  is  also  east  of  the  Middle  Kingdom 
[China].  It  produces  many  fu-sang  trees,  from  which  it 
derives  its  name.  The  leaves  of  the  fu-sang  resemble 
those  of  the  tung  tree.  It  sprouts  forth  like  the  bamboo, 
and  the  people  eat  the  shoots.  Its  fruit  resembles  the 
pear,  but  is  red ;  the  bark  is  spun  into  cloth  for  dresses, 
and  woven  into  brocade.  The  houses  are  made  of  planks. 


20  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [WILLIAMS 

There  are  no  walled  cities  with  gates.  The  (people)  use 
characters  and  writing,  making  paper  from  the  bark  of 
thefu-sang.  There  are  no  mailed  soldiers,  for  they  do  not 
carry  on  war.  The  law  of  the  land  prescribes  a  southern 
and  a  northern  prison.  Criminals  convicted  of  light 
crimes  are  put  into  the  former,  and  those  guilty  of  griev- 
ous offences  into  the  latter.  Criminals,  when  pardoned, 
are  let  out  of  the  southern  prison  ;  but  those  in  the  north- 
ern prison  are  not  pardoned.  Prisoners  in  the  latter 
marry.  Their  boys  become  bondmen  when  eight  years 
old,  and  the  girls  bondwomen  when  nine  years  old.  Con- 
victed prisoners  are  not  allowed  to  leave  their  prison 
while  alive.  When  a  nobleman  (or  an  official)  has  been 
convicted  of  crime,  the  great  assembly  of  the  nation 
meets  and  places  the  criminal  in  a  hollow  (or  pit) ;  they 
set  a  feast,  with  wine,  before  him,  and  then  take  leave  of 
him.  If  the  sentence  is  a  capital  one,  at  the  time  they 
separate  they  surround  (the  body)  with  ashes.  For 
crimes  of  the  first  grade,  the  sentence  involves  only  the 
person  of  the  culprit;  for  the  second,  it  reaches  the  chil- 
dren and  grandchildren ;  while  the  third  extends  to  the 
seventh  generation. 

The  king  of  this  country  is  termed  yueh-ld  ;  the  highest 
rank  of  nobles  is  called  tui-li ;  the  next,  little  tui-li ;  and 
the  lowest,  no-cha-sha.  When  the  king  goes  abroad  he  is 
preceded  and  followed  by  drummer^  and  trumpeters.  The 
color  of  his  robes  varies  with  the  years  in  the  cycle 
containing  the  ten  stems.  It  is  azure  in  the  first  two 
years ;  in  the  second  two  years  it  is  red ;  it  is  yellow  in 
the  third  ;  white  in  the  fourth  ;  and  black  in  the  last  two 
years.  There  are  oxen  with  long  horns,  so  long  that 
they  will  hold  things, — the  biggest  as  much  as  five  pecks. 
Yehicles  are  drawn  by  oxen,  horses,  and  deer;  for  the 
people  of  that  land  rear  deer  just  as  the  Chinese  rear 


WILLIAMS]         THE  KINGDOM  OF  FUSANO.  21 

cattle,  and  make  cream  of  their  milk.  The}*  have  red 
pears,  which  will  keep  a  year  without  spoiling;  water- 
rushes  and  peaches  are  common.  Iron  is  not  found  in 
the  ground,  though  copper  is ;  they  do  not  prize  gold  or 
silver,  and  trade  is  conducted  without  rent,  duty,  or  fixed 
prices. 

In  matters  of  marriage  it  is  the  law  that  the  [intend- 
ing] son-in-law  must  erect  a  hut  before  the  door  of  the 
girl's  house,  and  must  sprinkle  and  sweep  the  place  morn- 
ing and  evening  for  a  whole  year.  If  she  then  does  not 
like  him,  she  bids  him  depart ;  but  if  she  is  pleased  with 
him  they  are  married.  The  bridal  ceremonies  are  for  the 
most  part  like  those  of  China.  A  fast  of  seven  days  is 
observed  for  parents  at  their  death  ;  five  for  grandparents ; 
and  three  days  for  brothers,  sisters,  uncles,  or  aunts. 
Images  to  represent  their  spirits  are  set  up,  before  which 
they  worship  and  pour  out  libations  morning  and  evening; 
but  they  wear  no  mourning  or  fillets.  The  successor  of 
the  king  does  not  attend  personally  to  government  affairs 
for  the  first  three  years.  In  olden  times  they  knew 
nothing  of  the  Buddhist  religion,  but  during  the  reign 
Ta-ming  of  the  emperor  Hiao  Wu-ti  of  the  Lung  dynasty 
(A.D.  458),  from  Ki-piu  five  beggar  priests  went  there. 
They  travelled  over  the  kingdom,  everywhere  making 
known  the  laws,  canons,  and  images  of  that  faith.  Priests 
of  regular  ordination  were  set  apart  among  the  natives, 
and  the  customs  of  the  country  became  reformed. 

[In  addition  to  this  statement,  the  Chinese  annals  contain  an  account 
of  the  "  Kingdom  of  Women,"  of  the  "  Great  Han  country,"  and  of 
the  "  Land  of  Marked  (or  Tattooed)  Bodies,"  all  related  in  situation  to 
Fu-sang.  That  given ,  however,  is  the  most  matter-of-fact  of  these  sev- 
eral narratives,  and  appears  to  describe  an  actual  country,  though  its 
details  do  not  tally  very  closely  with  the  known  conditions  of  either 
Japan  or  Mexico,  which  latter  country  is  believed  by  Mr.  Vining  to 


22  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

be  the  true  Fu-sang.  In  his  view  the  maguey  represents  the  fu-sang 
tree,  and  he  brings  many  analogies  to  bear  in  favor  of  his  theory, 
though  the  actual  location  of  Fu-sang,  like  those  of  Atlantis,  the 
Fortunate  Islands,  and  Vinland,  must  always  remain  a  matter  of 
doubt  and  controversy.] 


DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  THE  NORTHMEN. 

ARTHUR  J.   WEISE. 
(TRANSLATION.) 

[In  considering  the  reputed  discovery  of  America  by  the  North- 
men we  stand  upon  much  firmer  ground,  and  the  story  though  it  has 
not  been  without  dispute,  is  accepted  by  many  writers  as  describing 
an  actual  event.  In  fact,  it  is  of  high  probability  on  its  face,  since  the 
daring  navigators  who  successively  sailed  to  and  colonized  Iceland 
and  Greenland  might  very  easily  have  made  a  farther  voyage  to  the 
American  continent. 

The  Scandinavian  vikings,  in  their  single-masted,  many-oared  gal- 
leys, often  ventured  far  out  on  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  and  in  the 
year  8GO,  Naddoddr,  one  of  these  Norse  pirates,  was  blown  by  an 
adverse  wind  upon  the  coast  of  Iceland.  In  876  another  navigator, 
driven  beyond  Iceland  by  a  storm,  saw  in  the  distance  the  coast  of 
an  unknown  land.  About  the  year  981,  Eric  the  Eed,  an  Icelandic 
outlaw,  sailed  in  search  of  this  land,  and  discovered  a  new  country, 
which  he  named  Greenland  as  an  inducement  to  immigrants. 

The  sagas  or  written  legends  of  Iceland,  which  describe  these  events, 
relate  that  subsequent  to  the  discovery  of  Greenland  the  vikings 
made  frequent  voyages  to  the  south,  to  a  land  which  had  been  discov- 
ered there  by  one  Bjarni,  and  which  received  the  name  of  Vinland. 
Some  writers  consider  these  stories  as  too  vague  and  mythical  to  be  of 
any  value,  while  others  accept  them  as  containing  definite  and  trust- 
worthy information  concerning  the  eastern  coast  of  America  at  that 
date.  This  new  land  is  said  to  have  been  first  discovered  by  Bjarni  in 
985,  during  a  voyage  from  Iceland  to  Greenland.  We  select  from 
"The  Discoveries  of  America  to  the  year  1525,"  by  Arthur  James 


WEISE]  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  NORTHMEN.       23 

Weise,  a  translation  of  some  of  the  more  significant  portions  of  these 
I.] 


As  soon  as  they  had  fitted  for  the  voyage,  they  intrusted 
themselves  to  the  ocean,  and  made  sail  three  days,  until 
the  land  passed  out  of  their  sight  from  the  water.  But 
then  the  bearing  breezes  ceased  to  blow,  and  northern 
breezes  and  a  fog  succeeded.  Then  they  were  drifted 
about  for  many  days  and  nights,  not  knowing  whither 
they  tended.  After  this  the  light  of  the  sun  was  seen, 
and  they  were  able  to  survey  the  regions  of  the  sky. 
Now  they  carried  sail,  and  steered  this  day  before  they 
beheld  land.  .  .  .  [They]  soon  saw  that  the  country  was 
not  mountainous,  but  covered  with  trees  and  diversified 
with  little  hills.  .  .  .  Then  they  sailed  two  days  before 
they  saw  another  land  (or  region').  .  .  .  They  then  ap- 
proached it,  and  saw  that  it  was  level  and  covered  with 
trees.  Then,  the  favorable  wind  having  ceased  blowing, 
the  sailors  said  that  it  seemed  to  them  that  it  would  be 
well  to  land  there,  but  Bjarni  was  unwilling  to  do  so.  ... 
He  bade  them  make  sail,  which  was  done.  They  turned 
the  prow  from  the  land,  and  sailed  out  into  the  open  sea, 
where  for  three  days  they  had  a  favorable  south-south- 
west wind.  They  saw  a  third  land  (or  region),  but  it 
was  high  and  mountainous  and  covered  with  glaciers.  .  .  . 
They  did  not  lower  sail,  but  holding  their  course  along 
the  shore  they  found  it  to  be  an  island.  Again  they 
turned  the  stern  against  the  land,  and  made  sail  for  the 
high  sea,  having  the  same  wind,  which  gradually  increas- 
ing, Bjarni  ordered  the  sails  to  be  shortened,  forbidding 
the  use  of  more  canvas  than  the  ship  and  her  outfit  could 
conveniently  bear.  Thus  they  sailed  for  four  days,  when 
.they  saw  a  fourth  land  [which  proved  to  be  Greenland]. 

[The  second  voyage  to  this  newly-discovered  region  was  made  by 


24  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [WEISE 

Leif,  the  son  of  Eric  the  Red,  about  the  year  1000.  He  first  reached 
a  land  of  icy  mountains,  with  a  plain  between  the  mountains  and  the 
sea  covered  with  flat  stones.  This  region  Leif  named  Helluland. 
Afterwards  he  reached  a  level  country  covered  with  trees,  which 
he  named  Markland.] 

[Leaving  Markland]  they  sailed  on  the  high  sea,  hav- 
ing a  northeast  wind,  and  were  two  days  at  sea  before 
they  saw  land.  They  steered  towards  it,  and  touched  the 
island  lying  before  the  north  part  of  the  land.  When 
they  went  on  land  they  surveyed  it,  for  by  good  fortune 
the  weather  was  serene.  They  found  the  grass  sprinkled 
with  dew,  and  it  happened  by  chance  that  they  touched 
the  dew  with  their  hands  and  carried  them  to  their 
mouths  and  perceived  that  it  had  a  sweet  taste  which 
they  had  not  before  noticed.  Then  they  returned  to  the 
ship  and  sailed  through  a  bay  lying  between  the  island 
and  a  tongue  of  land  running  towards  the  north.  Steering 
a  course  to  the  west  shore,  they  passed  the  tongue  of  land. 
Here  when  the  tide  ebbed  there  were  very  narrow  shoals. 
When  the  ship  got  aground  there  were  shallows  of  great 
extent  between  the  vessel  and  the  receded  sea.  So  great 
was  the  desire  of  the  men  to  go  on  land  that  they  were 
unwilling  to  stay  on  board  until  the  returning  tide  floated 
the  ship.  They  went  ashore  at  a  place  where  a  river 
flowed  out  from  a  lake.  When  the  tide  floated  the  ship 
they  took  the  boat  and  rowed  to  the  vessel  and  brought 
her  into  the  river  and  then  into  the  lake.  Here  they 
anchored,  carried  the  luggage  from  the  ship,  and  built 
dwellings.  Afterwards  they  held  a  consultation  and  re- 
solved to  remain  at  this  place  during  the  winter.  They 
erected  large  buildings.  There  were  not  only  many 
salmon  in  the  river,  but  also  in  the  lake,  and  of  a  larger 
size  than  they  had  before  seen.  So  great  was  the  fertil-' 
ity  of  the  soil  that  they  were  led  to  believe  that  cattle 


WEISK]  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  NORTHMEN.       25 

would   not   be  in  want  of  food  during  winter,  or  that 
wintry  coldness  would  prevail,  or  the  grass  wither  much. 

[During  the  winter  one  of  the  men,  named  Tyrker,  exploring  the 
country,  discovered  wine-wood  and  wine-berries  (vinvid  ok  vinber). 
On  the  approach  of  spring  they  spent  some  time  in  gathering  wine- 
berries  and  loading  the  ship  with  wood,  after  which  they  set  sail  for 
Greenland,  Leif  naming  the  region  Vinland  (Wine-land),  from  its 
productions. 

In  the  spring  of  1007  an  expedition  comprising  three  ships  sailed 
for  this  new  land.  In  two  days  they  reached  Helluland,  and  in  two 
more  Markland.  Departing  from  Markland,  they  continued  their 
voyage.] 

They  then  sailed  far  to  the  southward  along  the  coast, 
and  came  to  a  promontory.  The  land  lay  on  the  right, 
and  had  a  long  sandy  beach.  They  rowed  to  it,  and 
found  on  a  tongue  of  land  the  keel  of  a  ship.  They 
called  this  point  Kjlarnes  (Keel  Cape),  and  the  beach 
Furdustrandir  (Long  Strand),  for  it  took  a  long  time  to 
sail  by  it.  Then  the  coast  became  sinuous.  They  then 
steered  the  ship  into  an  inlet.  King  Olaf  Tryggvason  had 
given  Leif  two  Scotch  people,  a  man  named  Haki  and  a 
woman  named  Hekja.  They  were  swifter  than  animals. 
.  .  .  When  they  had  sailed  past  Furdustrandir  they  put 
these  Scots  ashore  and  ordered  them  to  run  to  the  south 
of  the  country  and  explore  it  and  return  within  three 
days.  .  .  .  They  were  absent  the  designated  time.  When 
,  they  returned,  one  brought  a  bunch  of  wine-berries,  the 
other  an  ear  of  wheat.  When  they  were  taken  on  board 
the  ship  sailed  farther.  They  came  into  a  bay  where 
there  was  an  island  around  which  flowed  rapid  currents 
that  suggested  the  name  which  they  gave  it,  Straumey 
(Stream  Island).  There  were  so  many  eider  ducks  on 
the  island  that  one  could  hardly  walk  about  without 
stepping  on  their  eggs.  They  took  the  cargo  from  the 
i.— B  3 


26  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ 

ship  and  made  preparations  to  stay  there.     They  had  with 
them  different  kinds  of  cattle. 

*r**i**I**T**v**J*  *l*  *»"  *l^ 

It  is  now  to  be  told  of  Karlsefne  that  he,  with  Snorro 
and  Bjarni  and  their  people,  sailed  southward  along  tho 
coast.  They  sailed  a  long  time,  till  they  came  to  a  river 
which  ran  out  from  the  land  .and  through  a  lake  into 
the  sea.  The  river  was  quite  shallow,  and  no  ship  could 
enter  it  without  high  water.  Karlsefne  sailed  with  his 
people  into  its  mouth,  and  called  the  place  Hop.  He 
found  fields  of  wild  wheat  where  the  ground  was  low, 
and  wine- wood  where  it  was  higher.  There  was  a  great 
number  of  all  kinds  of  wild  animals  in  the  woods.  They 
remained  at  this  place  a  half  month,  and  enjoyed  them- 
selves, but  did  not  find  anything  novel.  They  had  their 
cattle  with  them.  Early  one  morning,  when  they  were 
viewing  the  country,  they  saw  a  great  number  of  skin 
boats  on  the  sea.  .  .  .  The  people  in  them  rowed  nearer 
and  with  curiosity  gazed  at  them.  .  .  .  These  people  were 
swart  and  ugly,  and  had  coarse  hair,  large  eyes,  and 
broad  cheeks.  They  remained  a  short  time  and  watched 
Karlsefne's  people.  They  then  rowed  away  to  the  south- 
ward be37ond  the  cape. 

[In  the  spring  the  natives  returned  and  trafficked  with  the  North- 
men.] 

The  people  preferred  red  cloth,  and  for  this  they  gave 
skins  and  all  kinds  of  furs.  They  also  wanted  to  pur- 
chase swords  and  spears,  but  Karlsefne  and  Snorro  would 
not  sell  them  any  weapons.  For  a  whole  skin  the  Skrae- 
lings  took  a  piece  of  red  cloth  a  span  long,  and  bound  it 
around  their  heads.  In  this  way  they  bartered  for  a  time. 
Then  the  cloth  began  to  diminish,  and  Karlsefne  and  his 
men  cut  it  into  small  strips  not  wider  than  one's  finger, 


WEISE]  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  NORTHMEN.        27 

and  still  the  Skraelings  gave  as  much  for  these  as  they 
had  for  the  larger  pieces,  and  often  more.  It  happened 
that  a  bull,  which  Karlsefne  had  with  him,  ran  out  from 
the  wood  and  bellowed  loudly.  This  frightened  the 
Skraelings  so  much  that  they  rushed  to  their  boats  and 
rowed  away  to  the  southward  around  the  coast. 

[Three  weeks  afterwards  a  large  number  of  Skraelings  returned  in 
their  boats,  uttering  loud  cries.] 

Karlsefne's  men  took  a  red  shield  and  held  it  towards 
them.  The  Skraelings  leaped  from  their  boats  and  at- 
tacked them.  Many  missiles  fell  among  them,  for  the 
Skraelings  used  slings.  Karlsefne's  men  saw  that  they 
had  raised  on  a  pole  something  resembling  an  air-filled 
bag  of  a  blue  color.  They  hurled  this  at  Karlsefne's 
party,  and  when  it  fell  to  the  ground  it  exploded  with  a 
loud  noise.  This  frightened  Karlsefne  and  his  men  so 
much  that  they  ran  and  fell  back  to  the  river,  for  it 
seemed  to  them  that  the  Skraelings  were  enclosing  them 
on  all  sides.  They  did  not  stop  till  they  reached  a  rocky 
place,  where  they  stoutly  resisted  their  assailants. 

[The  Skraelings  were  finally  frightened  off  by  the  valiant  behavior 
of  Freydis,  the  wife  of  Thorvard.] 

Karlsefne  and  his  men  now  perceived  that,  notwith- 
standing the  country  was  fruitful,  they  would  be  exposed 
to  many  dangerous  incursions  of  its  inhabitants  if  they 
should  remain  in  it.  They  therefore  determined  to  de- 
part and  return  to  their  own  land. 

[Many  subsequent  visits  were  made  by  the  Northmen  to  Vinland, 
these  continuing  as  late  as  the  fourteenth  century.  But  they  seem 
to  have  made  no  effort  to  colonize  this  region  as  they  had  done  in  the 
cases  of  Iceland  and  Greenland.  Just  where  Vinland  was  situated  is 
one  of  those  geographical  problems  that  will  probably  never  be  settled. 


28  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

Some  writers  place  it  as  far  south  as  the  coast  of  Ehode  Island. 
Others  conceive  it  to  be  no  farther  south  than  Labrador,  or  possibly 
south  Greenland.  The  description  of  the  Skraelings  is  considered  to 
apply  more  closely  to  the  Esquimaux  than  to  the  North  American 
Indians.  Whether  the  so-called  wine-berries  were  actually  grapes  is 
questionable.  In  fact,  no  positive  proof  exists  that  the  Northmen  dis- 
covered the  continent  of  America.  The  balance  of  probabilities  is 
that  they  did  so,  though  how  far  south  their  excursions  extended  can 
never  be  definitely  decided.] 


THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA. 

CHARLES   MORRIS. 

[The  preceding  pages  have  been  devoted  to  the  history  of  the  rela- 
tions between  the  inhabitants  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Continents, 
and  to  the  various  statements  that  indicate  a  possible  knowledge  of,  and 
voyages  to,  America  in  the  era  before  Columbus.  To  complete  this 
preliminary  survey  a  brief  account  of  what  is  known  of  the  Ameri- 
can aborigines  in  this  early  era  is  necessary.  In  relation  to  this  period 
of  American  history  there  exists  an  abundance  of  literary  material, 
comprising  researches  into  the  languages,  race-conditions,  customs,  an- 
tiquities, traditions,  and  manuscript  annals  of  the  tribes  and  nations 
of  the  aborigines.  None  of  this  material  is  historical  in  the  full  sense 
of  the  term,  though  much  of  it  may  be  considered  as  indirectly  so. 
The  editor  of  this  work,  however,  has  been  unable  to  meet  with  any 
general  statement  in  a  form  sufficiently  condensed  to  yield  a  brief  yet 
comprehensive  review  of  the  whole  subject.  He  has,  therefore,  him- 
self prepared  a  paper  which  may  serve  imperfectly  to  fill  this  vacancy, 
and  to  complete  the  examination  of  the  history  of  America  prior  to 
Columbus.] 

ON  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  America  it  was 
found  to  be  everywhere  inhabited,  from  the  north  polar 
region  to  the  extreme  south,  by  peoples  differing  in  de- 
gree of  culture  from  abject  savagery  to  a  low  stage  of 


MORRIS]  THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  29 

civilization.  Though  at  first  all  these  peoples  were  looked 
upon  as  members  of  a  single  race,  later  research  has  ren- 
dered this  questionable,  marked  diversities  in  ethnological 
character  having  been  perceived.  In  language  a  greater 
unity  appears,  philologists  generally  holding  that  the 
American  languages  all  belong  to  one  family  of  human 
speech,  though  the  dialects  differ  widely  in  character  and 
in  degree  of  development.  The  American  languages  ap- 
proach in  type  those  of  northern  Asia,  though  not  very 
closely.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  American  features. 
Yet  if  the  Americans  and  Mongolians  were  originally  of 
the  same  race,  as  seems  not  improbable,  their  separation 
must  have  taken  place  at  a  remote  period,  to  judge  from 
the  diversities  which  now  exist  between  them. 

The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  when 
first  discovered,  differed  very  considerably  in  political  and 
social  condition.  Those  of  the  north  were  in  a  state 
of  savagery  or  low  barbarism.  The  southern  Indians 
were  much  more  advanced  politically,  while  the  Natchez 
people  of  the  lower  Mississippi  possessed  a  well-organized 
despotic  monarchy,  widely  different  in  character  from  the 
institutions  of  the  free  tribes  of  the  north.  In  Mexico 
existed  a  powerful  civilized  empire,  despotic  in  character, 
possessed  of  many  historical  traditions,  and  having  an 
extensive  literature,  which  was  nearly  all  destroyed  by 
the  Spanish  conquerors.  In  this  region  were  two  distinct 
linguistic  races,  the  Nahuas  of  Mexico  and  the  Mayas  of 
the  more  southern  region.  To  the  latter  are  due  the  re- 
markable architectural  remains  of  Yucatan  and  Guate- 
mala. In  South  America  was  also  discovered  an  exten- 
sive civilized  empire,  of  a  highly-marked  despotic  type, — 
the  Inca  empire  of  Peru.  This  rather  low  form  of  civil- 
ization extended  far  to  the  north  and  south  in  the  dis- 
trict west  of  the  Andes,  while  the  remainder  of  South 
i.  3* 


30  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

America  was  occupied  by  savage  tribes,  some  of  them 
exceedingly  debased  in  condition. 

Of  late  years  it  has  been  made  evident,  through  diversi- 
fied archaeological  discoveries,  that  at  some  epoch,  perhaps 
not  very  remote,  the  whole  region  of  the  Mississippi  Valley 
was  the  seat  of  a  semi-civilized  population,  probably  some- 
what closely  approaching  in  customs  and  condition  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Gulf  States  when  first  seen  by  the 
Spanish  and  French  explorers.  This  people  had  utterly 
vanished  from  the  region  of  the  northern  United  States 
at  the  earliest  date  of  the  advent  of  the  whites,  and  per- 
haps many  centuries  before  that  era  ;  yet  the  whole  region 
of  their  former  residence  is  so  abundantly  covered  with 
their  weapons,  utensils,  ornaments,  and  architectural  re- 
mains, that  we  are  not  only  positively  assured  of  their 
former  existence,  but  are  enabled  also  to  form  many  con- 
jectures as  to  their  probable  history. 

What  are  here  spoken  of  as  architectural  remains  con- 
sist principally  of  earth  mounds,  of  considei'able  diversity 
in  character  and  appearance,  and  some  of  them  of  enor- 
mous dimensions.  There  is  in  this  fact  alone  nothing  of 
peculiar  interest.  Earth  mounds,  generally  sepulchral  in 
purpose,  exist  widely  throughout  the  older  continents. 
But  the  American  mounds  are  remarkable  for  their  ex- 
cessive numbers,  their  peculiarities  of  construction,  their 
occasional  great  size,  and  the  diversity  of  their  probable 
purpose.  They  are  found  abundantly  over  the  whole  re- 
gion from  the  Eocky  Mountains  to  the  Alleghanies,  and 
from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  to  some  small 
extent  beyond  these  limits.  In  the  State  of  Ohio  alone 
there  are  said  to  be  more  than  ten  thousand  mounds,  with 
perhaps  fifteen  hundred  defensive  works  and  enclosures. 
About  five  thousand  of  them  are  said  to  exist  within  a 
radius  of  fifty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  Eiver, 


MORRIS]  THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  31 

in  the  State  of  Illinois.  In  the  South  they  are  equally 
abundant.  The  Gulf  States  are  full  of  them.  From 
Florida  to  Texas  they  everywhere  exist,  of  the  greatest 
diversity  in  size  and  shape.  Smaller  examples  occur  be- 
yond the  limits  of  the  region  above  outlined,  though  in 
much  less  abundance.  These  mounds  are  usually  from 
six  to  thirty  feet  high  and  forty  to  one  hundred  in  di- 
ameter, though  some  are  much  larger.  To  the  vanished 
race  to  whose  labors  they  are  due  has  been  given  the 
name  of  the  "  Mound-Builders." 

Many  of  these  structures  were  evidently  erected  for  de- 
fensive purposes,  and  they  constitute  an  extensive  system 
of  earthworks  on  the  hills  and  river-bluffs,  indicating 
a  considerable  population  in  the  valleys  below.  Other 
works  are  remarkably  regular  earthworks  on  the  valley 
levels,  forming  enclosures  in  various  geometrical  patterns, 
which  comprise  circles,  squares,  and  other  figures.  The 
purpose  of  these  peculiar  enclosures  is  unknown,  though 
it  was  probably  connected  with  religious  observances. 
Of  the  smaller  mounds,  some  are  supposed  to  have  been 
used  as  altars  ;  but  the  most  numerous  class  are  the  burial- 
mounds,  in  which  skeletons  have  often  been  found.  In 
Wisconsin,  and  to  some  extent  elsewhere,  are  found  mounds 
rudely  imitating  the  shape  of  animals.  But  the  most 
extraordinary  of  these  erections,  from  their  great  size  and 
the  enormous  degree  of  labor  which  they  indicate,  are  the 
so-called  "  temple  mounds,"  of  which  the  one  at  Cahokia, 
Illinois,  measures  seven  hundred  by  five  hundred  feet  at 
base  and  ninety  feet  in  perpendicular  height.  It  was 
probably  the  seat  of  a  temple.  Many  similar  mounds, 
though  none  so  large  as  this,  exist  in  the  Gulf  States. 

The  mounds  contain  very  numerous  relics  of  the  arts 
of  their  builders,  these  consisting  of  various  articles  of 
pottery,  stone  pipes  of  highly-skilful  construction,  in  imi- 


32  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

tation  of  animal  forms,  stone  implements  in  great  variety, 
ornaments  of  beaten  copper,  pearls,  plates  of  mica,  frag- 
ments of  woven  fabrics,  and  other  articles,  indicative  of 
much  industry  and  a  considerable  advance  in  the  simpler 
arts. 

Whether  the  semi-civilization  of  this  people  developed 
in  the  region  in  which  their  remains  are  found,  or  is  due 
to  the  northward  movement  of  a  civilized  people  from  the 
south,  cannot  be  decided.  That  they  were  a  numerous 
agricultural  people,  under  the  control  of  a  despotic  gov- 
ernment, and  of  strong  religious  superstitions,  seems  evi- 
dent from  the  vast  labors  which  they  performed  and  the 
religious  purpose  of  the  greatest  of  these  works.  There 
is  abundant  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  in  hostile 
relations  with  tribes  of  savages,  perhaps  the  original 
inhabitants  of  the  country,  to  the  northward  and  east- 
ward. Against  the  assaults  of  these  the  earthworks  were 
built.  These  assaults  were  finally  successful.  The  "Mound- 
Builders"  were  conquered,  and  either  annihilated  or,  more 
probably,  driven  south.  It  is  highly  improbable  that  they 
constituted  a  single  empire,  or  a  series  of  extensive  gov- 
ernments. We  may  more  safely  consider  them  as  a  con- 
geries of  strong  tribal  organizations,  probably  to  some 
extent  mutually  hostile,  who  were  weakened  by  intestine 
wars  and  conquered  piecemeal  by  their  numerous  and  per- 
sistent savage  foes. 

Before  considering  the  political  and  other  relations  of 
the  northern  Indians,  some  reference  may  be  made  to  the 
architectural  remains  of  the  other  aborigines  of  America. 
Eemarkable  ruins  exist  in  the  mountain-region  of  the 
west,  in  parts  of  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  Utah,  Arizona, 
and  northern  Mexico.  Principal  among  these  are  the 
Pueblo  buildings,  huge  communistic  structures,  of  sev- 
eral stories  in  height,  and  some  of  them  capable  of  shelter- 


MORRIS]          TEE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  33 

ing  a  whole  tribe  within  their  very  numerous  apartments. 
Of  these  edifices  some  are  of  adobe,  others  of  stone.  They 
are  probably  of  considerable  antiquitj7,  and  most  of  them 
are  in  ruins,  though  several  are  still  inhabited.  Still  more 
remarkable  are  the  "  cliff  dwellings,"  recently  discovered 
in  the  river-canons  of  this  region.  These  exist  at  con- 
siderable heights,  occasionally  as  much  as  six  hundred  to 
eight  hundred  feet,  in  almost  inaccessible  situations  in  per- 
pendicular cliffs,  in  which  they  occupy  clefts  or  natural 
terraces.  They  were  doubtless  intended  as  places  of 
refuge  from  dangerous  foes,  though  they  occur  in  locali- 
ties now  so  barren  that  it  is  not  easy  to  perceive  how 
their  inhabitants  obtained  subsistence. 

The  architectural  remains  of  Mexico,  Central  America, 
and  Peru  are  far  too  numerous  and  important  to  be 
described  in  the  brief  space  at  our  command.  Some  of  the 
more  imposing  of  those  of  Mexico  are  pyramidal  mounds, 
not  unlike  the  temple  mounds  of  the  north,  though  occa- 
sionally much  larger.  Of  these  the  most  extensive  is  the 
great  pyramid  of  Cholula,  which  covers  twice  the  area  of 
the  great  Egyptian  pyramid  of  Cheops.  The  height  is 
variously  estimated  at  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  to 
two  hundred  and  five  feet.  This  huge  structure  is  built 
of  small  sun-dried  bricks,  altei-nated  with  layers  of  clay. 
It  may  have  been  moulded  on  a  natural  eminence,  though 
this  is  doubtful.  The  temple  of  the  deity  Quetzalcoatl, 
which  once  occupied  its  summit,  was  destroyed  by  the 
Spanish  invaders. 

In  Yucatan,  Chiapas,  Honduras,  and  Guatemala  have 
been  found  the  ruins  of  enormous  and  profusely-sculptured 
stone  edifices,  built  on  truncated  pyramids,  of  which  that 
of  Palenque  measures  two  hundred  and  sixty  by  three 
hundred  and  ten  feet,  and  is  forty  feet  high.  Its  sides 
were  originally  faced  with  cut  stone,  while  the  building 


34  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

displays  a  considerable  advance  in  the  arts  of  architecture 
and  sculpture.  Numerous  other  such  structures  exist, 
which  display  great  boldness  and  skill  in  architectui-e. 
As  to  who  built  these  forest-buried  edifices  no  positive 
knowledge  exists,  though  there  is  some  reason  to  believe 
that  they  were  still  in  use,  and  surrounded  by  cities,  at 
the  epoch  of  the  Spanish  conquest. 

With  the  ruins  of  Peruvian  art  we  are  less  directly 
concerned.  It  will  suffice  to  remark  that  they  are  not 
surpassed  in  boldness  of  execution,  in  the  great  labor 
indicated,  and  in  practicality  of  purpose,  by  any  similar 
erections  on  the  Eastern  continent,  Many  of  these  works 
are  very  ancient,  having  been  built  by  a  people  who  occu- 
pied that  region  anterior  to  the  origin  of  the  Inca  empire. 
In  this  respect  they  agree  with  the  architectural  monu- 
ments of  Mexico,  which  were  attributed  by  the  Aztecs  to 
the  Toltecs,  a  mythical  race  who  preceded  them.  All  this 
indicates  not  only  a  very  considerable  antiquity  in  the 
civilization  of  this  continent,  but  a  general  overthrow  of 
the  primary  civilizations,  the  Mound-Builders  being  re- 
placed by  the  modern  Indian  tribes  in  the  north,  the 
builders  of  the  Mexican  monuments  by  the  more  bar- 
barous Aztecs,  and  the  architects  of  the  early  works  of 
Peru  by  the  conquering  Inca  race. 

The  Indian  tribes  of  the  northern  United  States,  at  the 
advent  of  the  whites,  were  found  in  a  state  of  savagery 
in  some  particulars,  though  their  political  and  social  in- 
stitutions may  be  classed  as  barbarian.  Though  usually 
considered  as  hunting  tribes,  they  were  in  reality  largely 
agricultural,  and  not  unlike  the  ancient  Germans  in  or- 
ganization. They  were  communistic  in  habit,  holding 
their  lands,  and  to  some  extent  their  houses,  as  common 
property.  The  tribes  were  divided  into  smaller  sections 
on  the  basis  of  family  affinity,  and  governed  t>y  two  sets 


MORRIS]          THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  35 

of  elected  officers, — the  war-chiefs,  selected  for  their  valor, 
and  the  Sachems,  or  peace-officers,  whose  office  was  to 
a  considerable  extent  hereditary.  In  the  election  of  these 
officers  the  whole  tribe  took  part,  women  as  well  as  men 
having  a  vote.  The  religion  of  these  tribes  was  of  a  low 
type,  being  a  Shamanism  of  the  same  character  as  that 
of  the  Mongolian  tribes  of  northern  Asia.  Demon-exor- 
cising "  medicine-men"  were  the  priests  of  the  tribes,  and 
the  conception  of  a  siipreme  '•  Great  Spirit,"  which  has 
been  attributed  to  them,  was  possibly  derived  from  early 
intercourse  with  the  whites,  though  it  may  have  been  an 
inheritance  from  the  Mound-Builders. 

The  Indians  of  the  southern  United  States,  comprising 
the  Creek  confederacy  and  other  tribes,  were  considerably 
more  advanced  in  institutions  and  ideas.  With  them 
agriculture  had  attained  an  important  development,  and 
the  lands  were  divided  into  fields  on  a  communistic  basis, 
they  remaining  the  property  of  the  tribe,  though  culti- 
vated by  separate  families.  The  government  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  council  of  the  principal  chiefs,  presided  over 
by  an  officer  called  the  Mico,  corresponding  to  the  Sachem 
of  the  north.  His  dignity  was  hereditary,  and  his  power 
to  some  extent  despotic.  Warlike  matters  were  controlled 
by  a  head  chief,  under  whom  were  inferior  chiefs.  These 
chiefs  were  elected  to  their  positions,  and  composed  the 
council  presided  over  by  the  Mico,  whose  authority  was 
subject  to  their  control.  One  peculiar  feature  of  the 
Creek  organization  was  the  possession  of  a  public  store- 
house, in  which  a  portion  of  all  products  of  the  field  and 
the  chase  had  to  be  stored,  for  general  distribution  in  case 
of  need.  This  was  under  the  sole  control  of  the  Mico. 

The  religious  ideas  were  much  superior  to  those  of  the 
northern  tribes.  Shamanistic  worship  and  the  medicine-man 
existed,  but  in  addition  to  this  there  was  a  well-developed 


36  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

system  of  sun-worship,  with  its  temples,  priests,  and  cere- 
monies. The  sacred  fire  was  preserved  with  the  greatest 
assiduity,  and  when  extinguished  at  the  close  of  each  year, 
to  be  rekindled  with  "new  fire,"  serious  calamities  were 
feared.  The  Mico  was  looked  upon  as  a  high  dignitary  in 
this  worship,  and  as,  in  some  sort,  a  representative  of  the 
sun.  The  degree  of  despotism  which  he  exercised  was 
very  probably  in  great  measure  due  to  this  religious  dig- 
nity and  the  superstition  of  the  people. 

But  the  most  remarkable  of  the  Indians  of  the  United 
States  was  the  small  tribe  of  the  Natchez,  occupying  a 
few  villages  east  of  the  Mississippi  at  the  period  of  Span- 
ish and  French  discovery,  and  long  since  extinct.  The  lan- 
guage of  this  tribe  is  believed  to  have  been  quite  unlike 
those  of  the  neighboring  tribes.  Its  political  organization 
was  a  well-developed  despotism,  the  ruler  being  a  religious 
autocrat  whose  authority  was  beyond  question.  This  dig- 
nitary was  known  as  the  Sun,  and  was  looked  upon  as  a 
direct  and  sacred  descendant  of  the  solar  deity.  All  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  caste  were  called  Suns,  and  had  special 
privileges.  Beneath  them  was  a  nobility,  while  the  com- 
mon people  were  very  submissive.  The  chiefs'  dwellings 
were  on  mounds,  and  the  mounds  were  also  the  seat  of 
temples,  in  which  the  sacred  fire  was  guarded  with  super- 
stitious care  by  the  priesthood.  La  Salle,  who  visited  the 
Natchez  in  1681-82,  describes  them  as  living  in  large  adobe 
dwellings.  The  temple  of  the  sun  was  adorned  with  the 
figures  of  three  eagles,  with  their  heads  turned  to  the  east. 
The  Natchez  possessed  a  completely-organized  system  of 
worship,  with  temples,  idols,  priests,  keepers  of  sacred 
things,  religious  festivals,  and  the  like,  while  the  people 
were  thoroughly  under  the  control  of  their  superstitions. 
The  ruler  had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  the  people, 
as  also  had  his  nearest  female  relative,  who  was  known 


MORRIS]          THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  37 

as  the  Woman  CJiief,  and  whose  son  succeeded  to  the 
throne.  The  extinguishment  of  the  sacred  fire  in  the 
temples  was  deemed  the  greatest  calamity  that  could  be- 
fall them.  The  death  of  the  Sun  cost  the  life  of  his  guards 
and  many  of  his"  subjects,  while  few  of  the  principal  per- 
sons died  without  human  sacrifices.  Captives  taken  in 
war  were  sacrificed  to  the  sun,  and  their  skulls  displayed 
on  the  temples. 

The  customs  and  religious  ceremonies  of  this  tribe  are 
of  particular  interest,  as  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  in 
the  Natchez  we  have  the  most  direct  descendants  of  the 
Mound-Builders,  and  that  in  the  despotism  of  their  chief " 
and  the  superstition  of  the  people  there  survived  until 
historical  times  the  conditions  under  which  the  great 
works  of  the  Mississippi  Yalley  were  erected.  The  de- 
struction of  the  tribe  by  the  early  French  colonists  has 
been  a  serious  loss  to  archa3ological  science. 

It  is  believed  by  some  writers  that  the  Mexican  civiliza- 
tion was  a  direct  development  of  that  of  the  Mound-Build- 
ers. Among  the  peoples  of  Mexico  and  Central  America 
traditions  of  an  original  migration  from  the  north  were 

o  o 

common,  while  the  affinity  between  the  customs  and  re- 
ligious ideas  of  the  Aztecs  and  the  Indians  of  the  south- 
•  ern  United  States  was  so  great  that  the  civilization  of  the 
former  may  with  some  assurance  be  considered  an  out- 
growth from  the  semi-civilization  of  the  latter. 

Land-communism  was  the  general  practice  in  Mexico, 
and  the  Creek  public  storehouse,  under  the  control  of  the 
Mico,  was  imitated  by  the  Aztec  public  stores,  under  the 
control  of  the  emperor,  in  which  a  fixed  portion  of  all  prod- 
uce had  to  be  placed.  The  Creek  council  of  chiefs  and 
elders  was  represented  by  a  similar  council  in  Mexico,  by 
whose  decisions  the  emperor  was  controlled.  Worship  of 
the  sun  was  an  early  form  of  the  Mexican  religious  ideas, 
i.  4 


38  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

though  it  was  afterwards  replaced  by  worship  of  the  god 
of  war.  Human  sacrifice  had  grown  to  enormous  pro- 
portions, and  the  sacrifice  of  war-captives  by  the  Natchez 
had  its  Aztec  counterpai*t  in  vast  warlike  raids  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  victims  for  sacrifice  to  the  terrible 
war-god.  The  saci'ed  fire  was  guarded  with  the  utmost 
care,  and  dire  calamities  were  predicted  if  it  should  be 
extinguished.  It  was  voluntarily  extinguished  once  every 
fifty-two  years,  and  rekindled  after  a  week  of  lamentation 
and  mortal  dread.  The  passage  of  the  "  new  fire"  through 
the  country  was  the  occasion  of  universal  joy  and  festivity. 

We  have  already  indicated  the  resemblance  between  the 
temple  mounds  of  the  two  regions,  and  other  points  of 
affinity  might  be  named,  but  the  above  will  suffice  to  show 
the  great  probability  that  the  civilization  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley  and  that  of  Mexico  and  Central  America  were 
directly  connected  and  formed  parts  of  one  general  growth 
of  American  culture.  As  for  the  actual  history  of  the 
aborigines  prior  to  the  advent  of  the  whites,  very  little  is 
known.  Numerous  legends  and  traditions  exist,  though 
few  of  these  can  be  considered  of  historical  authenticity. 
The  Indians  of  the  United  States,  indeed,  possess  no  rec- 
ords that  can  be  accepted  as  historical.  What  seem  most 
so  are  stories  of  migrations;  yet  none  of  these  can  be 
taken  as  representative  of  actual  events,  but  are  rather  to 
be  viewed  as  vague  remembrances  of  some  of  the  many 
movements  which  must  have  taken  place. 

The  only  traditions  that  are  to  any  extent  historical 
are  those  of  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas  of  Mexico  and  Cen- 
tral America.  These  describe  the  movements,  during  a 
number  of  centuries  preceding  the  Spanish  conquest,  of 
several  successive  peoples,  as  the  Toltecs,  the  Chichimecs, 
and  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico,  and  a  parallel  series  in  the 
Maya  region.  Extensive  details  of  the  history  of  these 


MORRIS]  THE  ABORIGINES  OF  AMERICA.  39 

and  other  tribes  are  given,  much  of  which  is  undoubtedly 
authentic,  yet  the  actual  is  so  mingled  with  the  mythical 
in  these  records  that  no  trust  can  be  placed  in  any  but 
their  latest  portions,  and  even  these  are  not  to  be  accepted 
without  question. 

The  traditions  of  migrations  from  the  north  and  east 
are  so  generally  reiterated  that  they  seem  to  indicate 
actual  events,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  very  com- 
mon tradition  of  the  coming  of  a  great  hero  or  deity  from 
the  east,  the  Quetzalcoatl  of  the  Aztecs,  the  Yotan  of  the 
Mayas,  and  similar  deities  of  other  tribes.  These  are 
fabled  to  have  brought  civilization  and  taught  habits  of 
industry  and  lessons  of  political  subordination  to  the 
previously  uncultured  tribes.  They  may  represent  the 
actual  advent  of  civilized  navigators  from  Europe  or  else- 
where, though  this  is  a  problem  that  can  never  be  solved. 

Much  might  here  be  said  concerning  the  historical  rec- 
ords of  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas,  had  we  space  to  review 
them,  yet  a  consideration  of  the  whole  leads  to  the  con- 
clusion above  avowed,  that  the  American  aborigines  had 
no  records  that  can  be  considered  absolutely  of  historical 
value  previous  to  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus. 
We  may,  therefore,  look  upon  their  trustworthy  history 
as  beginning  with  that  event,  since  in  their  earlier  records 
it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  between  the  mythical  and 
the  actual. 


40  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [KOBEKTSON 


SECTION    II. 
THE  EKA  OF  DISCOVERT. 


COLUMBUS  IN  EUROPE. 

WILLIAM  ROBERTSON. 

[From  the  age  of  Phoenician  enterprise  to  the  fifteenth  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  covering  a  period  of  more  than  two  thousand  years, 
maritime  enterprise  in  Europe  lagged,  and  the  boldness  of  the  ancients 
was  emulated  by  none  of  their  successors.  The  Mediterranean  long 
continued  the  theatre  of  commerce.  In  later  years,  in  which  the 
Atlantic  coast  became  the  seat  of  an  active  sea-going  trade,  the  only 
sailors  who  ventured  far  out  of  sight  of  land  were  the  half-barbarous 
Scandinavian  pirates. 

A  bolder  spirit  appeared  in  the  discovery  of  the  Canary  Islands  by 
Spanish  navigators  in  1334.  No  further  step  in  discovery  was  made 
until  1419,  when  the  Portuguese  discovered  the  Madeira  Islands. 
The  Portuguese  from  this  time  developed  a  new  spirit  of  enterprise, 
and  advanced  point  by  point  along  the  coast  of  Africa  until  1486,  in 
which  year  Bartholomew  Diaz  discovered  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 
This  event  rendered  it  evident  to  the  experienced  sailors  of  Portugal 
that  Africa  could  be  circumnavigated  and  the  East  Indies  reached  by 
this  route.  While  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  important 
voyage  which  should  prove  the  truth  of  this  theory,  a  yet  more  im- 
portant event  occurred,  in  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus. 
The  steps  leading  to  this  great  enterprise  we  may  give  in  the  words  of 
a  noted  historical  work  of  the  last  century,  "  The  History  of  America," 
by  William  Kobertson.] 

AMONG  the  foreigners  whom  the  fame  of  the  discoveries 
made  by  the  Portuguese  had  allured  into  their  service 


KOBERTSON]  COLUMBUS  IN  EUROPE.  41 

was  Christopher  Colon  or  Columbus,  a  subject  of  the  re- 
public of  Genoa.  Neither  the  time  nor  place  of  his  birth 
are  known  with  certainty ;  but  he  was  descended  of  an 
honorable  family,  though  reduced  to  indigence  by  various 
misfortunes.  His  ancestors  having  betaken  themselves 
for  subsistence  to  a  seafaring  life,  Columbus  discovered, 
in  his  early  youth,  the  peculiar  character  and  talents 
which  mark  out  a  man  for  that  profession.  His  parents, 
instead  of  thwarting  this  original  propensity  of  his  mind, 
seem  to  have  encouraged  and  confirmed  it  by  the  educa- 
tion which  they  gave  him.  After  acquiring  some  knowl- 
edge of  the  Latin  tongue,  the  only  language  in  which 
science  was  taught  at  that  time,  he  was  instructed  in 
geometry,  cosmography,  astronomy,  and  the  art  of  draw- 
ing. To  these  he  applied  with  such  ardor  and  predilec- 
tion, on  account  of  their  connection  with  navigation,  his 
favorite  object,  that  he  advanced  with  rapid  proficiency 
in  the  study  of  them.  Thus  qualified,  he  went  to  sea  at 
the  age  of  fourteen  (1461),  and  began  his  career  on  that 
element  which  conducted  him  to  so  much  glory.  His 
early  voyages  were  to  those  ports  in  the  Mediterranean 
which  his  countrymen  the  Genoese  frequented.  This 
being  a  sphere  too  narrow  for  his  active  mind,  he  made 
an  excursion  to  the  northern  seas  (1467),  and  visited  the 
coasts  of  Iceland,  to  which  the  English  and  other  nations 
had  begun  to  resort  on  account  of  its  fishery.  As  naviga- 
tion, in  every  direction,  was  now  become  enterprising,  he 
proceeded  beyond  that  island,  the  Thule  of  the  ancients, 
and  advanced  several  degrees  within  the  polar  circle. 
Having  satisfied  his  curiosity  by  a  voyage  which  tended 
more  to  enlarge  his  knowledge  of  naval  affairs  than  to 
improve  his  fortune,  he  entered  into  the  service  of  a 
famous  sea-captain,  of  his  own  name  and  family.  This 
man  commanded  a  small  squadron,  fitted  out  at  his  own 
i.  4* 


42  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [KOBEKTSON 

expense,  and  by  cruising  sometimes  against  the  Mahom- 
etans, sometimes  against  the  Venetians,  the  rivals  of  his 
country  in  trade,  had  acquired  both  wealth  and  reputa- 
tion. With  him  Columbus  continued  for  several  years, 
no  less  distinguished  for  his  courage  than  for  his  experi- 
ence as  a  sailor.  At  length,  in  an  obstinate  engagement, 
off  the  coast  of  Portugal,  with  some  Venetian  caravels 
returning  richly  laden  from  the  Low  Countries,  the  vessel 
on  board  which  he  served  took  fire,  together  with  one  of 
the  enemy's  ships,  to  which  it  was  fast  grappled.  In  this 
dreadful  extremity  his  intrepidity  and  presence  of  mind 
did  not  forsake  him.  He  threw  himself  into  the  sea, 
laid  hold  of  a  floating  oar,  and  by  the  support  of  it,  and 
his  dexterity  in  swimming,  he  reached  the  shore,  though 
above  two  leagues  distant,  and  saved  a  life  reserved  for 
great  undertakings. 

As  soon  as  he  recovered  strength  for  the  journey,  he 
repaired  to  Lisbon,  where  many  of  his  countrymen  were 
settled.  They  soon  conceived  such  a  favorable  opinion  of 
his  merit,  as  well  as  talents,  that  they  warmly  solicited 
him  to  remain  in  that  kingdom,  where  his  naval  skill  and 
experience  could  not  fail  of  rendering  him  conspicuous. 
To  every  adventurer,  animated  either  with  curiosity  to 
visit  new  countries,  or  with  ambition  to  distinguish  him- 

'  O 

self,  the  Portuguese  service  was  at  that  time  extremely 
inviting.  Columbus  listened  with  a  favorable  ear  to  the 
advice  of  his  friends,  and,  having  gained  the  esteem  of  a 
Portuguese  lady,  whom  he  married,  fixed  his  residence  in 
Lisbon.  This  alliance,  instead  of  detaching  him  from  a 
seafaring  life,  contributed  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  his 
naval  knowledge,  and  to  excite  a  desire  of  extending  it 
still  further.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Bartholomew 
Perestre'llo,  one  of  the  captains  employed  by  Prince 
Henry  in  his  early  navigations,  and  who,  under  his  pro- 


ROBERTSON]  COLUMBUS  IN  EUROPE.  43 

tection,  had  discovered  and  planted  the  islands  of  Porto 
Santo  and  Madeira.  Columbus  got  possession  of  the 
journals  and  charts  of  this  experienced  navigator,  and 
from  them  he  learned  the  course  which  the  Portuguese 
had  held  in  making  their  discoveries,  as  well  as  the 
various  circumstances  which  guided  or  encouraged  them 
in  their  attempts.  The  study  of  these  soothed  and  in- 
flamed his  favorite  passion ;  and  while  he  contemplated 
the  maps,  and  read  the  descriptions  of  the  new  counti'ies 
which.  Perestrello  had  seen,  his  impatience  to  visit  them 
became  irresistible.  In  order  to  indulge  it,  he  made  a 
voyage  to  Madeira,  and  continued  during  several  years  to 
trade  with  that  island,  with  the  Canaries,  the  Azores,  the 
settlements  in  Guinea,  and  all  the  other  places  which  the 
Portuguese  had  discovered  on  the  continent  of  Africa. 

By  the  experience  which  Columbus  acquired  during 
such  a  variety  of  voyages  to  almost  every  part  of  the 
globe  with  which,  at  that  time,  any  intercourse  was  car- 
ried on  by  sea,  he  was  now  become  one  of  the  most  skil- 
ful navigators  in  Europe.  But,  not  satisfied  with  that 
praise,  his  ambition  aimed  at  something  more.  The  suc- 
cessful progress  of  the  Portuguese  navigators  had  awakened 
a  spirit  of  curiosity  and  emulation,  which  set  every  man 
of  science  upon  examining  all  the  circumstances  that  led 
to  the  discoveries  which  they  had  made,  or  that  afforded  a 
prospect  of  succeeding  in  any  new  and  bolder  undertaking. 
The  mind  of  Columbus,  naturally  inquisitive,  capable  of 
deep  reflection,  and  turned  to  speculations  of  this  kind, 
was  so  often  employed  in  revolving  the  principles  upon 
which  the  Portuguese  had  founded  their  schemes  of  dis- 
covery, and  the  mode  in  which  they  had  carried  them  on, 
that  he  gradually  began  to  form  an  idea  of  improving 
upon  their  plan,  and  of  accomplishing  discoveries  which 
hitherto  they  had  attempted  in  vain. 


44  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [EOBEKTSON 

To  find  out  a  passage  by  sea  to  the  East  Indies  was  the 
great  object  in  view  at  that  period.  From  the  time  that 
the  Portuguese  doubled  Cape  de  Yerd,  this  was  the  point 
at  which  they  aimed  in  all  their  navigations,  and  in  com- 
parison with  it  all  their  discoveries  in  Africa  appeared  in- 
considerable. The  fertility  and  riches  of  India  had  been 
known  for  many  ages ;  its  spices  and  other  valuable  com- 
modities were  in  high  request  throughout  Europe,  and  the 
vast  wealth  of  the  Venetians,  arising  from  their  having 
engrossed  this  trade,  had  raised  the  envy  of  all  nations. 
But  how  intent  soever  the  Portuguese  were  upon  discov- 
ering a  new  route  to  those  desirable  regions,  they  searched 
•for  it  only  by  steering  towards  the  south,  in  hopes  of 
arriving  at  India,  by  turning  to  the  east,  after  they  had 
sailed  round  the  farther  extremity  of  Africa.  This  course 
was  still  unknown,  and,  even  if  discovered,  was  of  such 
immense  length  that  a  voyage  from  Europe  to  India 
must  have  appeared,  at  that  period,  an  undertaking  ex- 
tremely arduous  and  of  very  uncertain  issue.  More  than 
half  a  century  had  been  employed  in  advancing  from 
Cape  Non  to  the  equator ;  a  much  longer  space  of  time 
might  elapse  before  the  more  extensive  navigation  from 
that  to  India  could  be  accomplished.  These  reflections 
upon  the  uncertainty,  the  danger,  and  tediousness  of  the 
course  which  the  Portuguese  were  pursuing,  naturally 
led  Columbus  to  consider  whether  a  shorter  and  more 
direct  passage  to  the  East  Indies  might  not  be  found  out. 
After  revolving  long  and  seriously  every  circumstance 
suggested  by  his  superior  knowledge  in  the  theory  as 
well  as  practice  of  navigation,  after  comparing  atten- 
tively the  observations  of  modern  pilots  with  the  hints 
and  conjectures  of  ancient  authors,  he  at  last  concluded 
that  by  sailing  directly  towards  the  west,  across  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  new  countries,  which  probably  formed  a 


ROBERTSON]  COLUMBUS  IN  EUROPE.  45 

part  of  the  great  continent  of  India,  must  infallibly  be 
discovered. 

Principles  and  arguments  of  various  kinds,  and  derived 
from  different  sources,  induced  him  to  adopt  this  opinion, 
seemingly  as  chimerical  as  it  was  new  and  extraordinary. 
The  spherical  figure  of  the  earth  was  known,  and  its  mag- 
nitude ascertained  with  some  degree  of  accuracy.  From 
this  it  was  evident  that  the  continents  of  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  as  far  as  they  were  known  at  that  time,  formed 
but  a  small  portion  of  the  terraqueous  globe.  It  was  suit- 
able to  our  ideas  concerning  the  wisdom  and  beneficence 
of  the  Author  of  Nature,  to  believe  that  the  vast  space 
still  unexplored  was  not  covered  entirely  by  a  vast  un- 
profitable ocean,  but  occupied  by  countries  fit  for  the  habi- 
tation of  man.  It  appeared,  likewise,  extremely  probable 
that  the  continent  on  this  side  of  the  globe  was  balanced 
by  a  proportional  quantity  of  land  in  the  other  hemisphere. 
These  conclusions  concerning  the  existence  of  another  con- 
tinent, drawn  from  the  figure  and  structure  of  the  globe, 
were  confirmed  by  the  observations  and  conjectures  of 
modern  navigators.  A  Portuguese  pilot,  having  stretched 
farther  to  the  west  than  was  usual  at  that  time,  took  up 
a  piece  of  timber  artificially  carved,  floating  upon  the 
sea  ;  and  as  it  was  driven  towards  him  by  a  westerly  wind, 
he  concluded  that  it  came  from  some  unknown  land  situ- 
ated in  that  quarter.  Columbus's  brother-in-law  had  found, 
to  the  west  of  the  Madeira  Isles,  a  piece  of  timber  fash- 
ioned in  the  same  manner  and  brought  by  the  same  wind, 
and  had  seen,  likewise,  canes  of  an  enormous  size  float- 
ing upon  the  waves,  which  I'esembled  those  described  by 
Ptolemy  as  productions  peculiar  to  the  East  Indies.  After 
a  course  of  westerly  winds,  trees,  torn  up  by  the  roots, 
were  often  driven  upon  the  coasts  of  the  Azores,  and 
at  one  time  the  dead  bodies  of  two  men,  with  singular 


46  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [EosERTSosr 

features,  resembling  neither  the  inhabitants  of  Europe  nor 
of  Africa,  were  cast  ashore  there. 

[Columbus  was  of  the  opinion,  from  the  statements  of  several  ancient 
writers,  that  India  was  a  country  of  immense  size,  extending  far  to 
the  east,  and  that  it  might  be  most  easily  reached  by  sailing  westward 
around  the  spherical  globe.  He  had  no  conception  of  its  actual  dis- 
tance, and  no  dream  of  an  intervening  continent.] 

To  a  mind  less  capable  of  forming  and  of  executing 
great  designs  than  that  of  Columbus,  all  those  reasonings 
and  observations  and  authorities  would  have  served  only 
as  the  foundation  of  some  plausible  and  fruitless  theory, 
which  might  have  furnished  matter  for  ingenious  dis- 
course or  fanciful  conjecture.  But  with  his  sanguine  and 
enterprising  temper,  speculation  led  directly  to  action. 
Fully  satisfied  himself  with  respect  to  the  truth  of  his 
system,  he  was  impatient  to  bring  it  to  the  test  of  ex- 
periment, and  to  set  out  upon  a  voyage  of  discovery.  The 
first  step  towards  this  was  to  secure  the  patronage  of 
some  of  the  considerable  .powers  in  Europe  capable  of 
undertaking  such  an  enterprise.  As  long  absence  had 
not  extinguished  the  affection  which  he  bore  to  his  native 
country,  he  wished  that  it  should  reap  the  fruits  of  his 
labors  and  invention.  With  this  view,  he  laid  his  scheme 
before  the  senate  of  Genoa,  and,  making  his  country  the 
first  tender  of  his  service,  offered  to  sail  under  the  ban- 
ners of  the  republic  in  quest  of  the  new  regions  which  he 
expected  to  discover.  But  Columbus  had  resided  for  so 
many  years  in  foreign  parts  that  his  countrymen  were 
unacquainted  with  his  abilities  and  character;  and,  though 
a  maritime  people,  were  so  little  accustomed  to  distant 
voyages  that  they  could  form  no  just  idea  of  the  princi- 
ples on  which  he  founded  his  hopes  of  success.  They 
inconsiderately  rejected  his  proposal,  as  the  dream  of  a 


KOBERTSON]  COLUMBUS  IN  EUROPE.  47 

chimerical  projector,  and  lost  forever  the  opportunity  of 
restoring  their  commonwealth  to  its  ancient  splendor. 

[His  next  application  was  to  John  II.  of  Portugal,  to  whom  his 
abilities  were  known,  and  who  listened  graciously  to  his  project.  But 
the  parties  to  whom  the  monarch  referred  the  scheme  induced  him 
dishonorably  to  despatch  a  vessel,  with  strict  secrecy,  in  the  direction 
indicated  by  Columbus.  The  pilot  chosen,  however,  returned  after 
a  short  voyage,  and  declared  the  project  dangerous  and  impracticable. 
When  Columbus  learned  of  this  treacherous  proceeding,  he  indig- 
nantly left  Portugal  and  proceeded  to  Spain,  then  under  the  joint 
rule  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Here  he  spent  years  in  seeking  to 
enlist  the  monarchs  in  his  favor,  until  finally,  despairing  of  success, 
he  sent  his  brother  to  England  and  prepared  to  visit  that  countiy 
in  person.] 

About  that  time  Granada  surrendered,  and  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  in  triumphal  pomp,  took  possession  of  a  city 
(January  2,  1492)  the  reduction  of  which  extirpated  a 
foreign  power  from  the  heart  of  their  dominions  and 
rendered  them  masters  of  all  the  provinces  extending 
from  the  bottom  of  the  Pyrenees  to  the  frontiers  of  Por- 
tugal. As  the  flow  of  spirits  which  accompanies  success 
elevates  the  mind  and  renders  it  enterprising,  Quinta- 
nilla  and  Santangel,  the  vigilant  and  discerning  patrons 
of  Columbus,  took  advantage  of  this  favorable  situation 
in  order  to  make  one  more  effort  in  behalf  of  their 
friend.  They  addressed  themselves  to  Isabella,  and,  after 
expressing  some  surprise  that  she,  who  had  always  been 
the  munificent  patroness  of  generous  undertakings,  should 
hesitate  so  long  to  countenance  the  most  splendid  scheme 
that  had  ever  been  proposed  to  any  monarch,  they  repre- 
sented to  her  that  Columbus  was  a  man  of  a  sound  under- 
standing and  virtuous  character,  well  qualified,  by  his 
experience  in  navigation,  as  well  as  his  knowledge  of 
geometry,  to  form  just  ideas  with  respect  to  the  structure 
of  the  globe  and  the  situation  of  its  various  regions ;  that 


48  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ROBERTSON 

by  offering  to  risk  his  own  life  and  fortune  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  scheme  he  gave  the  most  satisfying  evidence 
both  of  his  integrity  and  hope  of  success ;  that  the  sum 
required  for  equipping  such  an  armament  as  he  demanded 
was  inconsiderable,  and  the  advantages  which  might  ac- 
crue from  his  undertaking  were  immense;  that  he  de- 
manded no  recompense  for  his  invention  and  labor  but 
what  was  to  arise  from  the  countries  which  he  should 
discover ;  that,  as  it  was  worthy  of  her  magnanimity  to 
make  this  noble  attempt  to  extend  the  sphere  of  human 
knowledge,  and  to  open  an  intercourse  with  regions 
hitherto  unknown,  so  it  would  afford  the  highest  satisfac- 
tion to  her  piety  and  zeal,  after  re-establishing  the  Chris- 
tian faith  in  those  provinces  of  Spain  from  which  it  had 
been  long  banished,  to  discover  a  new  world,  to  which  she 
might  communicate  the  light  and  blessings  of  divine  truth ; 
that  if  now  she  did  not  decide  instantly,  the  opportunity 
would  be  irretrievably  lost ;  that  Columbus  was  on  his  way 
to  foreign  countries,  where  some  prince,  more  fortunate 
and  adventurous,  would  close  with  his  proposals,  and 
Spain  would  forever  bewail  the  fatal  timidity  which  had 
excluded  her  from  the  glory  and  advantages  that  she  had 
once  in  her  power  to  have  enjoyed. 

These  forcible  arguments,  urged  by  persons  of  such 
authority  and  at  a  juncture  so  well  chosen,  produced  the 
desired  effect.  They  dispelled  all  Isabella's  doubts  and 
fears :  she  ordered  Columbus  to  be  instantly  recalled,  de- 
clared her  resolution  of  employing  him  on  his  own  terms, 
and,  regretting  the  low  state  of  her  finances,  generously 
offered  to  pledge  her  own  jewels  in  order  to  raise  as 
much  money  as  might  be  needed  in  making  preparations 
for  the  voyage.  Santangel,  in  a  transport  of  gratitude, 
kissed  the  queen's  hand,  and,  in  order  to  save  her  from 
having  recourse  to  such  a  mortifying  expedient  for  pro- 


IRVING]      DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.       49 

curing  money,  engaged  to  advance  immediately  the  sum 
that  was  requisite. 

Columbus  had  proceeded  some  leagues  on  his  journey 
when  the  messenger  from  Isabella  overtook  him.  Upon 
receiving  an  account  of  the  unexpected  revolution  in  his 
favor,  he  returned  directly  to  Santa  Fe,  though  some  re- 
mainder of  diffidence  still  mingled  itself  with  his  joy. 
But  the  cordial  reception  which  he  met  with  from  Isa- 
bella, together  with  the  near  prospect  of  setting  out  upon 
that  voyage  which  had  so  long  been  the  object  of  his 
thoughts  and  wishes,  soon  effaced  the  remembrance  of 
all  that  he  had  suffered  in  Spain  during  eight  tedious 
years  of  solicitation  and  suspense.  The  negotiation  now 
went  forward  with  facility  and  despatch,  and  a  treaty  or 
capitulation  with  Columbus  was  signed  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  April,  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety- 
two. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS. 

WASHINGTON   IRVING. 

[It  is  a  somewhat  remarkable  evidence  of  the  rapid  progress  of  na- 
tions in  modern  times  that  after  years  of  doubt  and  deliberation  the 
utmost  provision  which  the  kingdom  of  Spain  could  make  for  the  dis- 
covery of  a  new  world  was  a  fleet  of  three  frail  vessels  which  would 
now  be  considered  scarcely  fit  for  a  coasting  voyage,  and  which  thou- 
sands of  individuals  might  provide  at  an  hour's  notice.  Only  one  of 
these  vessels  was  decked,  and  the  boldness  of  ignorance  alone  made  so 
many  men  willing  to  dare  the  risk  of  crossing  an  ocean  in  such  crazy 
craft.  One  hundred  and  twenty  persons  in  all  took  part  in  the  expe- 
dition, which  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Palos  on  the  3d  of  August, 
1492.  One  of  the  vessels  was  in  distress  when  they  were  but  three 
days  from  port,  and  the  fleet  was  obliged  to  put  in  to  the  Canary 
d  5 


50  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IKYING 

Islands  for  repair.  Here  they  lay  for  a  month  before  they  were  ready 
to  set  sail  again.  "While  there  the  admiral  learned  that  three  Portuguese 
caravels  were  hovering  about  the  islands,  and,  fearing  that  the  King 
of  Portugal  was  seeking  to  stop  the  expedition,  he  hastened  to  put  to 
sea,  to  escape  this  first  danger  to  his  long-cherished  scheme.  In  con- 
tinuation of  the  story  of  this  remarkable  voyage  we  cannot  do  better 
than  oifer  the  following  selection  from  Irving's  "  Life  and  Voyages  of 
Columbus."] 

EARLY  in  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  September,  Colum- 
bus set  sail  from  the  island  of  Gomera,  and  now  might  be 
said  first  to  strike  into  the  region  of  discovery, — taking 
leave  of  these  frontier  islands  of  the  Old  World,  and  steer- 
ing westward  for  the  unknown  parts  of  the  Atlantic. 
For  three  days,  however,  a  profound  calm  kept  the  ves- 
sels loitering,  with  flagging  sails,  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  land.  This  was  a  tantalizing  delay  to  Columbus, 
who  was  impatient  to  find  himself  far  out  of  sight  of 
either  land  or  sail, — which,  in  the  pure  atmospheres  of 
these  latitudes,  may  be  descried  at  an  immense  distance. 
On  the  following  Sunday,  the  9th  of  September,  at  day- 
break, he  beheld  Ferro,  the  last  of  the  Canary  Islands, 
about  nine  leagues  distant.  This  was  the  island  whence 
the  Portuguese  caravels  had  been  seen ;  he  was  there- 
fore in  the  very  neighborhood  of  danger.  Fortunately,  a 
breeze  sprang  up  with  the  sun,  their  sails  were  once  more 
filled,  and  in  the  course  of  the  day  the  heights  of  Ferro 
gradually  faded  from  the  horizon. 

On  losing  sight  of  this  last  trace  of  land,  the  hearts 
of  the  crews  failed  them.  They  seemed  literally  to  have 
taken  leave  of  the  world.  Behind  them  was  everything 
dear  to  the  heart  of  man, — country,  family,  friends,  life 
itself;  before  them  everything  was  chaos,  mystery,  and 
peril.  In  the  perturbation  of  the  moment,  they  despaired 
of  ever  more  seeing  their  homes.  Many  of  the  rugged 


IRVING]      DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.       51 

seamen  shed  tears,  and  some  broke  into  loud  lamentations. 
The  admiral  tried  in  every  way  to  soothe  their  distress, 
and  to  inspire  them  with  his  own  glorious  anticipations. 
He  described  to  them  the  magnificent  countries  to  which 

O 

he  was  about  to  conduct  them :  the  islands  of  the  Indian 
seas  teeming  with  gold  and  precious  stones ;  the  regions 
of  Mangi  and  Cathay,  with  their  cities  of  unrivalled 
wealth  and  splendor.  He  promised  them  land  and  riches, 
and  everything  that  could  arouse  their  cupidity  or  inflame 
their  imaginations,  nor  were  these  promises  made  for  pur- 
poses of  mere  deception;  he  certainly  believed  that  he 
should  realize  them  all. 

[Columbus  now  directed  the  commanders  of  the  other  vessels  that 
in  the  event  of  separation  they  should  continue  to  sail  due  westward, 
but  that  after  sailing  seven  hundred  leagues  they  should  lie  by  from 
midnight  to  dawn,  as  he  confidently  expected  to  find  land  at  about 
that  distance.  That  the  crews  might  remain  ignorant  of  the  real 
distance  traversed,  he  kept  two  reckonings,  a  private  and  correct  one 
for  himself,  and  a  log-book  for  general  inspection,  in  which  the  actual 
distance  sailed  was  decreased  ] 

On  the  13th  of  September,  in  the  evening,  being  about 
two  hundred  leagues  from  the  island  of  Ferro,  Columbus, 
for  the  first  time,  noticed  the  variation  of  the  needle, — 
a  phenomenon  which  had  never  before  been  remarked. 
He  perceived,  about  nightfall,  that  the  needle,  instead  of 
pointing  to  the  north  star,  varied  about  half  a  point,  or 
between  five  and  six  degrees,  to  the  northwest,  and  still 
more  on  the  following  morning.  Struck  with  this  circum- 
stance, he  observed  it  attentively  for  three  days,  and  found 
that  the  variation  increased  as  he  advanced.  He  at  first 
made  no  mention  of  this  phenomenon,  knowing  how  ready 
his  people  were  to  take  alarm,  but  it  soon  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  pilots,  and  filled  them  with  consternation. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  very  laws  of  nature  were  changing  as 


52  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

they  advanced,  and  that  they  were  entering  another  world, 
subject  to  unknown  influences.  They  apprehended  that 
the  compass  was  about  to  lose  its  mysterious  virtues,  and, 
without  this  guide,  what  was  to  become  of  them  in  a  vast 
and  trackless  ocean  ? 

[Columbus  succeeded  in  allaying  their  apprehensions  by  an  in- 
genious though  incorrect  explanation  of  the  cause  of  the  variation  of 
the  compass,  a  phenomenon  which,  in  fact,  remains  yet  unexplained.] 

On  the  14th  of  September  the  voyagers  were  rejoiced 
by  the  sight  of  what  they  considered  harbingers  of  land. 
A  heron,  and  a  tropical  bird  called  the  Rabo  de  Junco, 
neither  of  which  are  supposed  to  venture  far  to  sea, 
hovered  about  the  ships.  On  the  following  night  they 
were  struck  with  awe  at  beholding  a  meteor,  or,  as  Colum- 
bus calls  it  in  his  journal,  a  great  flame  of  fire,  which 
seemed  to  fall  from  the  sky  into  the  sea,  about  four  or  five 
leagues  distant.  These  meteors,  common  in  warm  climates, 
and  especially  under  the  tropics,  are  always  seen  in  the 
serene  azure  sky  of  those  latitudes,  falling  as  it  were  from 
the  heavens,  but  never  beneath  a  cloud.  In  the  trans- 
parent atmosphere  of  one  of  those  beautiful  nights,  where 
every  star  shines  with  the  purest  lustre,  they  often  leave 
a  luminous  train  behind  them  which  lasts  for  twelve  or 
fifteen  seconds  and  may  well  be  compared  to  a  flame. 

The  wind  had  hitherto  been  favorable,  with  occasional, 
though  transient,  clouds  and  showers.  They  had  made 
great  progress  each  day,  though  Columbus,  according  to 
his  secret  plan,  contrived  to  suppress  several  leagues  in  the 
daily  reckoning  left  open  to  the  crew. 

They  had  now  arrived  within  the  influence  of  the  trade- 
wind,  which,  following  the  sun,  blows  steadily  from  east 
to  west  between  the  tropics,  and  sweeps  over  a  few  adjoin- 
ing degrees  of  ocean.  With  this  propitious  breeze  directly 


IRVING]       DISCO  VERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.        53 

aft,  they  were  wafted  gently  but  speedily  over  a  tranquil 
sea,  so  that  for  many  days  they  did  not  shift  a  sail.  Co- 
lumbus perpetually  recurs  to  the  bland  and  temperate 
serenity  of  the  weather,  which  in  this  tract  of  the  ocean 
is  soft  and  refreshing  without  being  cool.  In  his  artless 
and  expressive  language  he  compares  the  pure  and  balmy 
mornings  to  those  of  April  in  Andalusia,  and  observes 
that  they  wanted  but  the  song  of  the  nightingale  to  com- 
plete the  illusion.  "  He  had  reason  to  say  so,"  observes 
the  venerable  Las  Casas  ;  "  for  it  is  marvellous  the  suavity 
which  we  experience  when  half-way  towards  these  Indies; 
and  the  more  the  ships  approach  the  lands,  so  much  more 
do  they  perceive  the  temperance  and  softness  of  the  air, 
the  clearness  of  the  sky,  and  the  amenity  and  fragrance 
sent  forth  from  the  groves  and  forests;  much  more  cer- 
tainly than  in  April  in  Andalusia." 

They  now  began  to  see  large  patches  of  herbs  and  weeds 
drifting  from  the  west,  and  increasing  in  quantity  as  they 
advanced.  Some  of  these  weeds  were  such  as  grow  about 
rocks,  others  such  as  are  produced  in  rivers ;  some  were 
yellow  and  withered,  others  so  green  as  to  have  apparently 
been  recently  washed  from  land.  On  one  of  these  patches 
was  a  live  crab,  which  Columbus  carefully  preserved. 
They  saw  also  a  white  tropical  bird,  of  a  kind  which  never 
sleeps  upon  the  sea.  Tunny-fish  also  played  about  the 
ships,  one  of  which  was  killed  by  the  crew  of  the  Nifia. 
Columbus  now  called  to  mind  the  account  given  by  Aris- 
totle of  certain  ships  of  Cadiz,  which,  coasting  the  shores 
outside  of  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  were  driven  westward 
by  an  impetuous  east  wind,  until  they  reached  a  part  of 
the  ocean  covered  with  vast  fields  of  weeds,  resembling 
sunken  islands,  among  which  they  beheld  many  tunny- 
fish.  He  supposed  himself  arrived  in  this  weedy  sea,  as 
it  had  been  called,  from  which  the  ancient  mariners  had 
i.  5* 


54  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

turned  back  in  dismay,  but  which  he  regarded  with  ani- 
mated hope,  as  indicating  the  vicinity  of  land.  Not  that 
he  had  yet  any  idea  of  reaching  the  object  of  his  search, 
the  eastern  end  of  Asia ;  for,  according  to  his  computation, 
he  had  come  but  three  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  since 
leaving  the  Canary  Islands,  and  he  placed  the  main  land 
of  India  much  farther  on. 

On  the  18th  of  September  the  same  weather  continued  ; 
a  soft  steady  breeze  from  the  east  filled  every  sail,  while, 
to  use  the  words  of  Columbus,  the  sea  was  as  calm  as  the 
G-uadalquivir  at  Seville.  He  fancied  that  the  water  of  the 
sea  grew  fresher  as  he  advanced,  and  noticed  this  as  proof 
of  the  superior  sweetness  and  purity  of  the  air.  .  .  . 

Notwithstanding  his  precaution  to  keep  the  people 
ignorant  of  the  distance  they  had  sailed,  they  were  now 
growing  extremely  uneasy  at  the  length  of  the  voyage. 
They  had  advanced  much  farther  west  than  ever  man 
had  sailed  before,  and  though  already  beyond  the  reach  of 
succor,  still  they  continued  dail}T  leaving  vast  tracts  of  ocean 
behind  them,  and  pressing  onward  and  onward  into  that 
apparently  boundless  abyss.  It  is  true  they  had  been  flat- 
tered by  various  indications  of  land,  and  still  others  were 
occurring ;  but  all  mocked  them  with  vain  hopes :  after 
being  hailed  with  a  transient  joy,  they  passed  away,  one 
after  another,  and  the  same  interminable  expanse  of  sea 
and  sky  continued  to  extend  before  them.  Even  the 
bland  and  gentle  breeze,  uniformly  aft,  was  now  conjured 
by  their  ingenious  fears  into  a  cause  of  alarm ;  for  they 
began  to  imagine  that  the  wind,  in  these  seas,  might  al- 
ways prevail  from  the  east,  and,  if  so,  would  never  permit 
their  return  to  Spain. 

Columbus  endeavored  to  dispel  these  gloomy  presages, 
sometimes  by  argument  and  expostulation,  sometimes  by 
awakening  fresh  hopes  and  pointing  out  new  signs  of  land. 


IRVIXG]       DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.        55 

On  the  20th  of  September  the  wind  veered,  with  light 
breezes  from  the  southwest.  These,  though  adverse  to 
their  progress,  had  a  cheering  effect  upon  the  people,  as 
they  proved  that  the  wind  did  not  always  prevail  from  the 
east.  Several  birds  also  visited  the  ships ;  three,  of  a  small 
kind  which  keep  about  groves  and  orchards,  came  singing 
in  the  morning,  and  flew  away  again  in  the  evening.  Their 
song  cheered  the  hearts  of  the  dismayed  mariners,  who 
hailed  it  as  the  voice  of  land.  The  larger  fowl,  they  ob- 
served, were  strong  of  wing,  and  might  venture  far  to  sea ; 
but  such  small  birds  were  too  feeble  to  fly  far,  and  their  sing- 
ing showed  that  they  were  not  exhausted  by  their  flight. 
On  the  following  day  there  was  either  a  profound  calm, 
or  light. winds  from  the  southwest.  The  sea,  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach,  was  covered  with  weeds, — a  phenomenon 
often  observed  in  this  part  of  the  ocean,  which  has  some- 
times the  appearance  of  a  vast  inundated  meadow.  This 
has  been  attributed  to  immense  quantities  of  submarine 
plants,  which  grow  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea  until  ripe, 
when  they  are  detached  by  the  motion  of  the  waves  and 
currents,  and  rise  to  the  surface.  These  fields  of  weeds 
were  at  first  regarded  with  great  satisfaction,  but  at  length 
they  became,  in  many  places,  so  dense  and  matted  as  in 
some  degree  to  impede  the  sailing  of  the  ships,  which  must 
have  been  under  very  little  headway.  The  crews  now 
called  to  mind  some  tale  about  the  frozen  ocean,  where 
ships  were  said  to  be  sometimes  fixed  immovable.  They  en- 
deavored, therefore,  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  these  float- 
ing masses,  lest  some  disaster  of  the  kind  might  happen 
to  themselves.  Others  considered  these  weeds  as  proofs 
that  the  sea  was  growing  shallower,  and  began  to  talk  of 
lurking  rocks,  and  shoals,  and  treacherous  quicksands; 
and  of  the  danger  of  running  aground,  as  it  were,  in  the 
midst  of  the  ocean,  where  their  vessels  might  rot  and  fall 


56  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

to  pieces,  far  out  of  the  track  of  human  aid,  and  without 
any  shore  where  the  crews  might  take  refuge.  They  had 
evidently  some  confused  notion  of  the  ancient  story  of 
the  sunken  island  of  Atlantis,  and  feared  that  they  were 
arriving  at  that  part  of  the  ocean  where  navigation  was 
said  to  be  obstructed  by  drowned  lands  and  the  ruins  of 
an  engulfed  country. 

To  dispel  these  fears,  the  admiral  had  frequent  recourse 
to  the  lead  ;  but,  though  he  sounded  with  a  deep-sea  line, 
he  still  found  no  bottom.  The  minds  of  the  crews,  how- 
ever, had  gradually  become  diseased.  They  were  full  of 
vague  terrors  and  superstitious  fancies;  they  construed 
everything  into  a  cause  of  alarm,  and  harassed  their  com- 
mander by  incessant  murmurs. 

[The  discontent  of  the  crew  rapidly  augmented,  until  it  rose  to  the 
verge  of  mutiny.  Indications  which  Columbus  considered  favorahle 
they  viewed  as  questionable,  and  he  was  kept  busy  in  efforts  to  allay 
their  fears.  The  cloud-forms  in  the  distance  frequently  deceived  them 
with  the  illusion  of  land,  the  people  varying  from  the  excitement  of 
joy  to  deep  depression  as  these  illusory  hopes  vanished.] 

For  several  days  they  continued  on  with  the  same  pro- 
pitious breeze,  tranquil  sea,  and  mild,  delightful  weather. 
The  water  wras  so  calm  that  the  sailors  amused  themselves 
with  swimming  about  the  vessel.  Dolphins  began  to 
abound,  and  flying-fish,  darting  into  the  air,  fell  upon  the 
decks.  The  continued  signs  of  land  diverted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  crews,  and  insensibly  beguiled  them  onward. 

On  the  1st  of  October,  according  to  the  reckoning  of 
the  pilot  of  the  admiral's  ship,  they  had  come  five  hun- 
dred and  eighty  leagues  west  since  leaving  the  Canary 
Islands.  The  reckoning  which  Columbus  showed  the 
crew  was  five  hundred  and  eighty-four,  but  the  reckon- 
ing which  he  kept  privately  was  seven  hundred  and  seven. 


IRVING]      DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.       57 

On  the  following  day  the  weeds  floated  from  east  to  west ; 
and  on  the  third  day  no  birds  were  to  be  seen. 

The  crews  now  began  to  fear  that  they  had  passed  be- 
tween islands,  from  one  to  the  other  of  which  the  birds 
had  been  flying.  Columbus  had  also  some  doubts  of  the 
kind,  but  refused  to  alter  his  westward  course.  The  peo- 
ple again  uttered  murmurs  and  menaces ;  but  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  they  were  visited  by  such  flights  of  birds,  and 
the  various  indications  of  land  became  so  numerous,  that 
from  a  state  of  despondency  they  passed  to  one  of  confi- 
dent expectation. 

Eager  to  obtain  the  promised  pension,  the  seamen  were 
continually  giving  the  cry  of  land,  on  the  least  appearance 
of  the  kind.  To  put  a  stop  to  these  false  alarms,  which 
produced  continual  disappointments,  Columbus  declared 
that  should  any  one  give  such  notice,  and  land  not  be  dis- 
covered within  three  days  afterwards,  he  should  thence- 
forth forfeit  all  claim  to  the  reward. 

[On  the  7th  of  October  land  was  again  proclaimed,  but  with  the 
same  result  as  before.  There  were  now  seen,  however,  "great  flights 
of  small  field-birds  going  towards  the  southwest,"  and  Columbus  con- 
cluded to  sail  in  that  direction,  from  the  fact  that  the  Portuguese  had 
discovered  the  most  of  their  islands  by  following  the  flight  of  birds.] 

For  three  days  they  stood  in  this  direction,  and  the  fur- 
ther they  went  the  more  frequent  and  encouraging  were 
the  signs  of  land.  Flights  of  small  birds  of  various  colors, 
some  of  them  such  as  sing  in  the  fields,  came  flying  about 
the  ships,  and  then  continued  towards  the  southwest,  and 
others  were  heard  also  flying  by  in  the  night.  Tunny-fish 
played  about  the  smooth  sea,  and  a  heron,  a  pelican,  and 
a  duck  were  seen,  all  bound  in  the  same  direction.  The 
herbage  which  floated  by  was  fi-esh  and  green,  as  if  re- 
cently from  land,  and  the  air,  Columbus  observes,  was 
sweet  and  fragrant  as  April  breezes  in  Seville. 


58  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [!RVINQ 

All  these,  however,  were  regarded  by  the  crews  as  so 
many  delusions  beguiling  them  on  to  destruction;  and 
when  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day  they  beheld  the 
sun  go  down  upon  a  shoreless  ocean,  they  broke  forth 
into  turbulent  clamor.  They  exclaimed  against  this  ob- 
stinacy in  tempting  fate  by  continuing  on  into  a  bound- 
less sea.  They  insisted  upon  turning  homeward  and 
abandoning  the  voyage  as  hopeless.  Columbus  endeav- 
ored to  pacify  them  by  gentle  words  and  promises  of  large 
rewards ;  but,  finding  that  they  only  increased  in  clamor, 
he  assumed  a  decided  tone.  He  told  them  it  was  useless 
to  murmur ;  the  expedition  had  been  sent  by  the  sover- 
eigns to  seek  the  Indies,  and,  happen  what  might,  he  was 
determined  to  persevere  until,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  he 
should  accomplish  the  enterprise. 

Columbus  was  now  at  open  defiance  with  his  crew,  and 
his  situation  became  desperate.  Fortunately,  the  mani- 
festations of  the  vicinity  of  land  were  such  on  the  follow- 
ing day  as  no  longer  to  admit  of  a  doubt.  Beside  a  quan- 
tity of  fresh  weeds,  such  as  grow  in  rivers,  they  saw  a 
green  fish  of  a  kind  which  keeps  about  rocks ;  then  a 
branch  of  thorn  with  berries  on  it,  and  recently  separated 
from  the  tree,  floated  by  them ;  then  they  picked  up  a 
reed,  a  small  board,  and,  above  all,  a  staff  artificially 
carved.  All  gloom  and  mutiny  now  gave  way  to  sanguine 
expectation ;  and  throughout  the  day  every  one  was 
eagerly  on  the  watch,  in  hopes  of  being  the  first  to  dis- 
cover the  long-sought-for  land.  .  .  . 

The  breeze  had  been  fresh  all  day,  with  more  sea  than 
usual,  and  they  had  made  great  progress.  At  sunset  they 
had  stood  again  to  the  west,  and  were  ploughing  the 
waves  at  a  rapid  rate,  the  Pinta  keeping  the  lead,  from 
her  superior  sailing.  The  greatest  animation  prevailed 
throughout  the  ships ;  not  an  eye  was  closed  that  night. 


IRVING]       DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  COLUMBUS.        59 

As  the  evening  darkened,  Columbus  took  his  station  on 
the  top  of  the  castle  or  cabin  on  the  high  poop  of  his 
vessel,  ranging  his  eye  along  the  dusky  horizon,  and  main- 
taining an  intense  and  unremitting  watch.  About  ten 
o'clock  he  thought  he  beheld  a  light  glimmering  at  a  great 
distance.  Fearing  his  eager  hopes  might  deceive  him, 
he  called  to  Pedro  Gutierrez,  gentleman  of  the  king's  bed- 
chamber, and  inquired  whether  he  saw  such  a  light ;  the 
latter  replied  in  the  affirmative.  Doubtful  whether  it 
might  not  yet  be  some  delusion  of  the  fancy,  Columbus 
called  Rodrigo  Sanchez  of  Segovia,  and  made  the  same 
inquiry.  By  the  time  the  latter  had  ascended  the  round- 
house, the  light  had  disappeared.  They  saw  it  once  or 
twice  afterwards  in  sudden  and  passing  gleams,  as  if  it 
were  a  torch  in  the  bark  of  a  fisherman,  rising  and  sink- 
ing with  the  waves,  or  in  the  hand  of  some  person  on 
shore,  borne  up  and  down  as  he  walked  from  house  to 
house.  So  transient  and  uncertain  were  these  gleams 
that  few  attached  any  importance  to  them ;  Columbus, 
however,  considered  them  as  certain  signs  of  land,  and, 
moreover,  that  the  land  was  inhabited. 

They  continued  their  course  until  two  in  the  morning, 
when  a  gun  from  the  Pinta  gave  the  joyful  signal  of  land. 
It  was  first  descried  by  a  mariner  named  Rodrigo  de 
Triana;  but  the  reward  was  afterwards  adjudged  to  the 
admiral,  for  having  previously  perceived  the  light.  The 
land  was  now  clearly  seen  about  two  leagues  distant, 
whereupon  they  took  in  sail,  and  laid  to,  waiting  im- 
patiently for  the  dawn. 

The  thoughts  and  feelings  of  Columbus  in  this  little  space 
of  time  must  have  been  tumultuous  and  intense.  At  length, 
in  spite  of  every  difficulty  and  danger,  he  had  accomplished 
his  object.  The  great  mystery  of  the  ocean  was  revealed ; 
his  theory,  which  had  been  the  scoff  of  sages,  was  triuhi- 


60  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

phantly  established;  he  had  secured  to  himself  a  glory 
durable  as  the  world  itself. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  feelings  of  such  a  man  at 
such  a  moment,  or  the  conjectures  which  must  have 
thronged  upon  his  mind,  as  to  the  land  before  him,  covered 
with  darkness.  That  it  was  fruitful,  was  evident  from  the 
vegetables  which  floated  from  its  shores.  He  thought,  too, 
that  he  perceived  the  fragrance  of  aromatic  groves.  The 
moving  light  he  had  beheld  proved  it  the  residence  of 
man.  But  what  were  its  inhabitants?  Were  they  like 
those  of  the  other  parts  of  the  globe?  or  were  they  some 
strange  and  monstrous  race,  such  as  the  imagination  was 
prone  in  those  times  to  give  to  all  remote  and  unknown 
regions  ?  Had  he  come  upon  some  wild  island  far  in  the 
Indian  sea?  or  was  this  the  famed  Cipango  itself,  the 
object  of  his  golden  fancies  ?  A  thousand  speculations  of 
the  kind  must  have  swarmed  upon  him,  as,  with  his  anx- 
ious crews,  he  waited  for  the  night  to  pass  away,  won- 
dering whether  the  morning  light  would  reveal  a  savage 
wilderness,  or  dawn  upon  spicy  groves,  and  glittering 
fanes,  and  gilded  cities,  and  all  the  splendor  of  Oriental 
civilization. 

It  was  on  Friday  morning,  the  12th  of  October,  that 
Columbus  first  beheld  the  New  World.  As  the  day  dawned 
he  saw  before  him  a  level  island,  several  leagues  in  extent, 
and  covered  with  trees  like  a  continual  orchard.  Though 
apparently  uncultivated,  it  was  populous,  for  the  inhab- 
itants were  seen  issuing  from  all  parts  of  the  woods  and 
running  to  the  shore.  They  were  perfectly  naked,  and, 
as  they  stood  gazing  at  the  ships,  appeared  by  their  atti- 
tudes and  gestures  to  be  lost  in  astonishment.  Columbus 
made  signal  for  the  ships  to  cast  anchor,  and  the  boats  to 
be  manned  and  armed.  He  entered  his  own  boat,  richly 
attired  in  scarlet,  and  holding  the  royal  standard ;  whilst 


GORDON]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  BY  BALBOA.        61 

Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and  Vincent  Jafiez  his  brother,  put 
off  in  company  in  their  boats,  each  with  a  banner  of  the 
enterprise  emblazoned  with  a  green  cross,  having  on  either 
side  the  letters  F.  and  Y.,  the  initials  of  the  Castilian 
monarchs  Fernando  and  Ysabel,  surmounted  by  crowns. 

As  he  approached  the  shore,  Columbus,  who  was  dis- 
posed for  all  kinds  of  agreeable  impressions,  was  delighted 
with  the  purity  and  suavity  of  the  atmosphere,  the  crys- 
tal transparency  of  the  sea,  and  the  extraordinary  beauty 
of  the  vegetation.  He  beheld,  also,  fruits  of  an  unknown 
kind  upon  the  trees  which  overhung  the  shores.  On  land- 
ing, he  threw  himself  on  his  knees,  kissed  the  earth,  and 
returned  thanks  to  God  with  tears  of  joy.  His  example 
was  followed  by  the  rest,  whose  hearts  indeed  overflowed 
with  the  same  feelings  of  gratitude.  Columbus  then  rising 
drew  his  sword,  displayed  the  royal  standard,  and  assem- 
bling around  him  the  two  captains,  with  Rodrigo  de  Esco- 
bedo,  notary  of  the  armament,  Rodrigo  Sanchez,  and  the 
rest  who  had  landed,  he  took  solemn  possession  in  the 
name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  giving  the  island  the 
name  of  San  Salvador.  Having  complied  with  the  requi- 
site forms  and  ceremonies,  he  called  upon  all  present  to 
take  the  oath  of  obedience  to  him,  as  admiral  and  viceroy, 
representing  the  persons  of  the  sovereigns. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  BY  BALBOA. 

THOMAS   F.   GORDON. 

[The  discovery  made  by  Columbus  was  followed  up  by  the  Span- 
iards with  an  activity  in  marked  contrast  to  the  supineness  displayed 
by  other  nations  in  exploring  and  settling  the  American  continent. 
Within  twenty  years  from  1492  the  four  largest  islands  of  the  West 
I.  6 


62  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GORDON 

Indies  were  the  seats  of  active  colonies,  while  more  than  a  century 
passed  ere  any  other  nation  founded  a  permanent  colony  on  the  Amer- 
ican shores,  with  the  exception  of  the  small  settlements  of  the  Portu- 
guese in  Brazil.  This  was  rapidly  followed  by  the  conquest  of  the  two 
great  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  the  exploration  of  the  region 
of  the  southern  United  States,  while  yet  other  nations  were  content- 
ing themselves  with  occasional  voyages  of  discovery  along  the  coasts 
of  the  new  continent.  The  great  fertility  of  the  islands  first  settled 
hy  the  Spaniards,  the  mildness  of  their  climates,  and,  above  all,  the 
frequent  discovery  of  gold,  pearls,  and  other  rich  prizes,  were  the  main 
causes  of  the  Spanish  activity,  and  served  as  inducements  to  repeated 
exploring  expeditions. 

Columbus  made  four  voyages  in  all  to  the  New  "World,  discovering 
the  South  American  continent  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  in  the 
third,  and  reaching  Honduras  and  the  coast  to  the  south  of  this  region 
in  the  fourth.  To  the  day  of  his  death  he  continued  under  the  delu- 
sion that  the  land  he  had  reached  was  the  eastern  extremity  of  Asia. 
Other  voyagers  quickly  followed.  Ojeda,  who  had  already  visited  His- 
paniola  with  Columbus,  sailed  on  his  own  account  and  explored  four 
hundred  leagues  of  the  coast  of  South  America  in  the  region  already  dis- 
covered by  Columbus.  He  was  accompanied  by  Amerigo  Vespucci, 
who  made  three  subsequent  voyages  to  America  and  wrote  the  first 
account  of  it  that  was  published.  This  was  in  a  Latin  work  printed 
in  1507  and  prepared  by  a  German  scholar,  Martin  Waldseemuller, 
who  proposed  the  name  of  America  for  the  new  continent.  The  sug- 
gestion was  universally  accepted,  and  Columbus  lost  the  honor  of 
giving  his  name  to  the  New  "World. 

Other  voyagers  were  Pedro  Alonzo  Nigno,  who  sailed  to  the  same 
region  of  South  America  and  passed  from  the  Gulf  of  Paria  to  the 
shores  of  the  present  republic  of  Colombia,  and  Vincent  Yanez  Pin- 
zon,  who  had  commanded  one  of  the  vessels  of  Columbus  on  his  first 
voyage,  and  who  was  the  first  Spaniard  to  cross  the  equinoctial  line. 
He  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon  Kiver,  and  from  there  sailed 
north  to  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  About  the  same 
time  (1499)  Diego  Lope  reached  the  coast  of  South  America  at  Cape 
St.  Augustine,  which  he  doubled  and  sailed  to  the  southwest  for  a  con- 
siderable distance.  In  1500,  Rodrigo  Bastides  touched  South  America 
at  Cape  Vela,  and  coasted  to  the  present  seaport  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  a 
point  which  Columbus  had  reached  in  sailing  south  from  Honduras. 

At  a  subsequent  period  the  settled  islands  of  the  "West  Indies  became 


GORDON]   DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  BY  BALBOA.        63 

centres  of  exploration  for  the  reckless  or  disappointed  spirits  who  had 
failed  to  find  there  the  fortunes  they  sought.  Among  others,  Ojeda, 
under  a  grant  from  the  King  of  Spain,  founded  the  settlement  of  San 
Sebastian,  in  the  Gulf  of  Uraba.  With  him  had  engaged  to  sail 
Francisco  Pizarro  and  Hernando  Cort6s.  The  latter  was  detained  by 
illness,  but  the  former  thus  made  the  first  step  in  his  famous  career. 
The  colony  left  by  Ojeda  was  forced  By  the  Indians  to  abandon  the 
settlement.  One  vessel  foundered.  The  other,  commanded  by  Pizarro, 
reached  Carthagena,  where  was  found  Enciso,  a  lawyer  of  San  Do- 
mingo, who  was  conveying  men  and  provisions  to  the  colony.  With 
him  was  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  an  adventurer  whose  debts  made 
him  fly  the  town,  and  who  managed  to  smuggle  himself  on  board  the 
ship  in  what  purported  to  be  a  cask  of  provisions.  On  leaving  shore 
he  emerged  from  his  cask,  fell  on  his  knees  to  Enciso,  and  begged  par- 
don for  his  trick  and  permission  to  accompany  the  expedition.  The 
colony  having  been  deserted,  Balboa  proposed  that  they  should  sail  for 
Darien,  which  coast  he  had  already  visited  with  Bastides.  This  pro- 
posal was  accepted,  and  a  new  town  established,  which  was  named 
Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua  del  Darien.  Troubles  ensued  among  the 
colonists,  which  ended  in  the  imprisonment  of  Enciso,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  Balboa  as  alcalde  of  the  colony.  The  subsequent  story 
of  this  able  adventurer  is  told  in  detail  in  "The  History  of  the  Span- 
ish Discoveries  in  America,"  by  Thomas  F.  Gordon,  from  which  we 
make  the  following  selection.] 

IN  the  mean  time  the  natives  of  Darien,  weary  of  their 
unbidden  guests,  and  calculating  that  the  same  passions 
which  brought  them  to  their  shores  would  tempt  them 
to  remove,  represented  that  the  neighboring  district  of 
Coyba  was  richer  than  that  of  Santa  Maria,  both  in  pro- 
visions and  gold.  Balboa  sent  Pizarro,  with  six  men  only, 
to  explore  the  country.  Whilst  ascending  the  river,  they 
were  suri-ounded  by  four  hundred  Indians,  commanded 
by  the  cacique  Zemaco,  with  whom  the  Spaniards  unhesi- 
tatingly engaged,  and  in  a  very  short  time  slew  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  and  wounded  many  others.  All  the  Span- 
iards were  severely  hurt,  and  one,  dangerously  wounded, 


64  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

was  left  on  the  field.  The  others  retreated  to  Santa  Maria. 
But  Balboa,  conceiving  it  to  be  a  stain  on  his  reputation 
that  a  living  man  should  be  thus  abandoned,  compelled 
Pizarro,  with  another  party,  to  bring  him  off. 

[Balboa  soon  after  conquered  Coyba,  and  formed  a  league  with  its 
cacique,  who  became  a  useful  ally.] 

Adjacent  to  Coyba,  at  the  foot  of  a  range  of  high  moun- 
tains, lay  the  district  of  Comagre,  governed  by  a  cacique 
of  the  same  name,  who,  struck  with  admiration  of  the 
Spaniards,  invited  them  into  his  territories,  treated  them 
with  much  hospitality,  and  displayed  greater  civilization 
than  they  had  yet  seen  in  the  New  World.  His  palace, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  in  length  and  eighty  in 
breadth,  was  enclosed  by  a  wall  of  timber  of  ingenious 
workmanship,  and  divided  into  convenient  apartments, 
stored  with  abundance  of  provisions.  One  of  these  cham- 
bers was  the  receptacle  of  the  dried  and  embalmed  bodies 
of  his  ancestors  of  many  generations,  which,  clothed  in 
mantles  of  cotton,  embroidered  with  gold,  pearls,  and 
precious  stones,  were  suspended  from  the  walls. 

The  eldest  son  of  the  cacique  presented  his  guest  with 
a  rich  offering  of  gold,  valued  at  four  thousand  pesos,  and 
seventy  slaves.  A  fifth  of  the  metal  was  set  apart  for  the 
king ;  but  in  the  division  of  the  remainder  a  strife  arose 
among  the  Christians,  which  surprised  and  provoked  the 
young  Indian.  "  If,"  said  he,  addressing  the  Spaniards, 
and  indignantly  striking  over  the  balance,  "  if  you  are  so 
fond  of  gold  as  for  its  sake  to  desert  your  own  country 
and  disturb  the  peace  of  others,  I  will  lead  you  to  a  prov- 
ince where  your  utmost  desires  may  be  gratified, — where 
gold  is  more  abundant  than  iron  in  Spain,  and  is  used  in 
the  fabric  of  ordinary  domestic  utensils.  But  to  conquer 
this  country  you  must  provide  a  larger  force  than  you 


GORDON]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  BY  BALBOA.        65 

have  here,  since  you  will  have  to  contend  with  mighty 
chieftains,  who  will  vigorously  defend  their  possessions. 
When  you  shall  have  passed  these  mountains,"  continued 
he,  pointing  to  a  range  in  the  southwest,  "you  will  behold 
another  ocean,  on  which  are  vessels  inferior  only  to  those 
which  brought  you  hither,  equipped  with  sails  and  oars, 
but  navigated  by  a  people  naked  like  ourselves."  It  is 
supposed  that  the  young  chief  alluded  to  the  people  of 
Peru. 

Balboa  received  with  rapturous  delight  this  first  certain 
intimation  of  the  existence  of  another  ocean.  He  exulted 
in  the  hope  of  discovering  the  East  Indies,  which  had 
been  so  dearly  cherished  by  Columbus,  and  conjectured 
that  the  country  now  described  to  him  formed  a  part  of 
that  vast  and  opulent  region.  He  immediately  set  about 
preparation  for  this  great  enterprise,  cultivating  the  good 
will  of  Comagre  and  other  chieftains,  and  administering 
to  the  former  and  his  sons  the  rite  of  Christian  baptism. 

[He  sent  the  gold  intended  for  the  royal  treasury  to  St.  Domingo, 
and  occupied  himself  in  subduing  the  neighboring  tribes  while  wait- 
ing to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  king  to  his  government  of  the  colony. 
So  much  gold  was  obtained,  and  such  extravagant  accounts  of  the 
riches  of  the  country  were  earned  to  Spain,  that  the  region  received 
the  name  of  Golden  Castile  (Castilla  del  Oro),  and  Balboa  was  sent 
the  commission  of  captain-general  by  Passamonte,  the  king's  treasurer 
at  St.  Domingo.] 

But  the  pleasure  of  Nunez,  on  this  occasion,  was  not 
unmixed.  Enciso  had  carried  his  complaints  to  the  foot 
of  the  throne,  and  Balboa  was  commanded  to  repair  his 
losses,  to  proceed  immediately  to  court,  and  submit  him- 
self to  the  king's  pleasure.  He  might,  therefore,  hourly 
expect  a  successor,  to  deprive  him  of  the  fame  and  wealth 
he  anticipated  from  his  intended  enterprise.  To  prevent 
a  calamity  greatly  deprecated  by  his  ambitious  spirit,  he 
i.— g  Q* 


66  AMERICAN  HISTORF.  [GORDON 

determined  to  effect  the  passage  to  the  South  Sea  with  the 
force  then  under  his  command. 

The  Isthmus  of  Darien  is  not  above  sixty  miles  in 
breadth,  but  a  chain  of  lofty  mountains,  a  continuation  of 
the  Andes,  covered  with  almost  impenetrable  forests,  runs 
through  its  whole  extent.  Its  valleys,  divided  by  large  and 
impetuous  rivers,  and  inundated  by  rains  which  prevail 
near  two-thirds  of  the  year,  are  marshy  and  unhealthy. 
Its  inhabitants,  advanced  but  a  few  degrees  in  civilization, 
had  done  nothing  to  remove  or  alleviate  the  difficulties  of 
the  passage  from  sea  to  sea ;  nor  after  a  lapse  of  three 
hundred  years  has  it  become  more  facile  or  commodious. 

The  attempt  of  Balboa  may  justly  be  considered  the 
boldest  which  had  been  made  by  the  Spaniards  in  the 
New  World ;  but  he  was  in  all  respects  fitted  to  insure 
its  success.  The  quality  of  courage  he  possessed,  only,  in 
common  with  the  meanest  of  his  army;  but  his  prudence, 
generosity,  and  affability,  and  those  nameless  popular 
talents  which  inspire  confidence  and  secure  attachment, 
were  peculiarly  his  own.  In  battle  his  post  was  that 
of  the  greatest  danger,  and  in  every  labor  that  of  the 
greatest  fatigue  ;  whilst  his  regard  for  the  ease  of  his 
troops  was  ever  active  and  anxious.  He  desired  for  his 
undertaking  a  force  of  one  thousand  soldiers,  but  he  com- 
menced it  with  one  hundred  and  ninety  only,  and  some 
fierce  blood-hounds,  which  were  efficient  auxiliaries.  A 
thousand  Indians,  who  accompanied  him,  were  chiefly 
useful  in  the  transportation  of  the  baggage. 

Balboa  set  forth  on  the  1st  of  September  (1513),  after 
the  rainy  season  had  passed.  He  proceeded  by  sea  to  the 
district  of  Coyba,  and  thence  marched  into  that  of  the 
cacique  Ponca.  At  his  approach,  that  chieftain  fled  to 
the  deepest  recesses  of  his  mountains ;  but,  attracted  by 
promises  of  favor,  and  a  liberal  donation  of  Spanish  im- 


GORDOX]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  BY  BALBOA.        67 

plements  and  toys,  he  returned  to  his  village,  and  gave 
the  Spaniards  a  small  quantity  of  gold,  some  provisions, 
and  guides.  Further  progress  was  sternly  opposed  by  a 
warlike  tribe,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  a  species 
of  sling,  by  which  they  threw  staves  hardened  in  the  fire 
with  such  force  as  to  pass  -through  the  body  of  a  naked 
adversary.  But  the  novel  and  terrific  effect  of  the  firelock, 
the  keen  edge  of  the  sword,  and  the  ferocity  of  the  blood- 
hounds, scattered  them  in  dismay,  with  the  loss  of  their 
cacique  and  six  hundred  of  inferior  note.  Among  the 
prisoners  were  the  brother  of  the  cacique,  and  several 
chiefs,  who  were  clothed  in  tunics  of  white  cotton ;  and, 
being  accused  of  unnatural  crimes  by  their  enemies,  they 
were  torn  to  pieces  by  the  dogs,  at  the  command  of  the 
Spaniards. 

This  defeat  made  the  neighboring  tribes  fearful  of  pro- 
voking hostility,  and  disposed  them  to  render  such  assist- 
ance as  the  Christians  required.  But  great  labor  and 
patience  were  necessary  to  overcome  the  natural  difficul- 
ties of  the  way.  Disease  and  fatigue  broke  down  some  of 
the  hardy  veterans,  and  they  were  left  behind  to  recruit 
their  health.  A  journey  estimated  by  the  Indians  to  be 
of  six  days  only  had  already  occupied  twenty-five  days, 
when  Nunez  approached  the  summit  of  a  mountain  from 
which  he  was  informed  the  great  ocean  might  be  seen. 
He  commanded  the  army  to  halt,  and  advanced  alone  to 
the  apex,  whence  he  beheld  the  great  South  Sea  opened 
before  him,  in  boundless  extent.  Casting  himself  on  his 
knees,  he  poured  forth  his  grateful  thanks  to  heaven  for 
conducting  him  in  safety  to  this  glorious  object.  The 
army,  beholding  his  transports,  rushed  forward,  and 
joined  in  his  admiration,  his  exultation,  and  his  grati- 
tude. Then,  with  formal  ceremony,  he  took  possession  of 
land  and  sea,  making  a  record  thereof,  carefully  attested, 


68  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GORDON 

erecting  crosses  and  mounds  of  stone,  and  cutting  the 
king's  name  on  trees.  In  his  descent  to  the  coast  he  was 
compelled  to  combat  with  a  cacique  called  Chiapes,  whom 
he  converted  by  his  magnanimity  into  an  active  and  zeal- 
ous friend.  .  .  . 

[A  practicable  passage  to  the  sea  being  discovered,] 
Nunez,  leaving  a  great  part  of  his  men  at  the  village  of 
Chiapes,  proceeded  with  eighty  Spaniards  and  a  number 
of  Indians,  conducted  by  their  friendly  chief,  towards  the 
coast,  and  arrived  on  the  borders  of  one  of  the  vast  bays 
which  indent  it,  and  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St. 
Michael,  it  being  discovered  on  that  saint's  day.  When 
he  reached  the  shore  he  rushed  into  the  ocean  with  his 
sword  drawn,  and  called  upon  the  witnesses  to  observe 
that  he  had  taken  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  the  king, 
his  master. 

[The  succeeding  career  of  Balboa  may  be  epitomized.  Keceiving 
from  the  Indians  a  fuller  description  of  the  great  and  wealthy  empire 
to  the  south,  and  having  too  few  men  to  attempt  its  conquest,  he  re- 
turned to  Darien  by  another  route,  carrying  with  him  a  treasure  valued 
at  nearly  half  a  million  of  dollars,  the  greatest  collected  up  to  that  time 
by  any  adventurer  in  America.  He  at  once  sent  messengers  to  Spain, 
but  before  these  arrived  Don  Pedrarias  Davila  had  been  sent  out  to 
supersede  him  in  his  command.  Somewhat  later  letters  arrived  from 
the  king  appointing  Balboa  Adelantado,  or  admiral.  He  then  resolved 
to  accomplish  his  project  of  exploring  the  newly-discovered  ocean. 
"With  enormous  labor,  ship-building  materials  were  conveyed  across 
the  isthmus,  and  two  brigantines  were  constructed.  Embarking  in 
these,  the  adventurers  took  possession  of  the  Pearl  Islands,  and  only 
adverse  weather  prevented  them  from  reaching  the  coast  of  Peru. 
Balboa's  career  was  checked  by  the  jealousy  of  Pedrarias,  who  re- 
called him  to  Darien.  Balboa  obeyed,  having  no  suspicion  of  treach- 
ery. He  was  immediately  seized,  imprisoned,  tried,  and  condeinned 
to  death,  Pedrarias  forcing  the  judge  to  impose  this  sentence.  The 
sentence  was  carried  into  execution  in  the  public  square  of  Acla,  in 
1517,  to  the  great  grief  of  all  the  inhabitants,  who  had  vainly  inter- 


PKESCOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  69 

ceded  for  his  pardon.  The  design  of  the  conquest  of  Peru,  which  he 
was  thus  prevented  from  accomplishing,  was  finally  carried  out  by  Pi- 
zarro,  as  able  a  man  as  Balboa,  and  a  much  more  unscrupulous  one. 
Three  years  after  the  death  of  Balboa,  a  Spanish  fleet,  under  Magellan, 
entered  the  South  Sea  after  sailing  around  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  continent.  This  great  ocean,  which  Magellan  named  the  Pacific, 
from  the  pleasant  weather  with  which  he  was  steadily  favored,  was 
crossed  by  his  ships  to  the  islands  of  the  Indian  archipelago.  Laden 
with  spices,  the  fleet  returned  to  Europe  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  having  thus  completed  the  circumnavigation  of  the  globe.] 


RETREAT  OF  CORTES  FROM  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 

WILLIAM   H.   PRESCOTT. 

[The  first  step  towards  the  discovery  of  Mexico  was  made  by  Fran- 
cisco Fernandez  de  Cordova,  who,  in  1517,  explored  the  northern 
coast  of  Yucatan.  Instead  of  finding  naked  savages,  as  in  former 
explorations,  he  was  surprised  to  discover  well-clad  people  and  large 
stone  edifices.  The  natives  were  so  bold  and  warlike  as  to  drive  off 
the  Spaniards,  killing  many  of  them,  and  mortally  wounding  Cordova. 
In  the  following  year,  Juan  de  Grijalva  explored  a  portion  of  the 
southern  coast  of  Mexico,  and  obtained  much  treasure  by  traffic  with 
the  inhabitants.  Velasquez,  governor  of  Cuba,  who  had  fitted  out  this 
expedition,  now  determined  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  the  wealthy 
country  that  had  been  discovered,  and  prepared  an  expedition  of  ten 
vessels,  manned  by  six  hundred  and  seventeen  men,  which  he  placed 
under  the  command  of  Hernando  Cortes,  an  adventurous  cavalier  who 
had  already  shown  much  military  ability.  He  landed  in  Mexico  on 
March  4,  1519,  where  his  ships,  his  horses,  and  his  artillery  filled  the 
natives  with  wonder  and  terror  and  caused  them  to  regard  the  Span- 
iards as  divine  beings.  After  several  victories  over  the  natives,  who 
were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  Cortes  founded  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  burned  his  vessels  to  cut  off  all  thought  of  retreat  from  the 
minds  of  his  soldiers,  and  commenced  his  march  towards  the  Mexican 
capital.  He  was  opposed  by  the  people  of  Tlascala,  enemies  of  the 


70  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PRESCOTT 

Aztecs,  but  he  conquered  this  warlike  republic  and  converted  its  in- 
habitants into  useful  auxiliaries.  In  the  city  of  Cholula,  where  an 
ambuscade  had  been  laid  for  him,  he  defeated  his  enemies  with  terrible 
slaughter.  He  finally  reached  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  was  situated 
on  an  island  in  a  lake  and  connected  by  causeways  with  the  mainland. 
Here  he  took  Montezuma,  the  Aztec  emperor,  prisoner,  and  converted 
one  of  his  palaces  into  a  fortress.  Velasquez  had,  meanwhile,  sent  an 
expedition  under  Narvaez  to  deprive  Cortes  of  his  command.  Leav- 
ing two  hundred  men  in  the  city,  he  marched  against  Narvaez,  defeated 
him,  and  enlisted  his  men  under  his  own  banner.  During  his  absence 
the  Mexicans  attacked  the  Spanish  garrison.  Their  attacks  were  con- 
tinued after  the  return  of  Cortes  with  such  fury  that  Montezuma  was 
mortally  wounded  by  his  own  subjects,  and  many  of  the  Spaniards  were 
slain.  So  persistent  and  threatening  became  the  Mexican  assaults  that 
the  invaders  found  themselves  in  imminent  peril  of  being  entirely  de- 
stroyed, and  their  leader  was  forced  to  order  a  retreat.  There  is  noth- 
ing more  exciting  in  fiction  than  the  story  of  this  terrible  night  march, 
the  "  noche  trisie"  of  Spanish  historians.  We  give  it  in  Prescott's 
eloquent  description  from  his  "  Conquest  of  Mexico."] 

THE  general's  first  care  was  to  provide  for  the  safe  trans- 
portation of  the  treasure.  Many  of  the  common  soldiers 
had  converted  their  share  of  the  prize,  as  we  have  seen, 
into  gold  chains,  collars,  or  other  ornaments,  which  they 
easily  carried  about  their  persons.  But  the  royal  fifth, 
together  with  that  of  Cortes  himself,  and  much  of  the 
rich  booty  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  had  been  converted 
into  bars  and  wedges  of  solid  gold  and  deposited  in  one 
of  the  strong  apartments  of  the  palace.  Cortes  delivered 
the  share  belonging  to  the  crown  to  the  royal  officers,  as- 
signing them  one  of  the  strongest  horses,  and  a  guard  of 
Castilian  soldiers,  to  ti'ansport  it.  Still,  much  of  the  treas- 
ure, belonging  both  to  the  crown  and  to  individuals,  was 
necessarily  abandoned,  from  the  want  of  adequate  means 
of  conveyance.  The  metal  lay  scattered  in  shining  heaps 
along  the  floor,  exciting  the  cupidity  of  the  soldiers. 
"Take  what  you  will  of  it,"  said  Cortes  to  his  men. 


PBESCOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  71 

"  Better  you  should  have  it,  than  these  Mexican  hounds. 
But  be  careful  not  to  overload  yourselves.  He  travels 
safest  in  the  dai-k  night  who  travels  lightest."  His  own 
more  wary  followers  took  heed  to  his  counsel,  helping 
themselves  to  a  few  articles  of  least  bulk,  though,  it  might 
be,  of  greatest  value.  But  the  troops  of  Narvaez,  pining 
for  riches  of  which  they  had  heard  so  much  and  hitherto 
seen  so  little,  showed  no  such  discretion.  To  them  it 
seemed  as  if  the  very  mines  of  Mexico  were  turned  up 
before  them,  and,  rushing  on  the  treacherous  spoil,  they 
greedily  loaded  themselves  with  as  much  of  it,  not  merely 
as  they  could  accommodate  about  their  persons,  but  as 
they  could  stow  away  in  wallets,  boxes,  or  any  other 
means  of  conveyance  at  their  disposal. 

Cortes  next  arranged  the  order  of  march.  The  van, 
composed  of  two  hundred  Spanish  foot,  be  placed  under 
the  command  of  the  valiant  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  sup- 
ported by  Diego  de  Ordaz,  Francisco  de  Lujo,  and  about 
twenty  other  cavaliers.  The  rear-guard,  constituting  the 
strength  of  the  infantry,  was  intrusted  to  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado  and  Velasquez  de  Leon.  The  general  himself  took 
charge  of  the  "  battle,"  or  centre,  in  which  went  the  bag- 
gage, some  of  the  heavy  guns, — most  of  which,  however, 
remained  in  the  rear, — the  treasure,  and  the  prisoners. 
These  consisted  of  a  son  and  two  daughters  of  Monte- 
zuma,  Cacama,  the  deposed  lord  of  Tezcuco,  and  several 
other  nobles,  whom  Cortes  retained  as  important  pledges 
in  his  future  negotiations  with  the  enemy.  The  Tlascalans 
were  distributed  pretty  equally  among  the  three  divisions ; 
and  Cortes  had  under  his  immediate  command  a  hundred 
picked  soldiers,  his  own  veterans  most  attached  to  his 
service,  who,  with  Cristoval  de  Olid,  Francisco  de  Morla, 
Alonso  de  Avila,  and  two  or  three  other  cavaliers,  formed 
a  select  corps,  to  act  wherever  occasion  might  require. 


72  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PRESCOTT 

The  general  had  already  superintended  the  construction 
of  a  portable  bridge  to  be  laid  over  the  open  canals  in  the 
causeway.  This  was  given  in  charge  to  an  officer  named 
Magarino,  with  forty  soldiers  under  his  orders,  all  pledged 
to  defend  the  passage  to  the  last  extremity.  The  bridge 
was  to  be  taken  up  when  the  entire  army  had  crossed  one 
of  the  breaches,  and  transported  to  the  next.  There  were 
three  of  these  openings  in  the  causeway,  and  most  fortu- 
nate would  it  have  been  for  the  expedition  if  the  fore- 
sight of  the  commander  had  provided  the  same  number 
of  bridges.  But  the  labor  would  have  been  great,  and 
time  was  short. 

At  midnight  the  troops  were  under  arms,  in  readiness 
for  the  march.  Mass  was  performed  by  Father  Olmedo, 
who  invoked  the  protection  of  the  Almighty  through 
the  awful  perils  of  the  night.  The  gates  were  thrown 
open,  and  on  the  1st  of  July,  1520,  the  Spaniards  for  the 
last  time  sallied  forth  from  the  walls  of  the  ancient  for- 
tress, the  scene  of  so  much  suffering  and  such  indomitable 
courage. 

The  night  was  cloudy,  and  a  drizzling  rain,  which  fell 
without  intermission,  added  to  the  obscurity.  The  great 
square  before  the  palace  was  deserted,  as,  indeed,  it  had 
been  since  the  fall  of  Montezuma.  Steadily,  and  as  noise- 
lessly as  possible,  the  Spaniards  held  their  way  along  the 
great  street  of  Tlacopan,  which  so  lately  had  resounded 
with  the  tumult  of  battle.  All  was  now  hushed  in  silence ; 
and  they  were  only  reminded  of  the  past  by  the  occasional 
presence  of  some  solitary  corpse,  or  a  dark  heap  of  the 
slain,  which  too  plainly  told  where  the  strife  had  been  hot- 
test. As  they  passed  along  the  lanes  and  alleys  which 
opened  into  the  great  street,  or  looked  down  the  canals, 
whose  polished  surface  gleamed  with  a  sort  of  ebon  lustre 
through  the  obscurity  of  night,  they  easily  fancied  that 


PEESCOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  73 

they  discerned  the  shadowy  forms  of  their  foe  lurking  in 
ambush  and  ready  to  spring  on  them.  But  it  was  only 
fancy;  and  the  city  slept  undisturbed  even  by  the  pro- 
longed echoes  of  the  tramp  of  the  horses  and  the  hoarse 
rumbling  of  the  artillery  and  baggage-trains.  At  length 
a  lighter  space  beyond  the  dusky  line  of  buildings  showed 
the  van  of  the  army  that  it  was  emerging  on  the  open 
causeway.  They  might  well  have  congratulated  them- 
selves on  having  thus  escaped  the  dangers  of  an  assault 
in  the  city  itself,  and  that  a  brief  time  would  place  them 
in  comparative  safety  on  the  opposite  shore.  But  the 
Mexicans  were  not  all  asleep. 

As  the  Spaniards  drew  near  the  spot  where  the  street 
opened  on  the  causeway,  and  were  preparing  to  lay  the 
portable  bridge  across  the  uncovered  breach,  which  now 
met  their  eyes,  several  Indian  sentinels,  who  had  been 
stationed  at  this,  as  at  the  other  approaches  to  the  city, 
took  the  alarm  and  fled,  rousing  their  countrymen  by 
their  cries.  The  priests,  keeping  their  night-watch  on 
the  summit  of  the  teocallis,  instantly  caught  the  tidings 
and  sounded  their  shells,  while  the  huge  drum  in  the 
desolate  temple  of  the  war-god  sent  forth  those  solemn 
tones  which,  heard  only  in  seasons  of  calamity,  vibrated 
through  every  corner  of  the  capital.  The  Spaniards  saw 
that  no  time  was  to  be  lost.  The  bridge  was  brought 
forward  and  fitted  with  all  possible  expedition.  Sandoval 
was  the  first  to  try  its  strength,  and,  riding  across,  was 
followed  by  his  little  body  of  chivalry,  his  infantry,  and 
Tlascalan  allies,  who  formed  the  first  division  of  the 
army.  Then  came  Cortes  and  his  squadrons,  with  the 
baggage,  ammunition-wagons,  and  a  part  of  the  artillery. 
But  before  they  had  time  to  defile  across  the  narrow  pas- 
sage, a  gathering  sound  was  heard,  like  that  of  a  mighty 
forest  agitated  by  the  winds.  It  grew  louder  and  louder, 
i.— D  7 


74  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PRESCOTT 

while  On  the  dark  waters  of  the  lake  was  heard  a  plash- 
ing noise,  as  of  many  oars.  Then  came  a  few  stones  and 
arrows  striking  at  random  among  the  hurrying  troops. 
They  fell  every  moment  faster  and  more  furious,  till  they 
thickened  into  a  terrible  tempest,  while  the  very  heavens 
were  rent  with  the  yells  and  war-cries  of  myriads  of  com- 
batants, who  seemed  all  at  once  to  be  swarming  over  land 
and  lake ! 

The  Spaniards  pushed  steadily  on  through  this  arrowy 
sleet,  though  the  barbarians,  dashing  their  canoes  against 
the  sides  of  the  causeway,  clambered  up  and  broke  in 
upon  their  ranks.  But  the  Christians,  anxious  only  to 
make  their  escape,  declined  all  combat  except  for  self- 
preservation.  The  cavaliers,  spurring  forward  their  steeds, 
shook  off  their  assailants  and  rode  over  their  prostrate 
bodies,  while  the  men  on  foot  with  their  good  swords  or 
the  butts  of  their  pieces  drove  them  headlong  again  down 
the  sides  of  the  dike. 

But  the  advance  of  several  thousand  men,  marching, 
probably,  on  a  front  of  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty 
abreast,  necessarily  required  much  time,  and  the  leading 
files  had  already  reached  the  second  breach  in  the  cause- 
way before  those  in  the  rear  had  entirely  traversed  the 
first.  Here  they  halted,  as  they  had  no  means  of  effect- 
ing a  passage,  smarting  all  the  while  under  unintermit- 
ting  volleys  from  the  enemy,  who  were  clustered  thick 
on  the  waters  around  this  second  opening.  Sorety  dis- 
tressed, the  vanguard  sent  repeated  messages  to  the  rear 
to  demand  the  portable  bridge.  At  length  the  last  of  the 
army  had  crossed,  and  Magarino  and  his  sturdy  followers 
endeavored  to  raise  the  ponderous  framework.  But  it 
stuck  fast  in  the  sides  of  the  dike.  In  vain  they  strained 
every  nerve.  The  weight  of  so  man}T  men  and  horses,  and 
above  all  of  the  heavy  artillery,  had  wedged  the  timbers 


PRESUOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  75 

so  firmly  in  the  stones  and  earth  that  it  was  beyond  their 
power  to  dislodge  them.  Still  they  labored  amidst  a  tor- 
rent of  missiles,  until,  many  of  them  slain,  and  all  wounded, 
they  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  attempt. 

The  tidings  soon  spread  from  man  to  man,  and  no 
sooner  was  their  dreadful  import  comprehended  than  a 
cry  of  despair  arose,  which  for  a  moment  drowned  all 
the  noise  of  conflict.  All  means  of  retreat  were  cut  off. 
Scarcely  hope  was  left.  The  only  hope  was  in  such  desper- 
ate exertions  as  each  could  make  for  himself.  Order  and 
subordination  were  at  an  end.  Intense  danger  produced 
intense  selfishness.  Each  thought  only  of  his  own  life. 
Pressing  forward,  he  trampled  down  the  weak  and  the 
wounded,  heedless  whether  it  were  friend  or  foe.  The 
leading  files,  urged  on  by  the  rear,  were  crowded  on  the 
brink  of  the  gulf.  Sandoval,  Ordaz,  and  the  other  cavaliers 
dashed  into  the  water.  Some  succeeded  in  swimming 
their  horses  across.  Others  failed,  and  some,  who  reached 
the  opposite  bank,  being  overturned  in  the  ascent,  rolled 
headlong  with  their  steeds  into  the  lake.  The  infantry 
followed  pell-mell,  heaped  promiscuously  on  one  another, 
frequently  pierced  by  the  shafts  or  struck  down  by  the 
war-clubs  of  the  Aztecs ;  while  many  an  unfortunate  vic- 
tim was  dragged  half  stunned  on  board  their  canoes,  to 
be  reserved  for  a  protracted  but  more  dreadful  death. 

The  carnage  raged  fearfully  along  the  length  of  the 
causeway.  Its  shadowy  bulk  presented  a  mark  of  suf- 
ficient distinctness  for  the  enemy's  missiles,  which  often 
prostrated  their  own  countrymen  in  the  blind  fury  of  the 
tempest.  Those  nearest  the  dike,  running  their  canoes 
alongside  with  a  force  that  shattered  them  to  pieces, 
leaped  on  the  land,  and  grappled  with  the  Christians, 
until  both  came  rolling  down  the  side  of  the  causeway 
together.  But  the  Aztec  fell  among  his  friends,  while 


76  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PRESCOTT 

his  antagonist  was  borne  away  in  triumph  to  the  sacrifice. 
The  struggle  was  long  and  deadly.  The  Mexicans  were 
recognized  by  their  white  cotton  tunics,  which  showed 
faint  through  the  darkness.  Above  the  combatants  rose 
a  wild  and  discordant  clamor,  in  which  horrid  shouts  of 
vengeance  were  mingled  with  groans  of  agony,  with  invo- 
cations of  the  saints  and  the  blessed  Virgin,  and  with  the 
screams  of  women ;  for  there  were  several  women,  both 
natives  and  Spaniards,  who  had  accompanied  the  Chris- 
tian camp.  Among  these,  one  named  Maria  de  Estrada 
is  particularly  noticed  for  the  courage  she  displaj^ed.  bat- 
tling with  broadsword  and  target  like  the  stanchest  of  the 
warriors. 

The  opening  in  the  causeway,  meanwhile,  was  filled  up 
with  the  wreck  of  matter  which  had  been  forced  into  it, — 
ammunition-wagons,  heavy  guns,  bales  of  rich  stuffs  scat- 
tered over  the  waters,  chests  of  solid  ingots,  and  bodies 
of  men  and  horses,  till  over  this  dismal  ruin  a  passage 
was  gradually  formed,  by  which  those  in  the  rear  were 
enabled  to  clamber  to  the  other  side.  Cortes,  it  is  said, 
found  a  place  that  was  fordable,  where,  halting,  with  the 
water  up  to  his  saddle-girths,  he  endeavored  to  check  the 
confusion  and  lead  his  followers  by  a  safer  path  to  the 
opposite  bank.  But  his  voice  was  lost  in  the  wild  uproar, 
and  finally,  hurrying  on  with  the  tide,  he  pressed  for- 
wards with  a  few  trusty  cavaliers,  who  remained  near  his 
person,  to  the  van  ;  but  not  before  he  had  seen  his  favorite 
page,  Juan  de  Salazar,  struck  down,  a  corpse,  by  his  side. 
Here  he  found  Sandoval  and  his  companions,  halting  be- 
fore the  third  and  last  breach,  endeavoring  to  cheer  on 
their  followers  to  surmount  it.  But  their  resolution  fal- 
tered. It  was  wide  and  deep ;  though  the  passage  was 
not  so  closely  beset  by  the  enemy  as  the  preceding  ones. 
The  cavaliers  again  set  the  example  by  plunging  into 


PRESCOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  77 

the  water.  Horse  and  foot  followed  as  they  could,  some 
swimming,  others  with  dying  grasp  clinging  to  the  manes 
and  tails  of  the  struggling  animals.  Those  fared  best,  as 
the  general  had  predicted,  who  travelled  lightest;  and 
many  were  the  unfortunate  wretches  who,  weighed  down 
by  the  fatal  gold  which  they  loved  so  well,  were  buried 
with  it  in  the  salt  floods  of  the  lake.  Cortes,  with  his 
gallant  comrades,  Olid,  Morla,  Sandoval,  and  some  few 
others,  still  kept  in  the  advance,  leading  his  broken  rem- 
nant off  the  fatal  causeway.  The  din  of  battle  lessened 
in  the  distance ;  when  the  rumor  reached  them  that  the 
rear-guard  would  be  wholly  overwhelmed  without  speedy 
relief.  It  seemed  almost  an  act  of  desperation ;  but  the 
generous  hearts  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers  did  not  stop  to 
calculate  danger  when  the  cry  for  succor  reached  them. 
Turning  their  horses'  bridles,  they  galloped  back  to  the 
theatre  of  action,  worked  their  way  through  the  press, 
swam  the  canal,  and  placed  themselves  in  the  thick  of  the 
melee  on  the  opposite  bank. 

The  first  gray  of  the  morning  was  now  coming  over  the 
waters.  It  showed  the  hideous  confusion  of  the  scene 
which  had  been  shrouded  in  the  obscurity  of  night.  The 
dark  masses  of  combatants,  stretching  along  the  dike, 
were  seen  struggling  for  mastery,  until  the  very  cause- 
way on  which  they  stood  appeared  to  tremble  arid  reel  to 
and  fro,  as  if  shaken  by  an  earthquake,  while  the  bosom 
of  the  lake,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  was  darkened 
by  canoes  crowded  with  warriors,  whose  spears  and  blud- 
geons, armed  with  blades  of  "  volcanic  glass,"  gleamed  in 
the  morning  light. 

The  cavaliers  found  Alvarado  unhorsed,  and  defending 
himself  with  a  poor  handful  of  followers  against  an  over- 
whelming tide  of  the  enemy.  His  good  steed,  which  had 
borne  him  through  many  a  hard  fight,  had  fallen  under 

7* 


78  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PRESCOTT 

him.  He  was  himself  wounded  in  several  places,  and  was 
striving  in  vain  to  rally  his  scattered  column,  which  was 
driven  to  the  verge  of  the  canal  by  the  fury  of  the  enemy, 
then  in  possession  of  the  whole  rear  of  the  causeway, 
where  they  were  I'einforced  every  hour  by  fresh  com- 
batants from  the  city.  The  artillery  in  the  earlier  part 
of  the  engagement  had  not  been  idle,  and  its  iron  shower, 
sweeping  along  the  dike,  had  mowed  down  the  assailants 
by  hundreds.  But  nothing  could  resist  their  impetuosity. 
The  front  ranks,  pushed  on  by  those  behind,  were  at  length 
forced  up  to  the  pieces,  and,  pouring  over  them  like  a  tor- 
rent, overthrew  men  and  guns  in  one  general  ruin.  The 
resolute  charge  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers,  who  had  now 
arrived,  created  a  temporary  check,  and  gave  time  for 
their  countrymen  to  make  a  feeble  rally.  But  they  were 
speedily  borne  down  by  the  returning  flood.  Cortes  and 
his  companions  were  compelled  to  plunge  again  into  the 
lake, — though  all  did"  not  escape.  Alvarado  stood  on  the 
bi'ink  for  a  moment  hesitating  what  to  do.  Unhorsed  as 
he  was,  to  throw  himself  into  the  water  in  the  face  of 
the  hostile  canoes  that  now  swarmed  around  the  opening 
afforded  but  a  desperate  chance  of  safety.  He  had  but  a 
second  for  thought.  He  was  a  man  of  powerful  frame, 
and  despair  gave  him  unnatural  energy.  Setting  his  long 
lance  firmly  on  the  wreck  which  strewed  the  bottom  of 
the  lake,  he  sprung  forward  with  all  his  might,  and  cleared 
the  wide  gap  at  a  leap !  Aztecs  and  Tlascalans  gazed  in 
stupid  amazement,  exclaiming,  as  they  beheld  the  incredi- 
ble feat,  "  This  is  truly  the  Tonatiuh, — the  child  of  the 
Sun!"  The  breadth  of  the  opening  is  not  given.  But  it 
was  so  great  that  the  valorous  captain,  Diaz,  who  well  re- 
membered the  place,  says  the  leap  was  impossible  to  any 
man.  Other  contemporai'ies,  however,  do  not  discredit 
the  story.  It  was,  beyond  doubt,  matter  of  popular  be- 


PRESCOTT]  RETREAT  OF  CORTES.  79 

lief  at  the  time ;  it  is  to  this  day  familiarly  known  to 
every  inhabitant  of  the  capital ;  and  the  name  of  the 
Salto  de  Alvarado,  "  Alvarado's  Leap,"  given  to  the  spot, 
still  commemorates  an  exploit  which  rivalled  those  of 
the  demi-gods  of  Grecian  fable. 

Cortes  and  his  companions  now  rode  forward  to  the 
front,  where  the  troops,  in  a  loose,  disorderly  manner, 
were  marching  off  the  fatal  causeway.  A  few  only  of  the 
enemy  hung  on  their  rear,  or  annoyed  them  by  occasional 
flights  of  arrows  from  the  lake.  The  attention  of  the 
Aztecs  was  diverted  by  the  rich  spoil  that  strewed  the 
battle-ground;  fortunately  for  the  Spaniards,  who,  had 
their  enemy  pursued  with  the  same  ferocity  with  which 
he  had  fought,  would,  in  their  crippled  condition,  have 
been  cut  off,  probably,  to  a  man.  But  little  molested, 
therefore,  they  were  allowed  to  defile  through  the  adja- 
cent village,  or  suburbs,  it  might  be  called,  of  Popotla. 

The  Spanish  commander  there  dismounted  from  his 
jaded  steed,  and,  sitting  down  on  the  steps  of  an  Indian 
temple,  gazed  mournfully  on  the  broken  files  as  they  passed 
before  him.  What  a  spectacle  did  they  present!  The 
cavalry,  most  of  them  dismounted,  were  mingled  with  the 
infantry,  who  dragged  their  feeble  limbs  along  with  diffi- 
culty; their  shattered  mail  and  tattered  garments  drip- 
ping with  the  salt  ooze,  showing  through  their  rents 
many  a  bruise  and  ghastly  wound;  their  bright  arms 
soiled,  their  proud  crests  and  banners  gone,  the  baggage, 
artillery,  all,  in  short,  that  constitutes  the  pride  and  pan- 
oply of  glorious  war,  forever  lost.  Cortes,  as  he  looked 
wistfully  on  their  thin  and  disordered  ranks,  sought  in 
vain  for  many  a  familiar  face,  and  missed  more  than  one 
dear  companion  who  had  stood  side  by  side  with  him 
through  all  the  perils  of  the  Conquest.  Though  accus- 
tomed to  control  his  emotions,  or,  at  least,  to  conceal 


80  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ 

them,  the  sight  was  too  much  for  him.  He  covered  his 
face  with  his  hands,  and  the  tears  which  trickled  down 
revealed  too  plainly  the  anguish  of  his  soul. 

[The  story  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico  may  be  briefly  concluded. 
Cortes,  in  his  retreat,  found  himself  opposed  by  a  vastly  outnumber- 
ing army,  filling  a  valley  through  which  he  was  forced  to  pass.  A 
desperate  conflict  ensued,  in  which  the  Spaniards  were  in  imminent 
danger  of  annihilation,  when  Cortes,  followed  by  his  bravest  cavaliers, 
spurred  to  the  point  where  the  great  Aztec  standard  rose  in  the  centre 
of  the  army,  cut  down  the  general,  and  seized  the  imperial  banner. 
On  seeing  their  standard  fall,  the  army  at  once  broke  into  a  panic  and 
fled  in  all  directions,  leaving  free  passage  to  the  remnant  of  the  Span- 
ish force.  Cortes  proceeded  to  the  coast,  where  he  received  reinforce- 
ments, and  returned  to  besiege  the  city.  It  was  defended  with  des- 
perate determination,  and  yielded  only  after  a  siege  of  several  months, 
when  the  city  was  nearly  levelled  with  the  ground,  and  after  the  in- 
habitants had  endured  the  extremities  of  famine.  The  submission  of 
the  city  was  that  of  the  empire,  and  the  Aztecs  experienced  the  fate 
which  had  been  visited  upon  the  natives  in  the  other  Spanish  colonies.] 


HERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

N.   D'ANVERS. 

[The  activity  of  the  Spanish  adventurers  in  their  search  for  gold 
was  unceasing,  and  this  eager  desire  for  riches  led  to  a  far  more  rapid 
exploration  of  the  American  continent  than  could  have  been  accom- 
plished under  any  other  incitement.  It  was  this  that  led  Balboa  in 
his  perilous  journey  across  the  Isthmus,  and  that  was  the  inciting 
cause  of  the  remarkable  achievements  of  Cortes  and  Pizarro.  The 
same  wild  thirst  for  wealth  led  a  succession  of  bold  adventurers  north- 
ward, and  gave  rise  to  an  extended  exploration  of  the  territory  of  the 
southern  United  States.  The  earliest  of  these  was  Juan  Ponce  do 
Leon,  who  in  1512  discovered  a  country  which  he  named  Florida, 
either  because  he  first  saw  it  on  Easter  Sunday  (Pascua  florida),  or  on 


D'ANVERS]  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  81 

account  of  its  beautiful  appearance.  He  made  several  efforts  to  land, 
but  was  driven  off  by  the  warlike  natives. 

In  the  words  of  Kobertson,  "  It  was  not  merely  the  passion  of 
searching  for  new  countries  that  prompted  Ponce  de  Leon  to  under- 
take this  voyage ;  he  was  influenced  by  one  of  those  visionary  ideas 
which  at  that  time  often  mingled  with  the  spirit  of  discovery  and 
rendered  it  more  active.  A  tradition  prevailed  among  the  natives  of 
Puerto  Eico,  that  in  the  isle  of  Bimini,  one  of  the  Lucayos,  there  was 
a  fountain  of  such  wonderful  virtue  as  to  renew  the  youth  and  recall 
the  vigor  of  every  person  who  bathed  in  its  salutary  waters.  In 
hopes  of  finding  this  grand  restorative,  Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  follow- 
ers ranged  through  the  islands,  searching,  with  fruitless  solicitude  and 
labor,  for  the  fountain  which  was  the  chief  object  of  their  expedition. 
That  a  tale  so  fabulous  should  gain  credit  among  simple  uninstructed 
Indians  is  not  surprising.  That  it  should  make  any  impression  upon 
an  enlightened  people  appears,  in  the  present  age,  altogether  incredi- 
ble. The  fact,  however,  is  certain ;  and  the  most  authentic  Spanish 
historians  mention  this  extravagant  sally  of  their  credulous  country- 
men. The  Spaniards,  at  that  period,  were  engaged  in  a  career  of 
activity  which  gave  a  romantic  turn  to  their  imagination  and  daily 
presented  to  them  strange  and  marvellous  objects.  A  new  world  was 
opened  to  their  view.  They  visited  islands  and  continents  of  whose 
existence  mankind  in  former  ages  had  no  conception.  In  those  de- 
lightful countries  nature  seemed  to  assume  another  form ;  every  tree 
and  plant  and  animal  was  different  from  those  of  the  ancient  hemi- 
sphere. They  seemed  to  be  transported  into  enchanted  ground  ;  and, 
after  the  wonders  which  they  had  seen,  nothing,  in  the  warmth  and 
novelty  of  their  imagination,  appeared  to  them  so  extraordinary  as  to 
be  beyond  belief.  If  the  rapid  succession  of  new  and  striking  scenes 
made  such  impression  upon  the  sound  understanding  of  Columbus 
that  he  boasted  of  having  found  the  seat  of  Paradise,  it  will  not  ap- 
pear strange  that  Ponce  de  Leon  should  dream  of  discovering  the 
fountain  of  youth." 

Ponce  de  Leon  was  killed  by  the  Indians  in  a  second  visit  to  Florida 
in  1521.  In  1518  Francisco  Garay  cruised  along  the  whole  Gulf  coast, 
passing  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, — the  Miche  Sepe,  or  Father  of 
Waters,  of  the  Indians.  In  1520,  Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon  sailed 
from  Cuba  in  quest  of  a  land  called  Chicora,  north  of  Florida,  said  to 
possess  a  sacred  stream  whose  waters  had  the  miraculous  virtue  of  those 
of  the  Fountain  of  Youth.  He  carried  off  some  of  the  Indians,  in 
I.—/ 


82  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [D'ANVERS 

reprisal  for  which  he  was  attacked  in  a  second  expedition  and  many 
of  his  men  killed,  perhaps  himself  among  the  number.  In  1528, 
Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  made  an  effort  to  take  possession  of  this  land 
in  the  name  of  Charles  V.  of  Germany.  He  met,  however,  with  such 
determined  opposition  from  the  Indians  that  after  months  of  fruitless 
wandering  he  reached  the  shores  of  the  Gulf,  bringing  with  him  but 
a  miserable  remnant  of  his  six  hundred  followers.  Here  five  crazy 
boats  were  built,  and  the  reckless  adventurers  sought  to  follow  the  line 
of  the  coast  to  the  Mexican  settlements.  Four  of  the  boats  were  lost 
in  a  storm,  and  the  survivors,  landing,  sought  to  cross  the  continent  to 
the  province  of  Sonora,  already  colonized  by  Spaniards.  Four  of  the 
party,  after  being  held  for  years  in  captivity  by  the  Indians,  succeeded 
in  this  enterprise,  among  them  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  treasurer  of  the  ex- 
pedition. Their  appearance  at  the  mining  settlement  on  the  shores  of 
the  Gulf  of  California  caused  the  greatest  astonishment,  and  on  reach- 
ing Europe,  nine  years  after  the  starting  of  the  original  expedition, 
they  were  received  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm.  We  give  the  stoiy  of 
De  Soto  in  an  extract  from  "Heroes  of  American  Discovery,"  by  N. 
D'Anvers.] 

THE  excitement  caused  by  the  wonderful  tales  of  their 
captivity,  told  by  Cabega  and  his  comrades,  was,  as  may 
be  imagined,  intense.  Far  from  damping  the  ardor  of 
others  for  exploration  and  colonization,  the  pictures  called 
up  by  their  narrative  of  hair-breadth  escapes,  of  the  magic 
influence  exercised  on  whole  tribes  of  dusky  warriors  by 
a  single  white  man,  of  the  weird  growths  of  the  tropical 
forests,  and  of  the  wild  beauty  of  the  Indian  maidens, 
created  a  passion  for  adventure  amongst  the  youth  of 
Spain.  When,  therefore,  the  renowned  Hernando  do  Soto, 
who  had  been  in  close  attendance  on  Pizarro  throughout 
his  romantic  career  in  Peru,  asked  for  and  obtained  per- 
mission from  Ferdinand  of  Spain  to  take  possession  of 
Florida  in  his  name,  hundreds  of  volunteers  of  every  rank 
flocked  to  his  standard.  Narvaez  had  failed  for  want  of 
knowledge  as  to  'how  to  deal  with  the  natives ;  doubtless 
the  land  of  gold  could  yet  be  found  by  those  who  knew 


D'ANTERS]  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  83 

how  to  wrest  the  secret  of  its  position  from  the  sons  of  the 
soil ;  and  so  once  more  a  gallant  company  set  forth  from 
Spain  to  measure  their  strength  against  the  craft  of  the 
poor  Indians  of  Florida. 

De  Soto,  who  was  in  the  first  place  appointed  governor 
of  Cuba  that  he  might  turn  to  account  the  resources  of 
that  wealthy  island,  sailed  from  Havana  with  a  fleet  of 
nine  vessels  and  a  force  of  some  six  or  seven  hundred  men 
on  the  18th  May,  1539,  and  cast  anchor  in  Tampa  Bay  on 
the  30th  of  the  same  month.  Landing  his  forces  at  once, 
the  leader  gave  orders  that  they  should  start  for  the 
interior  immediately,  by  the  same  route  as  that  taken  by 
his  unfortunate  predecessor;  and  the  men  were  eagerly 
ploughing  their  way  through  the  sandy,  marshy  districts 
immediately  beyond  the  beach,  driving  the  natives  who 
opposed  their  progress  before  them,  when  one  of  those 
romantic  incidents  occurred  in  which  the  early  history  of 
the  New  World  is  so  remarkably  rich. 

A  white  man  on  horseback  rode  forward  from  amongst 
the  dusky  savages,  who  hailed  the  approach  of  the  troops 
with  wild  gestures  of  delight,  and  turned  out  to  be  a 
Spaniard  named  Juan  Ortiz,  who  had  belonged  to  the 
Nai'vaez  expedition  and  had  been  unable  to  effect  his 
escape  with  his  comrades.  In  his  captivity  amongst  the 
Indians  he  had  acquired  a  thorough  knowledge  of  their 
language,  and  his  services  alike  as  a  mediator  and  a  guide 
were  soon  found  to  be  invaluable. 

[The  story  told  by  Ortiz  of  his  adventures  in  captivity  may  be 
briefly  given.  It  had  been  decided  by  his  captors  to  burn  him  alive 
by  a  slow  fire,  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Evil  Spirit.  He  was  accordingly 
bound  hand  and  foot  and  laid  on  a  wooden  stage,  with  a  fire  kindled 
beneath  it.  At  that  moment  of  frightful  peril  the  daughter  of  the 
chieftain  begged  for  his  life  from  her  father,  and  succeeded  in  winning 
a  change  of  sentence  from  death  to  slavery.  Three  years  later  he  was 


84  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [D'ANVERS 

again  condemned  to  be  burned,  and  again  saved  by  the  chieftain's 
daughter,  who  warned  him  of  his  danger,  and  led  him  to  the  camp 
of  another  chief.  Here  he  remained  until  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards. 
As  for  the  maiden,  Ortiz  says  nothing  further  concerning  her. 

Led  by  Ortiz,  the  exploring  army  wandered  through  the  unknown 
land  of  Florida  until  the  ensuing  spring,  when  the  march  was  resumed 
under  the  guidance  of  a  native  who  said  he  would  take  the  white  men 
to  a  distant  country,  governed  by  a  woman,  and  abounding  in  a  yellow 
metal,  which  the  Spaniards  naturally  took  to  be  gold,  but  which  proved 
to  be  copper.  After  wandering  to  the  southern  slope  of  the  Appa- 
lachian range,  marking  their  course  by  pillage  and  bloodshed,  and 
finding  the  land  of  gold  ever  receding  before  them,  they  reached  the 
dominions  of  an  Indian  queen,  who  hastened  to  welcome  them,  per- 
haps with  the  desire  of  conciliating  her  dreaded  visitors.] 

Very  touching  is  the  account  given  by  the  old  chroni- 
clers of  the  meeting  between  the  poor  cacica  and  De  Soto. 
Alighting  from  the  litter  in  which  she  had  travelled,  car- 
ried by  four  of  her  subjects,  the  dusky  princess  came 
forward  with  gestures  expressive  of  pleasure  at  the  arrival 
of  her  guest,  and  taking  from  her  own  neck  a  heavy 
double  string  of  pearls,  she  hung  it  on  that  of  the  Spaniard. 
Bowing  with  courtly  grace,  De  Soto  accepted  the  gift,  and 
for  a  short  time  he  kept  up  the  semblance  of  friendship ; 
but  having  obtained  from  the  queen  all  the  information  he 
wanted,  he  made  her  his  prisoner,  and  robbed  her  and  her 
people  of  all  the  valuables  they  possessed,  including  large 
numbers  of  pearls,  found  chiefly  in  the  graves  of  natives 
of  distinction.  We  are  glad  to  be  able  to  add  that  the 
poor  queen  effected  her  escape  from  her  guards,  taking 
with  her  a  box  of  pearls  which  she  had  managed  to  regain 
and  on  which  De  Soto  had  set  especial  store. 

The  home  of  the  cacica  appears  to  have  been  situated 
close  to  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  and  to  have  been  amongst 

*  o 

the  villages  visited  by  De  Ayllon  twenty  j'ears  previ- 
ously, the  natives  having  in  their  possession  a  dagger  and 


D'ANVKRS]  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  85 

a  string  of  beads,  probably  a  rosary,  which  they  said  had 
belonged  to  the  white  men.  Unwilling  to  go  over  old 
ground,  the  Spaniards  now  determined  to  alter  their 
course,  and,  taking  a  northwesterly  direction,  they  reached, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  the  first  spurs  of  the  lofty 
Appalachian  range,  the  formidable  aspect  of  which  so 
damped  their  courage  that  they  turned  back  and  wan- 
dered into  the  lowlands  of  what  is  now  Alabama,  ignorant 
that  in  the  very  mountains  they  so  much  dreaded  were 
hidden  large  quantities  of  that  yellow  metal  they  had 
sought  so  long  and  so  vainly. 

The  autumn  of  1540  found  the  party,  their  numbers 
greatly  diminished,  at  a  large  village  called  Mavilla,  close 
to  the  site  of  the  modern  Mobile,  where  the  natives  were 
gathered  in  considerable  force ;  and  it  soon  became  evi- 
dent that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  exact  vengeance 
for  the  long  course  of  oppression  of  which  the  white  in- 
truders had  been  guilty  in  their  two  years'  wanderings. 

Intending  to  take  possession  of  Mavilla  in  his  usual 
high-handed  manner,  De  Soto  and  a  few  of  his  men  en- 
tered the  palisades  forming  its  defences,  accompanied  by 
the  cacique,  who,  meek  enough  until  he  was  within  reach 
of  his  warriors,  then  turned  upon  his  guests  with  some 
insulting  speech  and  disappeared  in  a  neighboring  house. 
A  dispute  then  ensued  between  a  minor  chief  and  one  of 
the  Spaniards.  The  latter  enforced  his  view  of  the  mat- 
ter at  issue  by  a  blow  with  his  cutlass,  and  in  an  instant 
the  town  was  in  a  commotion.  From  every  house  poured 
showers  of  arrows,  and  in  a  few  minutes  nearly  all  the 
Christians  were  slain.  De  Soto  and  a  few  others  escaped, 
and,  calling  his  forces  together,  the  Spanish  governor 
quickly  invested  the  town. 

A  terrible  conflict,  lasting  nine  hours,  ensued,  in  which, 
as  was  almost  inevitable,  the  white  men  were  finally  vic- 
i.  8 


86  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [D'ANVERS 

torious,  though  not  until  they  had  lost  many  valuable 
lives  and  nearly  all  their  property.  Mavilla  was  burnt  to 
ashes  ;  and  when  the  battle  was  over,  the  Spaniards  found 
themselves  in  an  awful  situation, — at  a  distance  from 
their  ships,  without  food  or  medicines,  and  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  enemies  rendered  desperate  by  defeat.  The 
common  soldiers,  too,  had  by  this  time  had  enough  of  ex- 
ploration, and  were  eager  to  return  to  the  coast,  there  to 
await  the  return  of  the  vessels  which  had  been  sent  to 
Cuba  for  supplies.  Evading  the  poor  fellows'  questions  as 
to  his  plans,  however,  Do  Soto,  who  had  received  secret 
intelligence  that  his  fleet  was  even  now  awaiting  him  in 
the  Bay  of  Pensacola,  but  six  days'  journey  from  Mavilla. 
determined  to  make  one  more  effort  to  redeem  his  honor 
by  a  discovery  of  importance.  With  this  end  in  view  he 
led  his  disheartened  forces  northward,  and  in  December 
reached  a  small  village,  belonging  to  Chickasaw  Indians, 
in  the  State  of  Mississippi,  supposed  to  have  been  situated 
about  N.  lat.  32°  53',  W.  long.  90°  23'. 

In  spite  of  constant  petty  hostilities  with  the  Indians, 
the  winter,  which  was  severe  enough  for  snow  to  fall, 
passed  over  peaceably ;  but  with  the  beginning  of  spring 
the  usual  arbitrary  proceedings  were  resorted  to  by  De 
Soto  for  procuring  porters  to  carry  his  baggage  in  his 
next  trip,  and  this  led  to  a  second  terrible  fight,  in  which 
the  Spaniards  were  worsted  and  narrowly  escaped  extermi- 
nation. Had  the  Indians  followed  up  their  victory,  not  a 
white  man  would  have  escaped  to  tell  the  tale ;  but  they 
seem  to  have  been  frightened  at  their  own  success,  and  to 
have  drawn  back  just  as  they  had  their  persecutors  at 
their  feet. 

Eallying  the  remnant  of  his  forces,  and  supplying  the 
place  of  the  uniforms  which  had  been  carried  off  by 
the  enemy  with  skins  and  mats  of  ivy  leaves,  De  Soto 


D'AxvEiis]  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  87 

now  led  bis  strangely-transformed  followers  in  a  north- 
westerly direction,  and,  completely  crossing  the  modern 
State  of  Mississippi,  arrived  in  May  on  the  banks  of  the 
mighty  river  from  which  it  takes  its  name,  in  about  N. 
lat.  35°. 

Thus  took  place  the  discovery  of  the  great  Father  of 
Waters,  rolling  by  in  unconscious  majesty  on  its  way  from 
its  distant  birthplace  in  Minnesota  to  its  final  home  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  To  De  Soto,  however,  it  was  no  geo- 
graphical phenomenon,  inviting  him  to  trace  its  course 
and  solve  the  secret  of  its  origin,  but  a  sheet  of  water, 
"  half  a  league  over,"  impeding  his  progress,  and  his  first 
care  was  to  obtain  boats  to  get  to  the  other  side. 

[His  succeeding  movements  may  be  epitomized.  Building  barges 
capable  of  carrying  their  horses,  the  Spaniards  crossed  the  stream,  and 
immediately  opened  hostilities  with  the  Indians  on  the  other  side.  They 
proceeded  northward,  constantly  harassed  by  the  natives,  until  they 
reached  the  region  of  the  present  State  of  Missouri,  whose  inhabitants 
took  them  for  children  of  the  Sun  and  brought  out  their  blind  to  be 
restored  to  sight.  After  some  missionary  labors  with  these  Indians,  De 
Soto  proceeded  westward,  and  encamped  for  the  winter  about  the  site 
of  Little  Rock,  in  Arkansas,  after  having  reached  the  highlands  of 
southwest  Missouri,  near  the  White  River.] 

But  on  resuming  his  researches  in  the  ensuing  spring, 
though  worn  out  by  continual  wanderings  and  warfare, 
and  deprived  by  death  of  his  chief  helper,  Juan  Ortiz,  the 
indomitable  explorer  now  endeavored  to  win  over  the  In- 
dians by  claiming  supernatural  powers  and  declaring  him- 
self immortal ;  but  it  was  too  late  to  inaugurate  a  new 
policy.  The  spot  chosen  for  encampment  turned  out  to 
be  unhealthy ;  the  white  men  began  to  succumb  to  disease ; 
scouts  sent  out  to  explore  the  neighborhood  for  a  more 
favorable  situation  brought  back  rumors  of  howling  wil- 
dernesses, impenetrable  woods,  and,  worst  of  all,  of  stealthy 


88  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [D'ANVERS 

bands  of  Indians  creeping  up  from  every  side  to  hem  in 
and  destroy  the  little  knot  of  white  men. 

Thus  driven  to  bay,  De  Soto,  who  was  now  himself 
either  attacked  by  disease  or  broken  down  by  all  he  had 
undergone,  determined  at  least  to  die  like  a  man,  and, 
calling  the  survivors  of  his  once  gallant  company  about 
him,  he  asked  pardon  for  the  evils  he  had  brought  upon 
those  who  had  trusted  in  him,  and  named  Luis  Moscoso 
de  Alvaredo  as  his  successor. 

On  the  following  day,  May  21,  1542,  the  unfortunate 
hero  breathed  his  last,  and  was  almost  immediately  buried 
secretly  without  the  gates  of  the  camp,  Alvaredo  fearing 
an  immediate  onslaught  from  the  natives  should  the  death 
of  the  hero  who  had  claimed  immortality  be  discovered. 
The  newly-made  grave,  however,  excited  suspicion,  and, 
finding  it  impossible  to  prevent  it  from  being  rifled  by  the 
inquisitive  savages,  Alvaredo  had  the  corpse  of  his  prede- 
cessor removed  from  it  in  the  night,  wrapped  in  cloths 
made  heavy  with  sand,  and  dropped  from  a  boat  into  the 
Mississippi. 

The  midnight  funeral  over,  all  further  queries  from  the 
natives,  as  to  what  had  become  of  the  Child  of  the  Sun, 
were  answered  by  an  assurance  that  he  had  gone  to  heaven 
for  a  time,  but  would  soon  return.  Then,  whilst  the  ex- 
pected return  was  still  waited  for,  the  camp  was  broken 
up  as  quietly  as  possible,  and  Alvaredo  led  his  people  west- 
ward, hoping,  as  Cabega  had  done  before  him,  to  reach  the 
Pacific  coast. 

But,  long  months  of  wandering  in  pathless  prairies 
bringing  him  apparently  no  nearer  to  the  sea,  and  dread- 
ing to  be  overtaken  in  the  wilderness  by  the  winter,  he 
turned  back  and  retraced  his  steps  to  the  Mississippi, 
where  he  once  more  pitched  his  camp,  and  spent  six 
months  in  building  boats,  in  which  he  hoped  to  go  down 


McMuLLEN]     DISCOVERT  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE.          89 

the  river  to  its  outlet  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In  this  bold 
scheme  he  was  successful.  The  embarkation  into  seven 
roughly-constructed  brigan tines  took  place  on  the  2d 
July,  1543,  and  a  voyage  of  seventeen  days  between  banks 
lined  with  hostile  Indians,  who  plied  them  unceasingly 
with  their  poisoned  arrows,  brought  a  few  haggard,  half- 
naked  survivors  to  the  longed-for  gulf.  Fifty  days  later, 
after  a  weary  cruise  along  the  rugged  coasts  of  what  is 
now  Louisiana  and  Texas,  a  party,  still  further  reduced, 
landed  at  the  Spanish  settlement  of  Panuco,  in  Mexico, 
where  they  were  received  as  men  risen  from  the  dead. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE. 

JOHN   McMULLEN. 

[The  voyages  of  discovery  to  the  northern  coast  of  North  America 
began  with  the  expedition  of  John  Cabot,  in  1497,  under  the  auspices 
of  Henry  VII.  of  England.  His  object  was  to  seek  not  alone  for  new 
lands,  but  also  for  that  northwest  passage  to  the  coast  of  Asia  which 
gave  rise  to  so  many  subsequent  voyages  to  the  Arctic  seas.  On  the 
2(Jth  of  June,  Cabot  discovered  land,  most  probably  the  island  of 
Newfoundland.  Continuing  his  course,  he  reached  the  coast  of  Lab- 
rador on  the  3d  of  July.  He  was,  therefore,  the  first  of  modern 
navigators  to  discover  the  continent  of  America,  which  was  not  reached 
by  Columbus  till  some  thirteen  months  afterwards.  He  explored  the 
coast  for  nine  hundred  miles  to  the  southward,  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land. In  the  following  year  his  son  Sebastian  made  a  voyage  to  the 
same  region,  with  similar  instructions  to  search  fora  northwest  passage. 
The  same  object  was  sought,  in  15'27,  by  a  fleet  sent  out  by  Henry  VIII. 

The  Portuguese  also  made  early  voyages  in  search  of  this  illusory 
northwest  passage.  Caspar  Cortereal,  in  1500,  reached  the  American 
coast  at  fifty  degrees  of  north  latitude.  On  a  second  voyage  his  ship 
was  lost,  and  his  brother  Miguel,  who  went  in  search  of  him,  failed 
also  to  return. 

I.  8* 


90  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

In  1524,  Francis  I.  of  France  resolved  to  have  his  share  in  these  dis- 
coveries, and  in  the  benefits  which  might  result  from  them.  "What!" 
said  he  to  his  courtiers,  "shall  the  kings  of  Spain  and  Portugal  divide 
all  America  between  them,  without  suffering  me  to  take  a  share  as  their 
brother  ?  I  would  fain  see  the  article  in  Adam's  will  that  bequeaths  that 
vast  inheritance  to  them."  Already  some  fishing  captains  had  partly 
explored  the  coast.  The  fishermen  of  Breton  have  left  their  record  of 
discovery  in  the  name  of  Cape  Breton.  John  Denys  explored  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  as  early  as  1506.  These  hardy  fishermen  formed 
useful  crews  for  succeeding  voyages  of  discovery.  Francis  prepared  a 
squadron  of  four  ships,  which  he  placed  under  command  of  Giovanni 
Verrazano,  an  experienced  Italian  navigator,  who  explored  the  Amer- 
ican coast  from  Carolina  northward,  probably  visiting  New  York  and 
Narragansett  Bays.  He  also  was  in  search  of  a  passage  to  India,  and 
became  convinced  that  no  such  passage  existed,  and  that  the  continent 
was  continuous  from  the  Straits  of  Magellan  to  Labrador.  An  ac- 
count of  the  succeeding  French  expedition,  that  of  Cartier,  we  extract 
from  "  The  History  of  Canada,"  by  John  McMullen.] 

IN  1534  the  French  king  fitted  out  a  second  expedition, 
the  conduct  of  which  he  intrusted  to  Jacques  Cartier,  a 
fearless  and  skilful  mariner,  who  had  previously  been 
engaged  for  several  years  in  the  fisheries  on  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland,  which  even  as  early  as  1517  already  gave 
employment  to  some  fifty  English,  French,  Spanish,  and 
Portuguese  vessels.  This  expedition,  consisting  of  two 
vessels  of  sixty  tons  each,  sailed  from  St.  Malo  on  the 
20th  of  April,  and  on  the  10th  of  May  arrived  at  New- 
foundland, where  it  remained  ten  days.  Proceeding  north- 
ward, Cartier  passed  through  the  Straits  of  Belleisle, 
entered  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  landed  at  Gaspe, 
where,  on  the  24th  of  July,  he  erected  a  cross,  surmounted 
by  a  fleur-de-lys,  to  commemorate  his  advent  on  the  coast. 
A  friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives  enabled  him  to 
kidnap  two  men,  with  whom  he  sailed  for  France,  where, 
on  his  arrival,  he  was  well  received  by  his  sovereign. 

In  the  following  3Tear  Cartier  obtained  a  new  commis- 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE.          91 

sion  from  Francis,  and  sailed  with  three  vessels  direct  for 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  with  instructions  to  explore  its 
shores  carefully,  to  establish  a  settlement,  if  at  all  practi- 
cable, and  to  open  a  traffic  for  gold  with  the  inhabitants. 
In  the  month  of  August,  on  the  festival  day  of  the  martyr 
Lawrence,  this  navigator  entered  the  great  father  of  the 
northern  waters,  which  he  called  after  the  saint.  Pro- 
ceeding up  its  course,  he  found  himself,  in  a  few  days, 
opposite  the  Indian  village  of  Stadacona,  then  occupy- 
ing a  portion  of  the  ground  on  which  the  city  of  Quebec 
now  stands.  As  the  vessels  came  to  an  anchor  the  ter- 
rified natives  fled  to  the  forest,  whence  they  gazed,  with 
mingled  feelings  of  awe  and  wonder,  on  the  "  winged 
canoes"  which  had  borne  the  pale-faced  strangers  to  their 
shores.  These  feelings  were,  however,  much  less  intense 
than  they  must  have  otherwise  been,  owing  to  the  rumors 
which  from  time  to  time  had  preceded  Cartier's  approach, 
and  to  the  fact  that  they  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
circumstance  of  his  visit  to  Gaspe  the  previous  year,  and 
the  outrage  he  had  there  perpetrated  on  their  countrymen. 
This  knowledge  led  the  inhabitants  of  Stadacona  to  re- 
solve on  a  wary  intercourse  with  the  strangers.  Their 
chief,  Donacona,  approached  the  vessels  with  a  fleet  of 
twelve  canoes,  filled  with  his  armed  followers.  Ten  of 
these  canoes  he  directed  to  remain  at  a  short  distance, 
while  he  proceeded  with  the  other  two  to  ascertain  the 
purport  of  the  visit, — whether  it  was  for  peace  or  war. 
With  this  object  in  view,  he  commenced  an  oration. 
Cartier  heard  the  chief  patiently,  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
two  Gaspe  Indians,  now  tolerably  proficient  in  the  French 
language,  he  was  enabled  to  open  a  conversation  with  him, 
and  to  allay  his  apprehensions.  An  amicable  understand- 
ing having  thus  been  established,  Cartier  moored  his 
vessels  safely  in  the  river  St.  Cbarles,  where,  shortly 


92  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [McMuLLEN 

afterwards,  he  received  a  second  visit  from  Donacona,  who 
this  time  came  accompanied  by  five  hundred  warriors  of 
his  tribe. 

Having  thoroughly  rested  and  refreshed  himself  and  his 
men,  Cartier  determined  to  explore  the  river  to  Hochelaga, 
another  Indian  town,  which  he  learned  was  situated 
several  days'  journey  up  its  course.  With  the  view  of 
impressing  the  Indians  with  the  superiority  of  the  white 
man,  he  caused,  prior  to  his  departure,  several  cannon- 
shots  to  be  discharged,  which  produced  the  desired  result. 
Like  their  countrymen  of  the  south  on  the  arrival  of 
Columbus,  the  red  men  of  the  St.  Lawrence  were  alarmed 
by  the  firing  of  artillery ;  and  as  its  thunders  reverberated 
among  the  surrounding  hills,  a  feeling  of  mingled  terror 
and  astonishment  took  complete  possession  of  their  minds. 

Leaving  his  other  ships  safely  at  anchor,  Cartier,  on 
the  19th  of  September,  proceeded  up  the  river  with  the 
Hermerillon  (which,  owing  to  the  shallowness  of  the 
water,  he  had  to  leave  in  Lake  St.  Peter)  and  two  boats, 
and  frequently  came  into  contact  with  small  parties  of 
the  natives,  who  treated  him  in  the  most  friendly  manner. 
Bold,  and  loving  adventure  for  its  own  sake,  and  at  the 
same  time  strongly  imbued  with  religious  enthusiasm, 
Cartier  watched  the  shifting  landscape  hour  after  hour,  as 
he  ascended  the  river,  with  feelings  of  the  deepest  grati- 
fication, which  were  heightened  by  the  reflection  that  he 
was  the  pioneer  of  civilization  and  Christianity  in  that 
unknown  clime.  Nature  presented  itself  in  all  its  primi- 
tive grandeur  to  his  view.  The  noble  river  on  whose  broad 
bosom  he  floated  onwards  day  after  day,  disturbing  vast 
flocks  of  water-fowl ;  the  primeval  forests  of  the  north, 
which  here  and  there  presented,  amid  the  luxuriance  of 
their  foliage,  the  parasitical  vine  loaded  with  ripe  clusters 
of  luscious  grapes,  and  from  whence  the  strange  notes  of 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE.          93 

the  whippoorwill,  and  other  birds  of  varied  tone  and 
plumage,  such  as  he  had  never  before  seen,  were  heard 
at  intervals;  the  bright  sunshine  of  a  Canadian  autumn  ; 
the  unclouded  moonlight  of  its  calm  and  pleasant  nights, 
with  the  other  novel  accessories  of  the  occasion,  made  a 
sublime  and  profound  impression  upon  the  mind  of  'the 
adventurer. 

Delighted  with  his  journej-,  Cartier  arrived,  on  the  2d 
of  October,  opposite  the  Huron  village  of  Hochelaga,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  lined  the  shore  on  his  approach, 
and  made  the  most  friendly  signs  for  him  to  land.  Sup- 
plies of  fish  and  maize  were  freely  tendered  by  the  In- 
dians, in  return  for  which  they  received  knives  and  beads. 
Despite  this  friendly  conduct,  however,  Cartier  and  his 
companions  deemed  it  most  prudent  to  pass  the  night  on 
board  their  boats.  On  the  following  day,  headed  by  their 
leader  dressed  in  the  most  imposing  costume  at  his  com- 
mand, the  exploring  party  went  in  procession  to  the  vil- 
lage. At  a  short  distance  from  its  environs  they  were 
met  by  the  sachem,  who  received  them  with  that  solemn 
courtesy  peculiar  to  the  aborigines  of  America.  Cartier 
made  him  several  presents :  among  these  was  a  cross, 
which  he  hung  round  his  neck  and  directed  him  to  kiss. 
Patches  of  ripe  corn  encircled  the  village,  which  consisted 
of  fifty  substantially-built  huts,  secured  from  attack  by 
three  lines  of  stout  palisades.  Like  the  natives  of  Mexico 
and  Peru,  the  Hochelagians  regarded  the  white  men  as  a 
superior  race  of  beings,  who  came  among  them  as  friends 
and  benefactors.  Impressed  with  this  idea,  they  con- 
ducted them  in  state  to  their  council  lodge  and  brought 
their  sick  to  be  healed.  Cartier  was  at  once  too  com- 
pletely in  their  power  and  too  politic  to  undeceive  them. 
It  is  recorded  that  he  did  everything  he  could  to  soothe 
their  minds;  that  he  even  prayed  with  these  idolaters, 


94  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [McMuLLEN 

and  distributed  crosses  and  other  symbols  of  the  Catholic 
faith  among  them. 

The  introductory  ceremony  concluded,  Cartier  ascended 
the  mountain  behind  Hochelaga,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Mont  Eoyal,  subsequently  corrupted  into  Mon- 
treal. From  a  point  near  its  summit  a  noble  prospect 
met  his  view.  Interminable  forests  stretched  on  every 
side,  their  deep  gloom  broken  at  harmonious  intervals  by 
hills  and  rivers  and  island-studded  lakes.  Simple  as  were 
the  natives  of  Hochelaga,  they  appeared  to  have  some 
knowledge  of  the  geography  of  their  country.  From 
them  Cartier  learned  that  it  would  take  three  months  to 
sail  in  their  canoes  up  the  course  of  the  majestic  river 
which  flowed  beneath  them,  and  that  it  ran  through  sev- 
eral great  lakes,  the  farthest  one  of  which  was  like  a  vast 
sea.  Beyond  this  lake  was  another  large  river  (the  Mis- 
sissippi), which  pursued  a  southerly  course  through  a 
region  free  from  ice  and  snow.  With  the  precious  metals 
they  appeared  but  very  partially  acquainted.  Of  copper 
they  had  a  better  knowledge,  and  stated  that  it  was 
found  at  the  Saguenay. 

Favorably  as  Cartier  had  been  received,  the  lateness 
of  the  season  compelled  his  immediate  return  to  Stada- 
cona.  The  Indians  expressed  their  regret  at  the  short- 
ness of  the  visit,  and  accompanied  the  French  to  their 
boats,  which  they  followed  for  some  time,  making  signs  of 
farewell.  The  expedition  did  not,  however,  find  all  the 
natives  equally  friendly.  While  bivouacking  one  night  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  they  would  probably  have  all  been 
massacred,  but  for  a  timely  retreat  to  their  boats.  Car- 
tier  had  a  narrow  escape,  and  owed  his  life  to  the  intre- 
pidity of  his  boatswain,  an  Englishman. 

The  adventurers  wintered  in  the  St.  Charles  Eiver,  and 
continued  to  be  treated  with  apparent  kindness  and  hos- 


MCMULLEN]     DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE.          95 

pitality  by  the  Stadaconians,  who  had,  fortunately,  laid 
up  abundant  stores  of  provisions.  Unaccustomed,  how- 
ever, to  the  rigor  of  a  Canadian  winter,  and  scantily  sup- 
plied with  warm  clothing,  Cartier  and  his  companions 
suffered  severely  from  the  cold.  To  add  to  their  other 
misfortunes,  scurvy,  the  terror  of  the  seaman  in  those 
days,  made  its  appearance,  and,  in  conjunction  with  a  dis- 
ease produced  by  a  licentious  intercourse  with  the  natives, 
speedily  carried  off  twenty-five  of  their  number.  To  a 
decoction  from  the  bark  of  the  spruce-fir,  taken  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  Indians,  the  remainder  ascribed 
their  restoration  to  health. 

The  long  winter  at  length  drew  to  a  close ;  the  ice 
broke  up,  and,  although  the  voyage  had  led  to  no  gold- 
discoveries  or  profitable  returns  in  a  mercantile  point 
of  view,  the  expedition  prepared  to  return  home.  Like 
other  adventurers  of  that  age,  they  requited  the  kindness 
and  hospitality  of  the  aborigines  with  the  basest  ingrati- 
tude. They  compelled  Donacona,  with  two  other  chiefs 
and  eight  warriors,  to  bear  them  company  to  France, 
where  the  greater  part  of  these  unfortunate  men  died 
soon  after  their  arrival. 

[Cartier  made  a  second  visit  to  the  St.  Lawrence  in  1540,  in  com- 
mand of  a  fleet  fitted  out  by  De  Boberval,  a  rich  nobleman  of  France. 
As  he  failed  to  bring  back  their  chief,  the  inhabitants  of  Stadacona 
received  him  with  indications  of  hostility.] 

Finding  his  position  with  the  inhabitants  of  Stadacona 
becoming  daily  more  and  more  unpleasant,  Cartier  moved 
higher  up  the  river  to  Cape  Eouge,  where  he  laid  up 
.three  of  his  vessels,  and  sent  the  other  two  back  to 
France,  with  letters  to  the  king  and  Eoberval,  stating 
the  success  of  his  voyage  and  asking  for  supplies.  His 
next  proceeding  was  to  erect  a  fort,  which  he  called 


96  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [McMuLLEN 

Charlesbourg.  Here,  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
navigate  the  rapids  above  Hochelaga,  he  passed  a  most 
uncomfortable  winter.  During  the  ensuing  summer  he 
occupied  himself  in  examining  the  country  in  every  di- 
rection, and  in  searching  for  gold,  but  of  which  he  only 
procured  a  few  trifling  specimens  in  the  beds  of  some 
dried  rivulets.  A  few  small  diamonds  were  discovered  in 
a  headland  near  Stadacona,  which  was  therefore  called 
Cape  Diamond,  a  name  it  still  retains. 

The  promised  supplies  not  having  arrived,  another  se- 
vere winter  completely  disheartened  Cartier,  and  he  ac- 
cordingly resolved  to  return  home.  Putting  into  the  har- 
bor of  St.  John,  Newfoundland,  he  encountered  Eoberval, 
who  was  now  on  his  way  to  Canada,  with  a  new  company 
of  adventurers  and  an  abundance  of  stores  and  provisions. 
The  viceroy  endeavored  to  persuade  Cartier  to  return 
with  him,  but  without  effect.  He  and  his  companions 
were  alike  disheartened  with  the  extreme  cold  and  pro- 
longed duration  of  a  Canadian  winter,  and  this  circum- 
stance, in  connection  with  the  other  hardships  to  which 
they  had  been  exposed,  caused  them  to  long  earnestly  to 
return  to  their  own  sunny  France.  To  avoid  further  im- 
portunity, a  possible  quarrel,  and  forcible  detention.  Car- 
tier  caused  his  sailors  to  weigh  anchor  during  the  night. 
After  a  tolerably  quick  passage,  he  arrived  safely  in  his 
native  country,  where  he  died  shortly  after  his  return, 
having,  like  many  others,  sacrificed  health  and  fortune  to 
a  passion  for  discovery  and  a  desire  to  acquire  gold. 

[Roberval  returned  to  France,  after  spending  the  winter  in  Canada. 
He  subsequently  started  with  another  expedition  for  the  same  region. 
This  fleet  was  never  heard  of  again,  and  probably  foundered  at  sea. 
The  results  of  these  efforts  so  discouraged  the  French  that  no  similar 
attempt  was  made  for  many  years  afterwards.] 


BESANT]    MASSACRE  OF  FRENCH  PROTESTANTS.  97 

THE  MASSACRE  OF  THE  FRENCH  PROTESTANTS. 

WALTER   BESANT. 

[The  first  earnest  effort  to  establish  a  French  colony  in  America  was 
made  in  the  interest  of  the  French  Protestants  at  the  instigation  of 
the  celebrated  Admiral  Coligny.  His  primary  effort  in  this  direction 
was  made  in  Brazil.  The  northern  shores  of  that  country,  as  we  have 
already  stated,  had  been  discovered  by  Pinzon  in  1499.  In  1500  a 
Portuguese  fleet  under  Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral,  on  a  voyage  to  the  East 
Indies  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  sailed  so  far  westward  as  to 
touch  the  coast  of  southern  Brazil.  A  fort  was  built,  in  which  a  few 
men  were  left,  and  gradually,  during  the  succeeding  years,  small  Por- 
tuguese settlements  spread  along  the  coast.  From  time  to  time  this 
coast  was  visited  by  the  French,  mainly  on  piratical  enterprises,  and  a 
state  of  war  existed  for  years  between  the  French  and  Portuguese  in 
the  waters  of  Brazil.  In  1555,  Coligny  sent  a  colony  to  this  region 
under  Villegagnon,  a  French  adventurer.  It  was  established  on  an 
island  in  the  Bay  of  Rio  Janeiro.  But  the  place  proved  so  unsuitable, 
the  colony  was  made  up  of  such  disreputable  and  vicious  elements, 
and  the  leader  proved  so  worthless  and  treacherous,  that  the  settlement, 
after  languishing  for  four  years,  yielded  to  an  attack  from  the  Portu- 
guese, and  was  swept  out  of  existence. 

In  1562,  Coligny  made  a  second  effort  to  establish  a  refuge  for  French 
Protestants  in  America.  An  expedition  was  sent  to  Florida  under 
command  of  John  Ribaut.  He  reached  the  coast  in  May,  and  discov- 
ered a  stream  which  he  called  the  River  of  May  (now  St.  John's  River). 
Proceeding  thence  to  Port  Royal,  near  the  southern  border  of  Carolina, 
he  erected  a  fort,  and  left  twenty-six  men,  returning  to  France  for  emi- 
grants and  supplies.  The  promised  reinforcement  not  arriving,  the 
colonists  abandoned  the  fort  and  embarked  for  home  in  a  brigantine 
of  their  own  construction.  Like  the  Brazilian  colonists,  they  had  not 
taken  the  trouble  to  cultivate  the  soil,  and  were  driven  by  famine  from 
America  to  encounter  a  worse  famine  at  sea.  They  were  saved  from 
death  by  an  English  vessel  which  they  fortunately  met  off  the  coast 
of  England. 

In  1564  another  expedition  was  sent  out  by  Coligny,  and  a  colony 
established  on  the  St.  John's  River  under  LaudonniSre,  one  of  Ribaut's 
i. — E  9 


98  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BESANT 

original  company.  It  was  managed  with  the  same  improvidence  as 
the  former  ones,  and  to  escape  starvation  a  party  of  the  emigrants 
embarked  for  Prance.  But  instead  of  returning  they  commenced  a, 
career  of  piracy  against  the  Spaniards.  The  remainder  were  on  the 
point  of  leaving  the  country,  when  Eibaut  appeared,  with  seven  ves- 
sels and  about  six  hundred  emigrants.  Meanwhile,  news  had  arrived 
in  Spain  that  a  party  of  French  heretics  had  settled  in  Florida,  which 
was  claimed  as  Spanish  territory.  Menendez,  who  had  already  estab- 
lished a  reputation  for  brutality  in  America,  was  sent  out  to  extirpate 
them.  Up  to  this  point  the  conflicts  of  Europeans  upon  American  soil 
had  been  with  the  natives,  with  the  exception  of  the  piratical  pro- 
ceedings above  adverted  to.  Now  the  wars  of  Europeans  with  one 
another  were  about  to  be  inaugurated  in  a  brutal  massacre,  the  story 
of  which  we  give  in  the  graphic  account  of  Walter  Besant,  selected 
from  his  "  Gaspard  de  Coligny."] 

THE  expedition  under  Menendez  consisted  of  an  army 
of  two  thousand  six  hundred  soldiers  and  officers.  He 
sailed  straight  for  Florida,  intending  to  attack  Fort  Caro- 
line with  no  delay.  In  fact,  he  sighted  the  mouth  of  the 
port  two  months  after  starting ;  but,  considering  the  posi- 
tion occupied  by  the  French  ships,  he  judged  it  prudent 
to  defer  the  attack,  and  make  it,  if  possible,  from  the 
land. 

A  council  of  war  was  held  in  Fort  Caroline,  presided 
over  by  Eibaut.  Laudonniere  proposed  that,  while  Eibaut 
held  the  fort  with  the  ships,  he,  with  his  old  soldiers,  who 
knew  the  country  well,  aided  by  the  Floridans  as  auxil- 
iaries, should  engage  the  Spaniards  in  the  woods  and 
harass  them  by  perpetual  combats  in  labyrinths  to  which 
they  were  wholly  unaccustomed.  The  advice  was  good, 
but  it  was  not  followed.  Eibaut  proposed  to  follow  the 
Spanish  fleet  with  his  own, — lighter  and  more  easily 
handled, — fall  on  the  enemy  when  the  soldiers  were  all 
disembarked,  and,  after  taking  and  burning  the  ships,  to 
attack  the  army. 


BESANT]    MASSACRE  OF  FRENCH  PROTESTANTS.  99 

In  the  face  of  remonstrances  from  all  the  officers  he 
persisted  in  this  project.  Disaster  followed  the  attempt. 
A  violent  gale  arose.  The  French  ships  were  wrecked 
upon  the  Floridan  coast ;  the  men  lost  their  arms,  their 
powder,  and  their  clothes ;  they  escaped  with  their  bare 
lives.  There  was  no  longer  the  question  of  conquering 
the  Spaniards,  but  of  saving  themselves.  The  garrison 
of  Caroline  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  of 
whom  forty  were  sick.  The  rest  of  the  colony  was  com- 
posed of  sick  and  wounded,  Protestant  ministers,  work- 
men, "royal  commissioners,"  and  so  forth.  Laudonniere 
was  in  command.  They  awaited  the  attack  for  several 
days,  yet  the  Spaniards  came  not.  They  were  wading 
miserably  through  the  marshes  in  the  forests,  under  trop- 
ical rains,  discouraged,  and  out  of  heart.  Had  Laudon- 
niere's  project  been  carried  out,  not  one  single  Spaniai'd 
would  have  returned  to  the  fleet  to  tell  the  tale.  Day 
after  day  the  soldiers  toiled,  sometimes  breast-high, 
through  these  endless  marshes,  under  the  rain  which 
never  ceased.  The  provisions  were  exhausted.  Many  of 
the  soldiers  remained  behind,  or  returned  to  St.  Augus- 
tine, pretending  to  have  lost  their  way.  The  officers 
asked  each  other  loudly  whether  they  were  all  to  be  killed 
in  a  bog  through  the  ignorance  of  an  Asturian,  who  knew 
no  more  about  war  than  a  horse.  Menendez  pretended 
not  to  hear,  and  they  plodded  on,  mutinous  and  discon- 
tented, till  their  leader  suddenly  pointed  out,  through  the 
branches  of  the  trees,  the  earthworks  and  cannon  of  Fort 
Caroline.  He  invited  his  officers  to  make  up  their  minds 
to  an  immediate  attack  or  a  retreat.  Seven  of  them  pro- 
posed a  retreat :  they  would  live  on  palmistes  and  roots 
on  the  way.  But  the  majority  declared  for  advance,  and 
the  attack  was  resolved  upon. 

For   some   reason   unexplained,   the    French   sentinels 


100  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BESAKT 

chose  this  fatal  moment  to  leave  their  posts.  There  was 
actually  no  watch  on  the  ramparts.  Three  companies  of 
Spaniards  simultaneously  rushed  from  the  forest  and  at- 
tacked the  fortress  on  the  south,  the  west,  and  the  south- 
west. There  was  but  little  resistance  from  the  surprised 
garrison.  There  was  hardly  time  to  grasp  a  sword. 
About  twenty  escaped  by  flight,  including  the  captain, 
Laudonniere ;  the  rest  were  every  one  massacred.  None 
were  spared  except  women  and  children  under  fifteen  ; 
and,  in  the  first  rage  of  the  onslaught,  even  these  were 
murdered  with  the  rest. 

There  still  lay  in  the  port  three  ships,  commanded  by 
Jacques  Ribaut,  brother  of  the  unfortunate  governor. 
One  of  these  was  quickly  sent  to  the  bottom  by  the 
cannon  of  the  fort ;  the  other  two  cut  their  cables  and 
slipped  out  of  reach  into  the  roadstead,  where  they  lay, 
waiting  for  a  favorable  wind,  for  three  days.  They  picked 
up  the  fugitives  who  had  been  wandering  half  starved  in 
the  woods,  and  then  set  sail  from  this  unlucky  land. 

[Meanwhile,  Kibaut's  shipwrecked  crew  were  wandering  along  the 
shore  of  Florida,  fifty  miles  from  Fort  Caroline.  They  were  ignorant 
of  the  loss  of  the  fort,  and  made  their  way  with  difficulty  through  the 
woods,  until,  to  their  despair,  they  saw  the  Spanish  flag  flying  over  its 
ramparts.] 

There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  retreat  again.  The 
unfortunate  Frenchmen  began  miserably  to  retrace  their 
steps  through  the  wet  and  gloomy  forest,  eating  leaves, 
herbs,  and  roots.  Their  last  misfortune  was  that  they  knew 
nothing  of  the  new  Spanish  settlement  [of  St.  Augustine, 
established  by  Menendez],  and  so  directed  their  course 
as  exactly  to  arrive  at  it. 

Menendez  saw  from  a  distance  the  arrival  of  the  first 
band  of  two  hundred.  They  were  like  a  crowd  of  ship- 
wrecked sail<3rs,  destitute  of  the  power  of  resistance,  feeble 


BESANT]    MASSACRE  OF  FRENCH  PROTESTANTS.  101 

from  long  fasting,  fatigued  with  their  long  march.  He 
had  with  him  a  troop  of  forty  men.  A  river  ran  between 
the  French  and  the  Spaniards.  A  Basque  swam  across  the 
stream,  and  asked  for  a  safe-conduct  for  Eibaut,  who  had 
not  yet  arrived,  and  four  gentlemen.  Menendez  would 
accord,  he  said,  an  audience  to  an  officer.  One  Vasseur, 
accompanied  by  two  or  three  soldiers,  crossed  over  the 
river  and  was  brought  to  the  Spanish  commander.  Me- 
nendez began  by  apprising  him  of  the  capture  of  Caroline 
and  the  massacre  of  the  garrison.  He  confirmed  the  truth 
of  his  story  by  causing  two  prisoners,  spared  as  Catholics, 
to  relate  it  themselves.  He  coldly  told  Vasseur  that  all 
those  who  were  Protestants  should  suffer  the  same  fate,  or 
at  least  that  he  would  not  promise  otherwise. 

There  was  but  one  alternative.  The  French  could  trust 
to  the  possible  clemency  of  Menendez,  or  they  could  take 
to  the  woods.  In  the  latter  case  they  would  certainly 
starve ;  in  the  former,  they  might  escape  with  their  lives. 
It  seemed  incredible  that  a  man  should,  in  cold  blood, 
resolve  to  massacre  two  hundred  unarmed  men.  They  laid 
down  their  arms.  They  were  brought  across  the  river  in 
small  companies,  and  their  hands  tied  behind  their  backs. 

On  landing,  they  were  asked  if  they  were  Catholics. 
Eight  out  of  the  two  hundred  professed  allegiance  to  that 
religion;  the  rest  were  all  Protestants.  Menendez  traced 
out  a  vline  on  the  ground  with  his  cane.  The  prisoners 
were  marched  up  one  by  one  to  the  line ;  on  reaching  it, 
they  were  stabbed. 

The  next  day  Eibaut  arrived  with  the  rest  of  the  army. 

The  same  pourparlers  began.  But  this  time  a  blacker 
treachery  was  adopted.  Menendez  did  not  himself  receive 
the  officer  sent  to  treat.  He  deputed  a  certain  Vallemonde. 
This  creature  received  the  French  deputy  with  unexpected 
civility.  His  captain,  he  said,  was  a  man  of  "extraordinary 
i.  9* 


102  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BESANT 

clemency.  It  was  true  that  Caroline  had  fallen,  but  the 
garrison,  women,  and  children  were  all  put  on  board  ship, 
with  provisions,  and  were  now  on  their  way  to  France. 
Finally,  if  the  French  laid  down  their  arms,  he,  Valle- 
monde,  would  pledge  his  word  of  honor  on  the  sacred 
cross,  which  he  kissed  devoutly,  that  all  their  lives  should 
be  spared. 

It  is  not  clear  how  many  of  the  French  accepted  the 
conditions.  A  certain  number  refused  them,  and  escaped 
into  the  woods.  What  is  certain  is  that  Ribaut,  with 
nearly  all  his  men,  were  tied  back  to  back,  four  together. 
Those  who  said  they  were  Catholics  were  set  on  one  side; 
the  rest  were  all  massacred  as  they  stood.  A  rage  for 
slaughter — the  blood-thirst — seized  the  Spanish  soldiers. 
They  fell  upon  their  victims,  and  stabbed  and  hacked 
both  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  air  was  horrible  with 
their  oaths  and  cries.  The  work  of  murder  was  soon 
over.  In  a  very  few  moments  there  was  not  a  cry,  nor 
a  sound,  nor  a  movement,  among  the  whole  four  hun- 
di-ed  prisoners  now  lying  upon  the  ground,  the  maddened 
soldiers  still  stabbing  their  lifeless  bodies.  Outside  the 
circle  of  the  slaughtered  and  the  slaughterers  stood  the 
priest,  Mendoza,  encouraging,  approving,  exhorting  the 
butchers.  With  him,  calm,  serene,  and  joyful,  with  a 
prayer  of  thanksgiving  on  his  lips,  stood  the  murderer, 
Menendez. 

The  slaughter  completed,  they  set  up  enormous  piles  of 
wood  and  burned  the  bodies  on  them.  On  the  trees  near 
the  scene  of  the  massacre  Menendez  caused  to  be  in- 
scribed, "  Slaughtered  not  as  Frenchmen,  but  as  Luther- 
ans." As  for  the  corpse  of  Eibaut,  he  had  it  flayed,  and 
sent  the  skin  to  Europe,  with  cuttings  from  the  beard,  as 
gifts  to  his  friends. 

[Those  who  had  escaped  to  the  woods  built  a  small  fort,  defended 


BESAXT]    MASSACRE  OF  FRENCH  PROTESTANTS.  103 

themselves,  were  offered  terms  of  surrender,  and  were  all  sent  to  the 
galleys.  The  reception  of  this  news  in  France  raised  a  storm  of  in- 
dignation. As  the  court  made  no  movement  of  reprisal,  the  French 
sailors  took  revenge  into  their  own  hands.  Fast-sailing  privateers 
were  sent  out,  which  captured  the  rich  Spanish  galleons  and  inflicted 
enormous  losses.  English  buccaneers  followed  the  example,  and  Spain 
paid  dearly  in  treasure  for  the  bloody  act  of  Menendez.  One  soldier, 
Dominique  de  Gourgues,  who  had  been  in  the  Spanish  galleys  and 
hated  the  Spaniards  vehemently,  resolved  on  a  more  direct  revenge. 
"With  difficulty  he  equipped  three  small  ships,  which  he  manned  with 
one  hundred  and  eighty  men.  The  purpose  of  his  expedition  was 
kept  secret ;  only  the  captains  of  his  ships  knew  of  it.  It  was  in  the 
early  part  of  1568  that  he  appeared  off  the  coast  of  Florida.  He 
landed  his  men,  gained  the  alliance  of  the  natives,  who  bitterly  hated 
the  Spaniards,  and  began  a  painful  and  difficult  march  overland,  at- 
tended by  thousands  of  Indian  warriors.] 

The  Spaniards  were  extending  their  fortifications  out- 
side Caroline  itself.  At  one  place  the  lines  had  only  been 
drawn,  and  the  works  as  yet  were  only  just  commenced. 
Here  the  attack  was  to  take  place. 

The  story  reads  almost  exactly  like  that  of  the  Span- 
iards when  they  took  the  fort  by  surprise.  Entirely 
without  suspicion,  the  garrison  were  taking  their  dinner. 
Suddenly,  a  musket-shot,  and  the  cry  of  "  The  French ! 
the  French !"  There  were  sixty  men  in  this,  the  outwork. 
They  were  all  killed.  But  there  remained  the  second  fort. 
De  Gourgues  turned  the  cannon  on  it,  and  a  lively  artillery 
fight  began.  The  Floridans  at  this  moment  emerged  from 
the  woods.  A  detachment  of  French  attacked  the  fort  in 
the  rear.  The  Spaniards,  ignorant  of  the  number  of  the 
enemy,  lost  their  heads.  The  second  fort  was  taken  with  a 
rush,  and  all  the  Spaniards  killed  except  fifteen,  whom  De 
Gourgues  ordered  to  be  bound  and  kept  in  safety  for  the 
moment.  There  yet  remained  Fort  Caroline  itself.  Here 
there  were  three  hundred  combatant  men.  De  Gourgues 


104  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BESANT 

surrounded  the  fort  with  his  Indians,  and  prevented  any 
spy  from  coming  out,  so  that  the  besieged  had  no  notion 
of  the  numbers  of  their  assailants.  The  commandant,  in 
surprise  and  indecision,  allowed  two  days  to  pass  before 
doing  anything.  Then  he  sent  out  a  spy  disguised  as  an 
Indian.  He  was  caught,  and,  being  brought  before  De 
Gourgues,  he  had  the  imprudence  to  confess  that  the  gar- 
rison was  horribly  discouraged,  believing  the  French  to  be 
two  thousand  strong.  Thereupon  De  Gourgues  resolved 
upon  an  immediate  attack. 

The  Spaniards  thought  that  his  little  army,  all  of  which 
was  now  in  sight,  was  only  an  advance-guard.  The  French, 
thinking  the  moment  inopportune,  retired  into  the  wood 
again  to  watch.  The  Spaniards  sent  out  a  body  of  sixty, 
with  the  view  of  drawing  them  out  into  the  open.  De 
Gourgues  detached  twenty  of  his  own  men  to  place  them- 
selves in  ambush  between  the  fort  and  the  sortie,  so  as  to 
cut  off  their  retreat.  Then,  before  the  Spaniards  had  time 
to  form  themselves,  he  poured  a  murderous  fire  into  their 
ranks,  and  rushed  upon  them,  sword  in  hand.  They  turned 
to  fly,  and  were  met  by  the  ambuscade.  Not  one  returned 
to  the  fort.  The  rest  of  the  French  rushed  tumultuously 
out  of  the  wood,  and  all  together,  headed  by  De  Gourgues, 
they  crowded  into  the  citadel. 

A  panic  seized  the  Spaniards.  They  allowed  themselves 
to  be  cut  down  almost  without  resistance.  Out  of  the  whole 
force  of  three  hundred,  De  Gourgues  only  managed  to  save 
sixty. 

He  would  have  saved  more,  to  make  his  revenge  more 
complete.  As  it  was,  he  wrote  an  inscription,  which  he 
placed  so  that  all  could  see, — "  I  do  this  not  to  Spaniards, 
but  to  traitors,  thieves,  and  murderers." 

Then  he  hanged  them  up,  every  one,  the  Floridans 
looking  on  aghast.  This  done,  he  destroyed  the  fort  and 


HOWITT]    COLONIES  OF  SIR   WALTER  RALEIGH.  105 

returned  to  France.     He  was  received  with  enthusiasm  at 
Eochelle,  an  entirely  Protestant  town. 


THE  COLONIES  OF  SIR  WALTER  RALEIGH. 

MARY  HOWITT. 

[The  sixteenth  century  may  justly  be  called  the  century  of  discov- 
ery. The  bold  push  of  Columbus  across  the  ocean  to  America  and  of 
Vasco  da  Gama  around  Africa  to  the  East  Indies  broke  the  chains  of 
timidity  with  which  the  world  had  hitherto  been  bound.  They  were 
followed  by  a  succession  of  daring  and  reckless  navigators,  who  quickly 
made  the  world  their  home,  and  sought  new  lands  with  an  avidity  and 
enthusiasm  with  which  the  thirst  for  fame  and  the  spirit  of  adventure 
had  as  much  to  do  as  the  love  of  gold.  The  English  were  somewhat 
late  in  following  the  lead  of  the  Spanish,  Portuguese,  and  French  dis- 
coverers, but  prosecuted  their  researches  with  vigor  after  they  had  once 
commenced.  One  of  their  adventurers,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  engaged 
in  the  slave-trade,  which  had  been  early  instituted  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  carried  cargoes  of  negroes  to  the  West  Indies  in  1562  and  1564. 
In  1567  he  was  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  conflict  with  the  Spaniards 
at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  in  which  expedition  he  was  accompanied  by 
the  celebrated  Sir  Francis  Drake.  In  1570,  Drake  started  on  a  pri- 
vateering excursion  against  the  Spaniards,  and  for  years  he  did  them 
immense  damage.  In  1573  he  crossed  the  Isthmus  and  attacked  the 
Spanish  settlements  on  the  Pacific  shores.  In  1577  he  sailed  south- 
ward along  the  Brazilian  coast,  entered  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  (which  had 
been  discovered  in  1526  by  Sebastian  Cabot),  and  passed  through  the 
Straits  of  Magellan.  Thence  he  followed  the  coasts  of  Chili  and  Peru, 
attacking  the  Spanish  ships  and  settlements  as  he  advanced,  and  ex- 
plored the  shores  of  western  America  as  far  north  as  48°  N.  lat.,  in  the 
hope  of  discovering  a  passage  to  the  Atlantic.  He  returned  home 
by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  accomplishing  the  first  circum- 
navigation of  the  globe  by  an  Englishman.  Attempts  were  made  in 
the  same  period  to  discover  a  northwestern  passage  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific  by  "Willoughby  and  Chancellor,  Frobisher,  Henry  Hudson, 
and  others.  But  the  only  efforts  during  this  century  to  found  an 


106  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowiTT 

English  colony  on  the  shores  of  the  New  World  were  those  made  by 
Sir  Walter  Kaleigh.  These  we  may  describe  in  detail  in  a  selection 
chosen  from  Mary  Howitt's  charmingly-written  "  History  of  the  United 
States."] 

JOINT-STOCK  companies  for  the  discovery  of  unknown 
lands  were  first  formed  in  1555.  The  marriage  of  Mary 
with  Philip  of  Spain  brought  the  magnificent  discoveries 
and  productions  of  that  country  into  a  closer  proximity 
with  England,  and  a  desire  to  emulate  the  successes  of 
Spain  in  the  New  World  was  excited. 

The  spirit  of  Elizabeth  seconded  that  of  her  people. 
The  nation  had  now  assumed  a  more  determined  and  a 
prouder  front  in  their  resentment  of  the  attempt  of  Spain 
to  render  them  an  appendage  to  the  Spanish  crown,  and 
by  the  successful  struggle  of  Protestantism  against  Cathol- 
icism. England  strengthened  her  navy ;  frequented  the 
ba}7s  and  banks  of  Newfoundland;  sent  out  adventurers 
to  Eussia  and  Africa ;  endeavored  to  reach  Persia  by  land, 
and  enlarged  her  commerce  with  the  East,  whilst  her  priva- 
teers lay  in  wait  at  sea  for  the  rich  galleons  of  Spain.  The 
study  of  geography  was  universally  cultivated,  and  books 
of  travels  and  adventures  by  land  and  sea  were  eagerly 
read.  Frobisher,  the  boldest  mariner  who  ever  crossed  the 
ocean,  set  forth  to  discover  the  long-sought-for  northwest 
passage,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  waved  her  hand  to  him  in 
token  of  favor,  as  he  sailed  down  the  Thames.  Frobisher, 
like  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  hoped  to  find  gold.  If  the 
Spaniards  had  found  gold  in  the  south,  England  was  con- 
fident of  finding  gold  in  the  north.  Elizabeth  entered  en- 
thusiastically into  the  scheme  of  planting  a  colony  among 
the  wealthy  mines  of  the  polar  regions,  where  gold,  it  was 
said,  lay  on  the  surface  of  the  ground.  Frobisher  was 
followed  by  a  second  fleet,  but  they  found  only  frost  and 
icebergs. 


HOWITT]    COLONIES  OF  SIR   WALTER  RALEIGH.  107 

Whilst  Frobisher  and  his  ships  were  thus  vainly  endeav- 
oring to  find  an  El  Dorado  in  the  north,  Sir  Francis  Drake 
was  acquiring  immense  wealth  as  a  freebooter  on  the  Span- 
ish main,  and  winning  great  glory  by  circumnavigating 
the  globe,  after  having  explored  the  northwestern  coast  of 
America  as  far  north  as  the  forty-third  degree.  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,  also,  a  man  of  sound  judgment  and  deeply 
religious  mind,  obtained  a  charter  from  Queen  Elizabeth 
in  1578  for  the  more  rational  purposes  of  colonization. 
He  set  sail  with  three  vessels,  accompanied  by  his  step- 
brother, Sir  Walter  Ealeigh  ;  but  a  series  of  disasters  befell 
them ;  the  largest  vessel  was  wrecked,  and  a  hundred  per- 
ished, among  whom  was  Parmenius,  a  Hungarian  scholar, 
who  had  gone  out  as  historian  of  the  expedition.  On  the 
homeward  voyage  they  were  overtaken  by  a  great  storm. 
"  We  are  as  near  to  heaven  on  sea  as  on  land,"  said  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  sitting  abaft  with  a  book  in  his  hand. 
And  the  same  night  his  little  vessel  went  down,  and  all  on 
board  perished. 

The  brave  spirit  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  not  dis- 
couraged, though  he  deeply  deplored  the  loss  of  his  noble 
step-brother.  He  resolved  now  to  secure  to  England  those 
glorious  countries  where  the  poor  French  Protestants 
had  suffered  so  deeply,  and  a  patent  was  readily  granted, 
constituting  him  lord  proprietary,  with  almost  unlimited 
powers,  according  to  the  Christian  Protestant  faith,  of  all 
land  which  he  might  discover  between  the  thirty-third  and 
fortieth  degrees  of  north  latitude.  Under  this  patent 
Ealeigh  despatched,  as  avant-courier  ships,  two  vessels, 
under  the  command  of  Philip  Amidas  and  Arthur  Bar- 
low. In  the  month  of  July  they  reached  the  coast  of 
North  America,  having  perceived,  while  far  out  at  sea,  the 
fragi'ance  as  of  a  delicious  garden,  from  the  odoriferous 
flowers  of  the  shore.  Finding,  after  some  search,  a  con- 


108  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowiTT 

venient  harbor,  they  landed,  and,  offering  thanks  to  God 
for  their  safe  arrival,  took  formal  possession  in  the  name 
of  the  Queen  of  England. 

The  spot  on  which  they  landed  was  the  island  of  Wo- 
coken.  The  shores  of  this  part  of  America  are  peculiar, 
inasmuch  as  during  one  portion  of  the  year  they  are  ex- 
posed to  furious  tempests,  against  which  the  low  flat  shore 
affords  no  defence  of  harborage  ;  in  the  summer  season,  on 
the  contrary,  the  sea  and  air  are  alike  tranquil,  the  whole 
presenting  the  most  paradisiacal  aspect,  whilst  the  vegeta- 
tion is  calculated  to  strike  the  beholder  with  wonder  and  de- 
light. The  English  strangers  beheld  the  country  under  its 
most  favorable  circumstances ;  the  grapes  being  so  plentiful 
that  the  surge  of  the  ocean,  as  it  lazily  rolled  in  upon  the 
shore,  dashed  its  spray  upon  the  clusters.  "  The  forests 
formed  themselves  into  wonderfully  beautiful  bowers,  fre- 
quented by  multitudes  of  birds.  It  was  like  a  garden  of 
Eden,  and  the  gentle,  friendly  inhabitants  appeared  in  uni- 
son with  the  scene.  On  the  island  of  Roanoke  they  were 
received  by  the  wife  of  the  king,  and  entertained  with 
Arcadian  hospitality." 

[The  report  taken  to  England  aroused  high  enthusiasm.  An  ex- 
pedition was  sent,  sailing  on  the  9th  of  April,  1585,  under  Sir  Richard 
Grenville,  and  consisting  of  seven  vessels  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
colonists.  They  reached  Roanoke  Island,  where  they  quickly  roused 
the  natives  to  hostility  by  burning  a  village  and  destroying  the  standing 
corn  on  suspicion  of  the  theft  of  a  silver  cup.] 

The  colonists,  however,  landed,  and  soon  afterwards  the 
ships  returned  to  England,  Grenville  taking  a  rich  Spanish 
prize  by  the  way.  Lane  [the  governor]  and  his  colonists 
explored  the  country,  and  Lane  wrote  home,  "  It  is  the 
goodliest  soil  under  the  cope  of  heaven;  the  most  pleasing 
territory  in  the  world ;  the  continent  is  of  a  huge  and  un- 


HOWITT]    COLONIES  OF  SIR   WALTER  RALEIGH.  109 

known  greatness,  and  very  well  peopled  and  towned,  though 
savagely.  The  climate  is  so  wholesome  that  we  have  none 
sick.  If  Virginia  had  but  horses  and  kine  and  were  in- 
habited by  English,  no  realm  in  Christendom  were  com- 
parable with  it."  Hariot's  observations  were  directed  to 
"the  natural  inhabitants,"  and  to  the  productions  of  the 
colony  with  reference  to  commerce ;  he  observed  the  culture 
of  tobacco,  used  it  himself,  and  had  great  faith  in  its  salutary 
qualities ;  he  paid  great  attention  to  the  maize  and  the  po- 
tato, "  which  he  found  when  boiled  to  be  good  eating."  .  .  . 
In  the  mean  time,  the  mass  of  the  colonists,  who  were 
rabid  for  gold,  listened  to  wonderful  tales  invented  by  art- 
ful Indians,  who  wished  to  be  rid  of  these  awe-inspiring 
strangers.  The  river  Roanoke,  they  said,  gushed  forth 
from  a  rock  near  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  that  a  nation  dwelt 
upon  its  remote  banks,  skilful  in  refining  gold,  and  that 
they  occupied  a  city  the  walls  of  which  glittered  with 
pearls.  Even  Sir  Richard  Lane  was  credulous  enough  to 
believe  these  tales,  and  ascended  the  river  with  a  party  in 
order  to  reach  this  golden  region.  They  advanced  onward, 
finding  nothing,  till  they  were  reduced  to  the  utmost  ex- 
tremity of  famine.  The  Indians,  disappointed  by  their 
return,  resolved  to  cultivate  no  more  corn,  so  that  they 
might  be  driven  from  the  country  by  want,  and  the  Eng- 
lish, divining  their  views,  having  invited  the  chief  to  a 
conference,  fell  upon  him  and  slew  him,  with  many  of  his 
followers.  Lane  was  unfit  for  his  office.  This  act  of 
treachery  exasperated  the  Indians  to  such  a  degree  that 
they  would  no  longer  give  him  supplies.  The  colony  was 
about  to  perish  by  famine,  as  the  Indians  desired,  when  Sir 
Francis  Drake  appeared  outside  the  harbor  with  a  fleet  of 
twenty-three  ships.  He  was  on  his  way  from  the  West 
Indies,  and  was  now  come  to  visit  his  friends.  No  visit 
could  have  been  more  opportune  or  more  welcome, 
i.  10 


110  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowiTT 

[At  the  request  of  the  colonists,  Drake  carried  them  to  England. 
Yet  he  had  hardly  gone  before  a  vessel  despatched  by  Kaleigh  arrived, 
laden  with  supplies.  Finding  that  the  colony  had  vanished,  the  vessel 
returned,  and  it  had  but  fairly  disappeared  when  Sir  Kichard  Grenville 
arrived  with  three  ships.  After  searching  in  vain  for  the  missing 
colony,  he  also  returned,  leaving  fifteen  men  on  Koanoke  Island  to 
hold  possession  for  the  English.  Kaleigh,  not  discouraged  by  this 
failure,  sent  out  another  colony,  this  time  choosing  agriculturists,  and 
sending  their  wives  and  children  with  the  emigrants.  Implements  of 
husbandry  were  also  sent.  On  reaching  Koanoke  they  found  only  the 
bones  of  the  fifteen  men  whom  Grenville  had  left,  while  their  fort  was 
in  ruins.  The  new  governor,  Captain  John  White,  proved  an  unfortu- 
nate choice,  since  he  at  once  made  an  unprovoked  assault  upon  the 
Indians.  White  quickly  returned  with  the  ships  to  England  for  sup- 
plies and  reinforcements.] 

When  White  reached  England  he  found  the  whole  nation 
absorbed  by  the  threats  of  a  Spanish  invasion :  Ealeigh,  Gren- 
ville, and  Lane,  Frobisher,  Drake,  and  Hawkins,  all  were  em- 
ployed in  devising  measures  of  resistance.  It  was  twelve 
months  before  Ealeigh,  who  had  to  depend  almost  entirely 
upon  his  own  means,  was  able  to  despatch  White  with  sup- 
plies: this  he  did  in  two  vessels.  White,  who  wished  to 
profit  by  his  voyage,  instead  of  at  once  returning  without 
loss  of  time  to  his  colony,  went  in  chase  of  Spanish  prizes, 
until  at  length  one  of  his  ships  was  overpowered,  boarded, 
and  rifled,  and  both  compelled  to  return  to  England.  This 
delay  was  fatal.  The  great  events  of  the  Spanish  Armada 
took  place,  after  which  Sir  Walter  Ealeigh  found  himself 
embarrassed  with  such  a  fearful  amount  of  debt  that  it 
was  no  longer  in  his  power  to  attempt  the  colonization  of 
Virginia ;  nor  was  it  till  the  following  year  that  White  was 
able  to  return,  and  then  also  through  the  noble  efforts  of 
Sir  Walter  Ealeigh,  to  the  unhappy  colony  Eoanoke.  Again 
the  island  was  a  desert.  An  inscription  on  the  bark  of  a 
tree  indicated  Croatan ;  but  the  season  of  the  year,  and  the 


HOWITT]     COLONIES  OF  SIR   WALTER  RALEIGH.  HI 

danger  of  storms,  furnished  an  excuse  to  "White  for  not 
going  thither.  What  was  the  fate  of  the  colony  never  was 
known.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  through  the  friend- 
ship of  Manteo  (an  Indian  chief)  they  had  probably  escaped 
to  Croatan  ;  perhaps  had  been,  when  thus  cruelly  neglected 
by  their  countrymen,  received  into  a  friendly  tribe  of  Indians, 
and  became  a  portion  of  the  children  of  the  forest.  The 
Indians  had,  at  a  later  day,  a  tradition  of  this  kind,  and  it 
has  been  thought  that  the  physical  character  of  the  Hatteras 
Indians  bore  out  the  tradition.  The  kind-hearted  and  noble 
Raleigh  did  not  soon  give  up  all  hopes  of  his  little  colony. 
Five  different  times  he  sent  out  at  his  own  expense  to  seek 
for  them,  but  in  vain.  The  mystery  which  veils  the  fate 
of  the  colonists  of  Roanoke  will  never  be  solved  in  this 
world.  .  .  . 

The  fisheries  of  the  north  and  the  efforts  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  at  colonization  had  trained  a  race  of  men  for  dis- 
covery. One  of  these,  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  determined 
upon  sailing  direct  from  England  to  America,  without 
touching  at  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies,  as  had 
hitherto  been  the  custom ;  and,  with  the  aid  of  Raleigh,  he 
"  wellnigh  secured  to  New  England  the  honor  of  the  first 
permanent  English  colony."  He  sailed  in  a  small  vessel 
directly  across  the  ocean  (in  1602),  and  in  seven  weeks 
reached  the  shores  of  Massachusetts,  but,  not  finding  a  good 
harbor,  sailed  southward,  and  discovered  and  landed  on  a 
promontory  which  he  called  Cape  Cod,  which  name  it 
retains  to  this  day.  Sailing  thence,  and  still  pursuing 
the  coast,  he  discovered  various  islands,  one  of  which  he 
called  Elizabeth,  after  the  queen,  and  another  Martha's 
Vinej'ard.  The  vegetation  was  rich ;  the  land  covered  with 
magnificent  forests ;  and  wild  fruits  and  flowers  burst  from 
the  earth  in  unimagined  luxuriance, — the  eglantine,  the 
thorn,  and  the  honeysuckle ;  the  wild  pea,  tansy,  and  young 


112  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Howirr 

sassafras ;  strawberries,  raspberries,  and  vines.  In  the  island 
was  a  little  lake,  and  in  the  lake  a  rocky  islet,  and  here  the 
colonists  resolved  to  build  their  storehouse  and  fort,  the 
nucleus  of  the  first  New  England  colony.  The  natural 
features  of  the  place,  the  historian  tells  us,  remain  un- 
changed: the  island,  the  little  lake,  and  the  islet  are  all 
there ;  the  forests  are  gone,  while  the  flowers  and  fruit  are 
as  abundant  as  ever.  But  no  trace  remains  of  the  fort. 

Friendly  traffic  with  the  natives  of  the  mainland  soon 
completed  a  freight,  which  consisted  of  furs  and  sassafras, 
and  Gosnold  was  about  to  sail,  when  the  hearts  of  the  in- 
tending colonists  failed  them ;  they  dreaded  the  attack  of 
Indians  and  the  want  of  necessary  supplies  from  home. 
All,  therefore,  re-embarked,  and  in  five  weeks  reached  Eng- 
land. 

Gosnold  and  his  companions  brought  home  such  favor- 
able reports  of  the  country  and  the  shortness  of  the  voy- 
age that  the  following  year  a  company  of  Bristol  merchants 
despatched  two  small  vessels,  under  the  command  of  Mar- 
tin Pring,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the  country  and 
commencing  a  trade  with  the  natives.  They  carried  out 
with  them  trinkets  and  merchandise  suited  for  such  traffic, 
and  their  voyage  was  eminently  successful.  They  discov- 
ered some  of  the  principal  rivers  of  Maine,  and  examined 
the  coast  of  Massachusetts  as  far  south  as  Martha's  Vine- 
yard. The  whole  voyage  occupied  but  six  months.  Pring 
repeated  his  voyage  in  1606,  making  still  more  accurate 
surveys  of  the  country. 

[The  coast  of  New  England  was  further  surveyed  by  an  expedition 
despatched  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton  and  Lord  Arundel  and  com- 
manded by  George  "Weymouth.  He  explored  the  coast  of  Labrador, 
and  discovered  the  Penobscot  Kiver.  Captain  John  Smith  also  made 
an  exploration  of  the  coast  in  1614,  advanced  into  Massachusetts  Bay 
"  till  he  came  up  into  the  river  between  Mishawam,  afterwards  called 


HOWITT]    COLONIES  OF  SIR  WALTER  RALEIGH.  113 

Charlestown,  and  Shawmutt,  afterwards  called  Boston,  and,  having 
made  discovery  of  the  land,  rivers,  coves,  and  creeks  in  the  said  bay, 
and  also  taken  some  observation  of  the  manners,  dispositions,  and 
sundry  customs  of  the  numerous  Indians,  or  nations  inhabiting  the 
.  same,  he  returned  to  England."  He  gave  to  the  country  the  name  of 
New  England,  which  it  still  retains. 

In  1598  the  Marquis  de  la  Koche  endeavored  to  found  a  French 
colony  in  America,  and  peopled  Sable  Island,  on  the  coast  of  Nova 
Scotia,  with  the  refuse  of  the  jails.  After  languishing  here  for  twelve 
years,  they  were  allowed  to  return,  and  the  colony  was  abandoned. 
In  1605,  De  Monts,  a  French  gentleman,  formed  a  colony  at  a  place 
named  by  him  Port  Koyal,  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  proved  to 
be  the  first  permanent  French  settlement  in  America.  The  whole 
country,  including  the  present  New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the 
adjacent  islands,  was  called  Acadia.  In  the  succeeding  year  (1606) 
the  London  Company  sent  three  vessels  to  Roanoke,  which  were 
driven  by  a  storm  into  Chesapeake  Bay.  Here  they  discovered  the 
James  River,  up  which  stream  they  sailed  fifty  miles,  and  selected  a 
place  for  a  settlement,  which  they  named  Jamestown.  Here  was 
formed  the  first  permanent  English  colony  in  America,  one  hundred 
and  fourteen  years  after  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  by  Columbus.] 


I.— A  10* 


114  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


SKCTION     III. 

THE  ERA  OF   SETTLEMENT. 


INTRODUCTORY    REMARKS. 

DURING  the  sixteenth  century  the  work  of  colonizing 
America  was  left  almost  entirely  to  the  people  of  Spain. 
While  the  other  nations  of  Europe  were  contenting  them- 
selves with  occasional  voyages  of  discovery,  or  with  slave- 
carrying  expeditions  and  piratical  raids,  the  Spaniards  were 
extending  their  dominion  in  the  New  World  with  a  rapidity 
and  energy  in  striking  contrast  with  their  present  supine- 
ness.  Colonization  in  the  West  Indies  began  immediately 
after  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  and  was  prosecuted 
with  such  vigor  that  in  a  few  years  the  four  larger  islands 
were  completely  under  Spanish  control,  and  their  native 
inhabitants  largely  annihilated,  while  the  remainder  were 
reduced  to  slavery.  The  settlement  of  the  mainland  was 
prosecuted  with  similar- activity.  Colonies  were  established 
on  the  coasts  of  South  and  Central  America,  and  in  1519 
Cortes  began  that  memorable  expedition  which  soon  sub- 
jected the  Aztec  empire  of  Mexico  to  his  sway.  From 
this  region  the  Spanish  dominion  extended  south  through- 
out Central  America,  and  northward  to  California  and  New 
Mexico,  which  Coronado  invaded  in  1540.  South  America 
was  settled  with  no  less  rapidity.  The  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  quickly  followed  by  that  of  the  extensive  empire  of 
Peru.  Chili  was  conquered  in  1541,  with  the  exception  of 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS.  115 

the  country  of  the  Araucanians,  the  only  Indian  nation 
which  has  successfully  held  its  own  against  European  inva- 
sion. In  a  comparatively  short  time  the  whole  of  western 
South  America  from  the  lower  boundary  of  Chili  to  the 
Caribbean  coast  was  Spanish  territory.  In  1535,  Buenos 
Ayres  was  colonized  by  Mendoza.  These  first  colonists 
were  driven  to  Paraguay  by  the  Indians,  but  in  1580  Juan 
de  Garay  founded  a  more  successful  colony.  Among  the 
most  remarkable  examples  of  Spanish  activity  was  the  ex- 
pedition of  Orellana  in  1541.  In  1540,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  left 
Quito  with  an  expedition  that  crossed  the  Andes  and  jour- 
neyed eastward  through  the  forests  of  western  Brazil  till 
stopped  by  peril  of  starvation.  Then  a  brigantine  was 
built,  which,  manned  by  a  cavalier  named  Orellana,  sailed 
down  the  river  Napo  to  its  junction  with  the  Amazons,  and 
down  the  latter  great  stream  to  the  Atlantic,  thus  accom- 
plishing the  crossing  of  the  South  American  continent  at 
its  widest  part  nearly  three  centuries  before  such  a  result 
was  achieved  in  the  parallel  section  of  North  America. 
In  the  region  of  the  United  States  the  Spaniards  were  no 
less  active  in  exploration,  as  shown  by  the  expeditions  of 
Narvaez  and  De  Soto;  yet  but  one  small  settlement  was 
made, — that  of  St.  Augustine,  in  Florida. 

The  only  other  people  who  showed  any  colonizing  activ- 
ity in  the  sixteenth  century  were  the  Portuguese,  who 
slowly  spread  their  settlements  along  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
until  by  the  end  of  the  century  the  whole  line  of  coast 
from  the  La  Plata  .to  the  Amazons  was  studded  with  their 
colonies.  These  had  the  merit  of  being  the  first  settlements 
made  in  America  on  agricultural  principles,  the  desire  for 
the  precious  metals  being  the  active  moving  cause  in  all 
the  Spanish  explorations  and  colonizations.  During  this 
period  a  few  unsuccessful  efforts  to  establish  colonies  marked 
the  limit  of  activity  in  the  other  nations  of  Europe.  A 


116  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

French  colony  on  the  coast  of  Brazil  was  suppressed  by 
the  Portuguese,  and  a  similar  colony  in  Florida  ended  in 
massacre.  French  efforts  in  the  region  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
were  equally  unsuccessful,  while  the  English  colonies  of 
Raleigh  ended  in  disaster.  The  only  permanent  settlement 
was  that  made  by  some  Dutch  people  in  1580,  near  the 
river  Pomeroon,  in  Guiana.  In  1595,  Ealeigh  made  an  ex- 
pedition to  this  region,  and  ascended  the  Orinoco  in  search 
of  the  fabled  El  Dorado.  He  attempted  no  settlement,  but 
in  the  succeeding  century  English  and  French  settlers  es- 
tablished themselves  in  Guiana,  dividing  the  ownership  of 
this  territory  with  the  Dutch. 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  efforts  at  colonization  in 
America  during  the  sixteenth  century.  From  the  northern 
line  of  Mexico  to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  continent 
the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  had  established  themselves  in 
nearly  every  available  region.  But  North  America  from 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Arctic  Ocean  was  still  in  the 
hands  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  with  the  sole  exception 
of  the  Spanish  colony  of  St.  Augustine,  in  Florida.  The 
seventeenth  century  was  destined  to  be  the  era  of  settle- 
ment of  this  important  region,  mainly  by  the  English  and 
French,  but  to  a  minor  extent  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes. 
The  story  of  this  seventeenth-century  colonization  we  have 
now  to  tell. 


JOHN  SMITH  AND  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY. 

CHARLES   CAMPBELL. 

[The  return  of  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  after  his  voyage  to  North 
America,  and  his  account  of  the  country  he  had  visited,  led  to  the 
formation  of  a  company  for  the  purpose  of  forming  colonies  on  these 
new  shores.  The  Virginia  Company,  thus  called  into  being,  received 


CAMPBELL]  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  117 

the  right  to  hold  all  the  land  from  Cape  Fear  to  the  St.  Croix  River. 
This  company  comprised  two  divisions, — the  London  Company,  with 
control  over  the  southern  part  of  the  territory,  and  the  Plymouth 
Company,  controlling  the  northern.  Under  the  auspices  of  the  Lon- 
don Company  the  first  permanent  English  colony  in  America  was 
founded.  Three  vessels,  under  Captain  Christopher  Newport,  with 
about  one  hundred  men,  were  sent  out.  They  had  been  instructed  to 
land  on  Roanoke  Island,  but  were  driven  by  a  storm  into  Chesapeake 
Bay.  The  beauty  of  the  situation  attracted  them,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  settle  there.  Sailing  up  James  River  to  a  convenient  spot, 
they  landed  on  May  13,  the  place  chosen  for  their  settlement  being 
named  by  them  Jamestown. 

The  instructions  for  the  colony  had  been  placed  by  the  king  in  a 
sealed  box,  on  opening  which  it  was  found  that  seven  men  were 
appointed  a  governing  council,  among  them  Gosnold,  Newport,  and 
the  celebrated  Captain  John  Smith,  who  was  a  member  of  the  ex- 
pedition. Most  of  the  colony  were  gentlemen,  who  hoped  to  find 
gold  at  once  and  make  their  fortune,  and  no  attempt  at  agriculture 
was  made.  A  terrible  summer  followed.  The  position  chosen  for 
security  against  the  Indians  proved  unhealthy,  and  more  than  half  the 
colony  was  swept  away  by  a  pestilence.  Only  the  friendly  aid  of  the 
Indians  saved  the  rest  from  death  by  starvation.  Meanwhile,  Captain 
Smith  was  prevented  from  taking  his  place  in  the  council  by  the 
action  of  his  enemies,  and  was  arrested  on  false  accusations.  For 
several  months  he  lay  under  a  cloud.  But,  boldly  defying  the  malice 
of  his  enemies,  he  cleared  himself  of  their  charges  and  resumed  his 
place  in  the  council.  By  the  autumn  the  sole  control  of  the  colony 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Smith,  the  president  finding  the  duty  beyond 
his  ability.  The  behavior  of  Smith  in  this  capacity  is  well  told  in, 
Campbell's  "  History  of  the  Colony  and  Ancient  Dominion  in  Vir- 
ginia," from  which  we  extract  some  passages,  with  the  caution  to 
the  reader  that  the  story  of  Smith's  adventures  among  the  Indians  is 
told  by  himself,  and  that  his  character  for  veracity  is  not  a  high  one.] 

AT  the  approach  of  winter  the  rivers  of  Virginia 
abounded  with  wild-fowl,  and  the  English  now  were  well 
supplied  with  bread,  peas,  persimmons,  fish,  and  game. 
But  this  plenty  did  not  last  long,  for  what  Smith  care- 
fully provided  the  colonists  carelessly  wasted.  The  idlers 


118  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

at  Jamestown,  including  some  of  the  council,  now  began 
to  mutter  complaints  against  Smith  for  not  having  dis- 
covered the  source  of  the  Chickahominy,  it  being  supposed 
that  the  South  Sea,  or  Pacific  Ocean,  lay  not  far  distant, 
and  that  a  communication  with  it  would  be  found  by  some 
river  running  from  the  northwest.  The  Chickahominy 
flowed  in  that  direction,  and  hence  the  solicitude  of  these 
Jamestown  cosmographers  to  trace  that  river  to  its  head. 
To  allay  this  dissatisfaction  of  the  council,  Smith  made 
another  voyage  up  that  river,  and  proceeded  until  it  be- 
came necessary,  in  order  to  pass,  to  cut  away  a  large 
tree  which  had  fallen  across  the  stream.  When  at  last 
the  barge  could  advance  no  farther,  he  returned  eight 
miles  and  moored  her  in  a  wide  bay  out  of  danger,  and 
•  leaving  orders  to  his  men  not  to  venture  on  shore  until 
his  return,  accompanied  by  two  of  his  men  and  two  In- 
dian guides,  and  leaving  seven  men  in  the  barge,  he  went 
still  higher  up  in  a  canoe  to  the  distance  of  twenty  miles. 
In  a  short  time  after  he  had  parted  from  the  barge  the 
men  left  in  her  went  ashore,  and  one  of  them,  George 
Cassen,  was  surprised  and  killed.  Smith,  in  the  mean 
while,  not  suspecting  this  disaster,  reached  the  marshy 
ground  toward  the  head  of  the  river,  "  the  slashes,"  and 
went  out  with  his  gun  to  provide  food  for  the  party,  and 
•took  with  him  one  of  the  Indians.  During  his  excursion 
his  two  men,  Robinson  and  Emry,  were  slain,  and  he  him- 
self was  attacked  by  a  numerous  party  of  Indians,  two 
of  whom  he  killed  with  a  pistol.  He  protected  himself 
from  their  arrows  by  making  a  shield  of  his  guide,  bind- 
ing him  fast  by  the  arm  with  one  of  his  garters.  Many 
arrows  pierced  his  clothes,  and  some  slightly  wounded 
him.  Endeavoring  to  reach  the  canoe,  and  walking  back- 
ward with  his  eye  still  fixed  on  his  pursuei's,  he  sunk  to 
his  waist  in  an  oozy  creek,  and  his  savage  with  him. 


CAMPBELL]          THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  119 

Nevertheless  the  Indians  were  afraid  .to  approach  until, 
being  now  half  dead  with  cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms, 
when  they  drew  him  forth,  and  led  him  to  the  fire 
where  his  two  companions  were  tying  dead.  Here  the 
Indians  chafed  his  benumbed  limbs,  and,  having  restored 
the  vital  heat,  Smith  inquired  for  their  chief,  and  they 
pointed  him  to  Opechancanough,  the  great  chief  of  Pa- 
munkey.  Smith  pi'esented  him  a  mariner's  compass :  the 
vibrations  of  the  mysterious  needle  astonished  the  un- 
tutored sons  of  the  forest.  In  a  short  time  they  bound 
the  prisoner  to  a  tree,  and  were  about  to  shoot  him  to 
death,  when  Opechancanough  holding  up  the  compass, 
they  all  laid  down  their  bows  and  arrows.  Then  mai-ch- 
ing  in  Indian  file  they  led  the  captive,  guarded  by  fifteen 
men,  about  six  miles,  to  Orapakes,  a  hunting  town  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  Chickahominy  swamp,  and  about  twelve 
miles  northeast  from  the  falls  of  James  Eiver  [Eichmond]. 
At  this  town,  consisting  of  thirty  or  forty  houses,  built 
like  arbors  and  covered  with  mats,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren came  forth  to  meet  them,  staring  in  amazement  at 
Smith.  Opechancanough  and  his  followers  performed  their 
military  exercises,  and  joined  in  the  war-dance.  Smith 
was  confined  in  a  long  house  under  a  guard,  and  an  enor- 
mous quantity  of  bread  and  venison  was  set  before  him, 
as  if  to  fatten  him  for  sacrifice,  or  because  they  supposed 
that  a  superior  being  required  a  proportionately  larger 
supply  of  food.  An  Indian  who  had  received  some  toys 
from  Smith  at  Jamestown  now,  in  return,  brought  him  a 
warm  garment  of  fur, — a  pleasing  instance  of  gratitude, 
a  sentiment  often  found  even  in  the  breast  of  a  savage. 
Another  Indian,  whose  son  had  been  mortally  wounded 
by  Smith,  made  an  attempt  to  kill  him  in  revenge,  and 
was  only  prevented  by  the  interposition  of  his  guards. 
[Smith  then  sent  a  written  message  to  Jamestown,  and  received  a 


120  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

reply,  the  Indians  being  astonished  on  perceiving  that  "  paper  could 
talk."  The  captive  was  next  taken  to  Pamaunkee,  the  residence  of 
the  chief.] 

Here,  for  three  days,  they  engaged  in  their  horrid  orgies 
and  incantations,  with  a  view  to  divine  their  prisoner's 
secret  designs,  whether  friendly  or  hostile.  They  also 
showed  him  a  bag  of  gunpowder,  which  they  were  re- 
serving till  the  next  spring,  when  they  intended  to  sow 
it  in  the  ground,  as  they  were  desirous  of  propagating  so 
useful  an  article. 

Smith  was  hospitably  entertained  by  Opitchapan  (Ope- 
chancanough's  brother),  who  dwelt  a  little  above,  on  the 
Pamunkey.  Finally,  the  captive  was  taken  to  Werowo- 
comoco,  probably  signifying  chief  place  of  council,  a  favorite 
seat  of  Powhatan,  on  the  York  River,  then  called  the  Pa- 
maunkee or  Pamunkey.  They  found  this  chief  in  his  rude 
palace,  reclining  before  the  fire,  on  a  sort  of  throne,  re- 
sembling a  bedstead,  covered  with  mats,  his  head  adorned 
with  feathers  and  his  neck  with  beads,  and  wearing  a  long 
robe  of  raccoon-skins.  At  his  head  sat  a  young  female, 
and  another  at  his  feet ;  while  on  each  side  of  the  wigwam 
sat  the  men  in  rows,  on  mats,  and  behind  them  as  many 
young  women,  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted  red,  some 
with  their  heads  decorated  with  the  snowy  down  of  birds, 
and  all  with  strings  of  white  beads  falling  over  their  shoul- 
ders. On  Smith's  entrance  they  all  raised  a  terrific  yell. 
The  queen  of  Appomattock  brought  him  water  to  wash, 
and  another,  a  bunch  of  feathers  for  a  towel.  After  feast- 
ing him,  a  long  consultation  was  held.  That  ended,  two 
large  stones  were  brought,  and  the  one  laid  upon  the  other, 
before  Powhatan ;  then  as  many  as  could  lay  hold,  seizing 
Smith,  dragged  him  to  the  stones,  and,  lajnng  his  head  on 
them,  snatched  up  their  war-clubs,  and,  brandishing  them 
in  the  air,  were  about  to  slay  him,  when  Pocahontas,  Pow- 


CAMPBELL]  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  121 

hatan's  favorite  daughter,  a  girl  of  only  twelve  or  thirteen 
years  of  age,  finding  all  her  entreaties  unavailing,  flew, 
and,  at  the  hazard  of  her  life,  clasped  the  captive's  head 
in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his.  The  stern  heart 
of  Powhatan  was  touched :  he  relented,  and  consented  that 
Smith  might  live. 

[The  story  here  given  is  one  in  which  the  reader  may  be  advised 
not  to  put  too  great  credit,  as  it  is  doubted  by  historical  critics,  and 
has,  in  all  probability,  been  greatly  embellished  by  its  chief  actor. 
Two  days  afterwards  Smith  was  permitted  by  Powhatan  to  return  to 
Jamestown,  on  condition  of  sending  him  two  great  guns  and  a  grind- 
stone.] 

Smith  now  treated  his  Indian  guides  kindly,  and,  show- 
ing Eawhunt,  a  favorite  servant  of  Powhatan,  two  pieces 
of  cannon  and  a  grindstone,  gave  him  leave  to  carry  them 
home  to  his  master.  A  cannon  was  then  loaded  with 
stones,  and  discharged  among  the  boughs  of  a  tree  hung 
with  icicles,  when  the  Indians  fled  in  terror,  but  upon 
being  persuaded  to  return  they  received  presents  for  Pow- 
hatan, his  wives  and  children,  and  departed. 

At  the  time  of  Smith's  return  to  Jamestown,  he  found 
the  number  of  the  colonists  reduced  to  forty.  Of  the  one 
hundred  original  settlers,  seventy-eight  are  classified  as 
follows :  fifty-four  gentlemen,  four  carpenters,  twelve  labor- 
ers, a  blacksmith,  a  sailor,  a  barber,  a  bricklayer,  a  mason, 
a  tailor,  a  drummer,  and  a  "  chirurgeon."  Of  the  gentle- 
men, the  greater  part  were  indolent,  dissolute  reprobates, 
of  good  families;  and  they  found  themselves  not  in  a 
golden  El  Dorado,  as  they  had  fondly  anticipated,  but  in 
a  remote  wilderness,  encompassed  by  want,  exposure,  fa- 
tigue, disease,  and  danger. 

The  return  of  Smith,  and  his  report  of  the  plenty  that 
he  had  witnessed  at  "Werowocomoco,  and  of  the  generous, 
clemency  of  Powhatan,  and  especially  of  the  love  of  Poca- 
i.— F  11 


122  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

hontas,  revived  the  drooping  hopes  of  the  survivors  at 
Jamestown.  The  arrival  of  Newport  at  the  same  juncture 
with  stores  and  a  number  of  additional  settlers,  being  part 
of  the  first  supply  sent  out  from  England  by  the  treasurer 
and  council,  was  joyfully  welcomed.  Pocahontas  too,  with 
her  tawny  train  of  attendants,  frequently  visited  James- 
town, with  presents  of  bread,  and  venison,  and  raccoons, 
sent  by  Powhatan  for  Smith  and  Newport.  However,  the 
improvident  traffic  allowed  between  Newport's  mariners 
and  the  natives  soon  extremely  enhanced  the  price  of  pro- 
visions, and  the  too  protracted  detention  of  his  vessel  made 
great  inroads  upon  the  public  store. 

[The  events  described  were  followed  by  a  visit  to  Powhatan,  and 
the  accidental  burning  of  Jamestown,  which  took  place  on  their  re- 
turn. Other  troubles  succeeded.] 

The  stock  of  provisions  running  low,  the  colonists  at 
Jamestown  were  reduced  to  a  diet  of  meal  and  water,  and 
this,  together  with  their  exposure  to  cold  after  the  loss 
of  their  habitations,  cut  off  upwards  of  one-half  of  them. 
Their  condition  was  made  still  worse  by  a  rage  for  gold  that 
now  seized  them.  "  There  was  no  talk,  no  hope,  no  work, 
but  dig  gold,  wash  gold,  refine  gold,  load  gold."  Smith,  not 
indulging  in  these  empty  dreams  of  imaginary  wealth, 
laughed  at  their  infatuation  in  loading  "  such  a  drunken 
ship  with  gilded  dust." 

Captain  Newport,  after  a  delay  of  three  months  and  a 
half,  being  now  ready  to  sail  for  England,  the  planters, 
having  no  use  for  parliaments,  places,  petitions,  admirals, 
recorders,  interpreters,  chronologers,  courts  of  plea,  nor 
justices  of  the  peace,  sent  Master  Wingfield  and  Captain 
Archer  home  with  him,  so  that  they,  who  had  engrossed  all 
•those  titles  to  themselves,  might  seek  some  better  place  of 
employment.  Newport  carried  with  him  twenty  turkeys, 


CAMPBELL]          THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  123 

which  had  been  presented  to  him  by  Powhatan,  who  had 
demanded  and  received  twenty  swords  in  return  for  them. 
This  fowl,  peculiar  to  America,  had  been  many  years  before 
carried  to  England  by  some  of  the  early  discoverers  of 
North  America. 

After  Newport's  departure,  Ratcliffe,  the  president,  lived 
in  ease,  peculating  on  the  public  store.  The  spring  now 
approaching,  Smith  and  Scrivener  undertook  to  rebuild 
Jamestown,  repair  the  palisades,  fell  trees,  prepare  the 
fields,  plant,  and  erect  another  church.  While  thus  en- 
gaged they  were  joyfully  surprised  by  the  arrival  of  the 
Phoenix,  commanded  by  Captain  Nelson,  who  had  left  Eng- 
land with  Newport  about  the  end  of  the  year  1607,  and, 
after  coining  within  sight  of  Cape  Henry,  had  been  driven 
off  to  the  West  Indies.  He  brought  with  him  the  re- 
mainder of  the  first  supply,  which  comprised  one  hundred 
and  twenty  settlers.  Having  found  provisions  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  having  economically  husbanded  his  own,  he  im- 
parted them  generously  to  the  colony,  so  that  now  there 
was  accumulated  a  store  sufficient  for  half  a  year. 

Powhatan,  having  effected  so  advantageous  an  exchange 
with  Newport,  afterwards  sent  Smith  twenty  turkeys,  but, 
receiving  no  swords  in  return,  he  was  highly  offended,  and 
ordered  his  people  to  take  them  by  fraud  or  force,  and  they 
accordingly  attempted  to  seize  them  at  the  gates  of  James- 
town. The  president  and  Martin,  who  now  ruled,  remained 
inactive,  under  pretence  of  orders  from  England  not  to 
offend  the  natives ;  but  some  of  them  happening  to  meddle 
with  Smith,  he  handled  them  so  roughly,  by  whipping  and 
imprisonment,  as  to  repress  their  insolence. 

Pocahontas,  in  beauty  of  feature,  expression,  and  form, 
far  surpassed  any  of  the  natives,  and  in  intelligence  and 
spirit  '•  was  the  nonpareil  of  her  country."  Powhatan,  hear- 
ing that  some  of  his  people  were  kept  prisoners  at  James- 


124  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

town,  sent  her,  with  Rawhunt  (who  was  as  remarkable  for 
his  personal  deformity,  but  shrewd  and  crafty),  with  pres- 
ents of  a  deer  and  some  bread,  to  sue  for  their  ransom. 
Smith  released  the  prisoners,  and  Pocahontas  was  dismissed 
with  presents.  Thus  the  scheme  of  Powhatan  to  destroy 
the  English  with  their  own  swords  was  happily  frustrated. 
The  Phoenix  was  freighted  with  a  cargo  of  cedar,  and 
the  unserviceable,  gold-hunting  Captain  Martin  concluded 
to  return  with  her  to  England.  Of  the  one  hundred  and 
twenty  settlers  brought  by  Newport  and  Nelson,  there 
were  thirty-three  gentlemen,  twenty-one  laborers  (some  of 
them  only  footmen),  six  tailors,  two  apothecaries,  two  jew- 
ellers, two  gold-refiners,  two  goldsmiths,  a  gunsmith,  a  per- 
fumer, a  surgeon,  a  cooper,  a  tobacco-pipe  maker,  and  a 
blacksmith. 

[On  the  2d  of  June,  .1608,  Smith  left  Jamestown  with  the  purpose 
of  exploring  Chesapeake  Bay.  During  this  journey  he  discovered 
the  Potomac  and  sailed  up  it  to  the  head  of  navigation.  He  contin- 
ued his  explorations,  and  during  the  summer,  "  with  a  few  men,  in  a 
small  barge,  in  his  several  voyages  of  discovery  he  traversed  a  distance 
of  not  less  than  three  thousand  miles."  In  September,  1608,  he  ac- 
cepted the  office  of  president,  which  he  had  formerly  declined.] 

Smith,  the  president,  now  set  the  colonists  to  work;  some 
to  make  glass,  others  to  prepare  tar,  pitch,  and  soap-ashes ; 
while  he,  in  person,  conducted  thirty  of  them  five  miles 
below  the  fort  to  cut  down  trees  and  saw  plank.  Two  of 
this  lumber  party  happened  to  be  young  gentlemen  who 
had  arrived  in  the  last  supply.  Smith  sharing  labor  and 
hardship  in  common  with  the  rest,  these  woodmen,  at  first, 
became  apparently  reconciled  to  the  novel  task,  and  seemed 
to  listen  with  pleasure  to  the  crashing  thunder  of  the  fall- 
ing trees ;  but  when  the  axes  began  to  blister  their  unac- 
customed hands,  they  grew  profane,  and  their  frequent  loud 
oaths  echoed  in  the  woods.  Smith,  taking  measures  to  have 


CAMPBELL]          THE  JAMESTOWN   COLONY.  125 

the  oaths  of  each  one  numbered,  in  the  evening,  for  each 
offence,  poured  a  can  of  water  down  the  offender's  sleeve ; 
and  this  curious  discipline,  or  water-cure,  was  so  effectual 
that  after  it  was  administered  an  oath  would  scarcely  be 
heard  in  a  week.  Smith  found  that  thirty  or  forty  gentle- 
men who  volunteered  to  work  could  do  more  in  a  day  than 
one  hundred  that  worked  by  compulsion ;  but  he  adds  that 
twenty  good  workmen  would  have  been  better  than  the 
whole  of  them  put  together. 

[Further  troubles  with  the  Indians  succeeded,  and  only  the  energy 
of  the  governor  defeated  the  murderous  schemes  of  Opechancanough.] 

Returning  [from  his  visit  to  this  chief],  he  descended  the 
York  as  far  as  Werowocomoco,  intending  to  surprise  Pow- 
hatan  there,  and  thus  secure  a  further  supply  of  corn ;  but 
Powhatan  had  abandoned  his  new  house,  and  had  carried 
away  all  his  corn  and  provisions;  and  Smith,  with  his 
party,  returned  to  Jamestown.  In  this  expedition,  with 
twenty-five  pounds  of  copper  and  fifty  pounds  of  iron,  and 
some  beads,  he  procured,  in  exchange,  two  hundred  pounds 
of  deer  suet,  and  delivered  to  the  Cape  merchant  four 
hundred  and  seventy-nine  bushels  of  corn. 

At  Jamestown  the  provision  of  the  public  store  had  been 
spoiled  by  exposure  to  the  rain  of  the  previous  summer, 
or  eaten  by  rats  and  worms.  The  colonists  had  been  living 
there  in  indolence,  and  a  large  part  of  their  implements  and 
arms  had  been  trafficked  away  to  the  Indians.  Smith 
undertook  to  remedy  these  disorders  by  discipline  and  labor, 
relieved  by  pastimes  and  recreations ;  and  he  established  it 
as  a  rule  that  he  who  would  not  work  should  not  eat.  The 
whole  government  of  the  colony  was  now,  in  effect,  de- 
volved upon  him,  Captain  Wynne  being  the  only  other 
surviving  councillor,  and  the  president  having  two  votes. 
Shortly  after  Smith's  return,  he  met  the  chief  of  Paspahegh 
i.  '  11* 


126  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

near  Jamestown,  and  had  a  rencontre  with  him.  This 
athletic  savage  attempting  to  shoot  him,  he  closed  and 
grappled,  when,  by  main  strength,  the  chief  forced  him  into 
the  river  to  drown  him.  They  struggled  long  in  the  water, 
until  Smith,  grasping  the  savage  by  the  throat,  wellnigh 
strangled  him,  and,  drawing  his  sword,  was  about  to  cut 
off  his  head,  when  he  begged  for  his  life  so  piteously  that 
Smith  spared  him,  and  led  him  prisoner  to  Jamestown, 
where  he  put  him  in  chains.  He  was  daily  visited  by  his 
wives,  and  children,  and  people,  who  brought  presents  to 
ransom  him.  At  last  he  made  his  escape.  Captain  Wynne 
and  Lieutenant  Percy  were  despatched,  with  a  party  of 
fifty,  to  recapture  him,  failing  in  which  they  burned  the 
chief's  cabin  and  carried  away  his  canoes.  Smith  now 
going  out  to  "  try  his  conclusions"  with  "  the  salvages," 
slew  some,  and  made  some  prisoners,  burned  their  cabins, 
and  took  their  canoes  and  fishing-weirs.  Shortly  after- 
wards the  president,  passing  through  Paspahcgh,  on  his 
way  to  the  Chickahominy,  was  assaulted  by  the  Indians ; 
but,  upon  his  firing,  and  their  discovering  who  he  was, 
they  threw  down  their  arms  and  sued  for  peace.  Oka- 
ning,  a  young  warrior,  who  spoke  in  their  behalf,  in  jus- 
tifying the  escape  of  their  chief  from  imprisonment  at 
Jamestown,  said,  "  The  fishes  swim,  the  fowls  fly,  and  the 
very  beasts  strive  to  escape  the  snare,  and  live."  Smith's 
vigorous  measures,  together  with  some  accidental  circum- 
stances, so  dismayed  the  savages  that  from  this  time  to  the 
end  of  his  administration  they  gave  no  further  trouble. 

[In  1609  an  addition  to  the  colony  of  five  hundred  men  and  women 
was  sent  out,  with  stores  and  provisions,  in  a  fleet  of  nine  vessels.] 

Upon   the   appearance  of  this   fleet  near  Jamestown, 
Smith,  not  expecting  such  a  supply,  took  them  to  be  Span- 


CAMPBELL]          THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  127 

iards,  and  prepared  to  encounter  them,  and  the  Indians 
readily  offered  their  assistance.  The  colony  had  already, 
before  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  been  threatened  with  an- 
archy, owing  to  intelligence  of  the  premature  repeal  of 
the  charter,  brought  out  by  Captain  Argall,  and  the  new 
settlers  had  now  no  sooner  landed  .than  they  gave  rise  to 
new  confusion  and  disorder.  The  factious  leaders,  although 
they  brought  no  commission  with  them,  insisted  on  the 
abrogation  of  the  existing  charter,  rejected  the  authority 
of  Smith,  whom  they  hated  and  feared,  and  undertook  to 
usurp  the  government.  Their  capricious  folly  equalled 
their  insolence:  to-day  the  old  commission  must  rule,  to- 
morrow the  new,  the  next  day  neither, — thus,  by  continual 
change,  plunging  all  things  into  anarchy. 

Smith,  filled  with  disgust,  would  cheerfully  have  em- 
barked for  England,  but,  seeing  little  prospect  of  the  ar- 
rival of  the  new  commission  (which  was  in  the  possession 
of  Gates  on  the  island  of  Bermudas),  he  resolved  to  put 
an  end  to  these  incessant  plots  and  machinations.  The 
ringleaders,  Satcliffe,  Archer,  and  others,  he  arrested;  to 
cut  off  another  source  of  disturbance,  he  gave  permission 
to  Percy,  who  was  in  feeble  health,  to  embark  for  Eng- 
land, of  which,  however,  he  did  not  avail  himself.  West, 
with  one  hundred  and  twenty  picked  men,  was  detached 
to  the  falls  of  James  River,  and  Martin,  with  nearly  the 
same  number,  to  Nansemond.  Smith's  presidency  having 
expired  about  this  time,  he  had  been  succeeded  by  Martin, 
who,  conscious  of  his  incompetency,  bad  immediately 
resigned  it  to  Smith.  Martin,  at  Nansemond,  seized  the 
chief,  and,  capturing  the  town,  occupied  it  with  his  de- 
tachment ;  but  owing  to  want  of  judgment,  or  of  vigilance, 
he  suffered  himself  to  be  surprised  by  the  savages,  who 
slew  many  of  his  party,  rescued  the  chief,  and  carried  off 


128  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

their  corn.     Martin  not  long  after  returned  to  Jamestown, 
leaving  his  detachment  to  shift  for  themselves. 

Smith,  going  up  the  river  to  West's  settlement  at  the 
falls,  found  the  English  planted  in  a  place  not  only  subject 
to  the  river's  inundation,  but  "  surrounded  by  many  intol- 
erable inconveniences."  To  remedy  these,  by  a  messenger 
he  proposed  to  purchase  from  Powhatan  his  seat  of  that 
name,  a  little  lower  down  the  river.  The  settlers  scorn- 
fully rejected  the  scheme,  and  became  so  mutinous  that 
Smith  landed  among  them  and  arrested  the  chief  male- 
contents.  But,  overpowered  by  numbers,  being  supported 
by  only  five  men,  he  was  forced  to  retire  on  board  of  a 
vessel  lying  in  the  river.  The  Indians  daily  supplied  him 
with  provisions,  in  requital  for  which  the  English  plun- 
dered their  corn,  robbed  their  cultivated  ground,  beat 
them,  broke  into  their  cabins,  and  made  them  prisoners. 
They  complained  to  Captain  Smith  that  the  men  whom 
he  had  sent  there  as  their  protectors  "  were  worse  than 
their  old  enemies,  the  Monacans."  Smith,  embarking,  had 
no  sooner  set  sail  for  Jamestown  than  many  of  West's 
party  were  slain  by  the  savages. 

It  so  happened  that  before  Smith's  vessel  had  dropped 
a  mile  and  a  half  down  the  river  she  ran  aground,  where- 
upon, making  a  virtue  of  necessity,  he  summoned  the 
mutineers  to  a  parley,  and  they,  now  seized  with  a  panic 
on  account  of  the  assault  of  a  mere  handful  of  Indians, 
submitted  themselves  to  his  mercy.  He  again  arrested 
the  ringleaders,  and  established  the  rest  of  the  party  at 
Powhatan,  in  the  Indian  palisade  fort,  which  was  so  well 
fortified  by  poles  and  bark  as  to  defy  all  the  savages  in 
Virginia.  Dry  cabins  were  also  found  there,  and  nearly 
two  hundred  acres  of  ground  ready  to  be  planted,  and  it 
was  called  Nonsuch,  as  being  at  once  the  strongest  and 


CAMPBELL]  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY.  129 

most  delightful  place  in  the  country.    Nonsuch  was  the 
name  of  a  royal  residence  in  England. 

When  Smith  was  now  on  the  eve  of  his  departure,  the 
arrival  of  West  again  threw  all  things  back  into  confusion. 
Nonsuch  was  abandoned,  and  all  hands  returned  to  the 
falls,  and  Smith,  finding  all  his  eiforts  abortive,  embarked 
in  a  boat  for  Jamestown.  During  the  voyage  he  was  ter- 
ribly wounded,  while  asleep,  by  the  accidental  explosion 
of  a  bag  of  gunpowder,  and  in  the  paroxysm  of  pain  he 
leaped  into  the  river,  and  was  wellnigh  drowned  before 
his  companions  could  rescue  him.  Arriving  at  James- 
town in  this  helpless  condition,  he  was  again  assailed  by 
faction  and  mutiny,  and  one  of  his  enemies  even  presented 
a  cocked  pistol  at  him  in  his  bed ;  but  the  hand  wanted 
the  nerve  to  execute  what  the  heart  was  base  enough  to 
design. 

Ratcliffe,  Archer,  and  their  confederates  laid  plans  to 
usurp  the  government  of  the  colony,  whereupon  Smith's 
faithful  soldiers,  fired  with  indignation  at  conduct  so  in- 
famous, begged  for  permission  to  strike  off  their  heads ; 
but  this  he  refused.  He  refused  also  to  surrender  the 
presidency  to  Percy.  For  this  Smith  is  censured  by  the 
historian  Stith,  who  yet  acknowledges  that  Percy  was  in 
too  feeble  health  to  control  a  mutinous  colony.  Anarchy 
being  triumphant,  Smith  probably  deemed  it  useless  to  ap- 
point a  governor  over  a  mob.  He  at  last,  about  Michael- 
mas, 1609,  embarked  for  England,  after  a  stay  of  a  little 
more  than  two  years  in  Virginia,  to  which  he  never 
returned. 

Here,  then,  closes  the  career  of  Captain  John  Smith 
in  Virginia,  "  the  father  of  the  colony,"  and  a  hero  like 
Bayard,  "  without  fear  and  without  reproach." 


130  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Howisow 

THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE  IN  VIRGINIA. 

EGBERT   R.   HOWISON. 

[No  sooner  had  Captain  Smith  departed  from  the  Jamestown  colony 
than  all  order  and  subordination  ceased.  His  energy  and  good  sense 
had  alone  held  the  reckless  colonists  in  check,  and  they  quickly  con- 
sumed all  their  provisions,  and  provoked  the  hostility  of  the  Indians, 
who  refused  to  furnish  them  with  supplies.  Famine  succeeded.  Within 
six  months,  vice,  anarchy,  and  starvation  reduced  the  colony  from  four 
hundred  and  ninety  to  sixty  persons,  and  these  so  feeble  and  miserable 
that  had  not  relief  come  all  must  soon  have  perished.  This  period 
was  long  remembered  under  the  name  of  the  starving  time. 

Soon  after,  Sir  Thomas  Gates  arrived,  but  without  supplies,  and 
as  the  only  escape  from  starvation  he  took'  the  surviving  colonists 
on  his  ships  and  set  sail  for  Newfoundland.  Fortunately,  when  they 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  they  met  Lord  Delaware,  who  had 
been  sent  out  as  governor  of  the  colony,  with  supplies  and  emigrants. 
The  colonists  were  induced  to  return,  and  order  and  contentment  were 
soon  regained  under  the  wise  management  of  the  new  governor. 
Shortly  afterwards  seven  hundred  more  men  arrived,  and  the  land, 
which  had  been  held  in  common,  was  divided  among  the  colonists, 
much  to  the  advancement  of  agriculture.  In  1613  occurred  the  mar- 
riage of  John  Kolfe,  a  young  Englishman,  with  Pocahontas,  the 
daughter  of  Powhatan,  an  event  which  improved  the  relations  between 
the  colonists  and  the  Indians.  Pocahontas  was  taken  to  England  in 
1616,  and  died  in  1617,  leaving  one  son,  from  whom  are  descended  some 
of  the  most  respectable  families  in  Virginia.  In  1613,  Captain  Argall 
sailed  from  Virginia  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  English  fisher- 
men on  the  coast  of  Maine.  He  broke  up  a  settlement  which  the 
French  had  made  on  Mt.  Desert  Island,  near  the  Penobscot,  reduced 
the  French  settlement  at  Port  Royal,  in  Acadia,  and  entered  the  harbor 
of  New  York,  where  he  compelled  the  Dutch  traders  to  acknowledge 
the  sovereignty  of  England.  The  effect  of  the  last  two  operations, 
however,  continued  only  till  the  disappearance  of  his  ship.  In  1615 
the  colonists  went  eagerly  into  tobacco-culture,  which  soon  became 
a  mania ;  the  culture  of  corn  and  other  grain  being  so  neglected 
as  to  threaten  renewed  scarcity.  In  1617  it  is  said  that  the  yards, 


HOWISON]    THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE  IN  VIRGINIA.          131 

the  market  square,  and  the  very  streets  of  Jamestown  were  full 
of  the  plants  of  this  new  article  of  commerce,  to  which  the  soil  and 
climate  of  Virginia  proved  well  adapted.  In  1617,  Captain  Argall 
was  made  governor,  and  at  once  established  a  system  of  strict  mili- 
tary rule  which,  in  time,  became  almost  a  reign  of  terror.  He  was 
removed  in  1619,  and  Sir  George  Yeardly  sent  out,  under  whose  ad- 
ministration the  colony  flourished.  In  1619  a  representative  body  was 
organized,  and  met  in  Jamestown,  where  it  adopted  a  colonial  con- 
stitution. This  was  the  first  legislative  fiction  in  America,  and  the 
first  step  towards  American  liberty.  In  the  succeeding  year  (1620)  a 
Dutch  man-of-war  sailed  up  the  James  and  landed  twenty  negroes, 
who  were  quickly  sold  to  the  colonists.  A  happier  introduction  than 
this  of  African  slavery  was  effected  the  same  year,  in  the  sending 
over  of  ninety  young  women,  who  were  also  sold  to  the  colonists — as 
wives ;  the  price  paid  for  each  being  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds 
of  tobacco.  Sixty  others  were  soon  after  sent,  and  the  price  rose  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  tobacco. 

But  the  Virginian  colonists  were  now  to  pass  through  a  danger  as 
threatening  as  that  of  the  "  starving  time."  The  death  of  Powhatan 
had  removed  their  best  friend  among  the  Indians.  The  rapid  increase 
of  the  colonists,  and  the  spread  of  their  settlements,  alarmed  the  sav- 
ages, who,  in  1622,  formed  a  conspiracy  to  destroy  the  whole  colony. 
The  story  of  this  thrilling  event  we  extract  from  Howison's  "  History 
of  Virginia."] 

SINCE  the  marriage  of  Pocahontas  with  John  Eolfe,  the 
Indians  had  preserved  the  most  peaceful  relations  with  the 
settlers,  and  hopes  were  entertained  that  permanent  friend- 
ship would  be  established  between  them.  The  dominion 
of  Powhatan  had  descended  to  his  brother  Opitchapan,  a 
feeble  and  decrepit  chieftain,  who  was  neither  dreaded  by 
the  whites  nor  respected  by  his  own  subjects.  But  there 
was  one  mind  among  the  natives  which  now  exercised  all 
the  sway  of  superior  genius  and  courage.  Opecancanough 
has  heretofore  been  mentioned.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
he  was  in  any  manner  related  to  Powhatan,  though  he  is 
often  spoken  of  as  his  brother.  Among  the  Indians  and 
some  of  the  whites  prevailed  a  belief  that  he  came  from  a 


132  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

tribe  far  in  the  southwest,  perhaps  from  the  interior  of 
Mexico.  But  in  talents  and  influence  he  was  now  the 
ruling  power  among  the  savages.  Profound  in  dissimula- 
tion, cruel  by  nature  and  habit,  patient  of  suffering,  skilled 
in  every  species  of  treachery,  and  possessed  of  a  ready 
eloquence,  always  at  his  command,  he  soon  gained  over  the 
minds  of  his  inferiors  an  ascendency  as  resistless  as  it  was 
dangerous.  .  .  . 

The  English  had  become  careless  and  unsuspecting. 
Believing  the  natives  to  be  their  friends,  they  admitted 
them  freely  to  their  houses,  sometimes  supplied  them  with 
arms,  employed  them  in  hunting  and  fishing  for  their 
families,  and  in  all  respects  treated  them  as  faithful  allies. 
As  habits  of  industry  and  steady  labor  gained  ground,  the 
colonists  relaxed  their  martial  discipline.  The  plough  was 
a  more  useful  implement  than  the  musket,  and  the  sword 
had  given  place  to  the  hoe  and  the  pickaxe.  Seduced  by 
the  present  tranquillity,  and  by  the  fertile  soil  found  in 
belts  of  land  upon  all  the  rivers  running  into  the  bay,  they 
had  extended  their  settlements  until  they  were  now  nearly 
eighty  in  number  and  spread  in  scattered  plantations  over 
a  space  of  several  hundred  miles.  They  were  lulled  into 
complete  security  by  the  demeanor  'of  the  natives,  and 
those  who  were  most  zealous  for  religion  were  beginning  to 
hope  that  the  seeds  of  the  truth  were  taking  root  in  many 
untutored  minds,  and  would,  after  a  season,  produce  fruits 
of  joy  and  peace.  Some  were  not  thus  sanguine ;  and 
among  those  who  looked  with  most  suspicion  upon  the 
Indians  we  mark  the  name  of  Jonas  Stockam,  a  minister, 
who  has  left  on  record  an  open  acknowledgment  of  his  dis- 
trust. His  strong  common  sense,  his  knowledge  of  human 
nature,  and  his  observations  upon  the  natives  around  him, 
all  confirmed  his  belief  that  they  were  yet  highly  dangerous, 
and  that  until  their  priests  and  "  ancients"  were  destroyed 


HOWISON]    THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE  IN  VIRGINIA.          133 

no  hope  of  their  conversion  need  be  entertained.  But  his 
warnings,  and  slight  proofs  of  enmity  in  the  savages,  were 
alike  disregarded.  The  colonists  remained  immersed  in 
unruffled  security. 

In  the  mean  time  Opecancanough  was  preparing  the 
actors  in  his  infernal  drama.  Either  in  person  or  by  his 
emissaries,  he  visited  all  the  tribes  composing  the  con- 
federacy over  which  Powhatan  had  held  dominion.  He 
roused  them  to  revenge;  represented  their  wrongs;  wrought 
their  passions  to  intensity  by  mingled  promises  of  blood 
and  of  rapine;  pointed  to  the  defenceless  state  of  the 
colonists,  and  established  a  complete  organization  for  the 
work  of  death.  .  .  .  The  savages  of  Virginia  were  now 
embodied  for  their  fatal  purpose,  and  awaited  but  the 
signal  from  their  leader  to  fall  upon  the  unsuspecting  col- 
onists. .  .  . 

On  Friday,  the  22d  day  of  March  (1622),  the  tragedy 
began.  So  perfect  was  the  confidence  of  the  settlers  that 
they  loaned  the  savages  their  boats  to  cross  the  rivers  for 
their  deadly  purpose ;  many  of  them  even  came  in  to  take 
the  morning  meal  with  the  whites,  and  brought  deer, 
turkeys,  fish,  and  fruits,  which  they  offered  for  sale  in  the 
usual  manner.  But  at  mid-day  the  scene  of  blood  was 
opened.  Instantly,  and  as  if  by  magic,  the  savages  appeared 
at  every  point,  and  fell  upon  their  victims  with  the  weapons 
which  first  presented  themselves.  Neither  age  nor  sex  was 
spared.  The  tender  infant  was  snatched  from  the  mother 
to  be  butchered  before  her  eyes ;  wives  were  left  weltering 
in  blood  in  the  presence  of  their  husbands ;  men  helpless 
from  age,  or  wholly  without  defence,  were  stricken  down 
ere  they  could  see  the  foe  who  assailed  them.  In  one 
morning  three  hundred  and  forty-nine  settlers  were  slain 
upon  the  several  plantations.  The  murderers  were  lashed 
into  frenzied  excitement  by  their  own  passions ;  and,  not 
i.  12 


134  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowisoN 

content  with  the  work  of  death,  they  mutilated  the  corpses 
in  a  manner  so  revolting  that  the  original  recorders  of  this 
massacre  shrink  from  the  task  of  describing  them.  .  .  . 

It  is  remarkable  that  wherever  resistance  was  made  to 
these  fiends  it  was  entirely  successful.  Too  cruel  to  be 
brave,  they  fled  from  the  first  vigorous  onset ;  and  had  the 
colonists  received  one  hour's  warning,  no  life  would  have 
been  lost  that  was  not  dearly  atoned  for.  An  old  soldier 
who  had  served  under  John  Smith,  although  surrounded  by 
Indians  and  severely  wounded,  clove  the  skull  of  one  assail- 
ant with  a  single  stroke  of  an  axe,  and  the  rest  instantly 
took  to  flight.  A  Mr.  Baldwin,  whose  wife  was  lying  before 
his  eyes,  profusely  bleeding  from  many  wounds,  by  one  well- 
directed  discharge  drove  a  crowd  of  murderers  from  his 
house.  Several  small  parties  of  settlers  obtained  a  few 
muskets  from  a  ship  that  happened  to  be  lying  in  the 
stream  near  their  plantations,  and  with  these  tbcy  routed 
the  savages  in  every  direction  and  dispersed  them  in  great 
alarm. 

[Jamestown  was  saved  through  information  given  "by  a  young  In- 
dian convert.  Preparations  for  defence  were  hastily  made,  and  the 
savages  did  not  venture  an  assault.] 

The  immediate  effects  of  this  blow  upon  the  colony 
were  most  disastrous.  Horror  and  consternation  per- 
vaded every  mind ;  nearly  one-fourth  of  their  whole  num- 
ber had,  in  a  single  hour,  been  stricken  down.  The  rest 
were  hastily  drawn  together  around  Jamestown.  Distant 
plantations  were  abandoned,  and  in  a  short  time  eighty 
settlements  were  reduced  to  six.  Some  few  bold  spirits 
(and  among  them  a  woman)  refused  to  obey  the  order, 
and  remained  in  their  country-seats,  among  their  ser- 
vants, mounting  cannon  at  weak  points,  and  preparing  to 
meet  the  treacherous  foe  with  becoming  courage.  But 


HOWISON]    THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE  IN   VIRGINIA.          135 

they  were  compelled  by  law  to  abandon  their  strongholds 
and  to  unite  their  resources  in  the  common  fund. 

A  terrible  reaction  in  the  feelings  of  the  colonists  im- 
mediately took  place.  ...  A  war  ensued,  in  which  the 
fiercest  impulses  that  man  can  feel  were  called  into  being. 
No  truce  was  ever  declared.  The  Indians  were  shot 
down  at  any  time  and  in  any  place  in  which  they  showed 
themselves.  When  seed-time  approached,  hostilities  de- 
clined from  absolute  necessity.  The  English  resorted  to 
a  stratagem  which  cannot  be  justified.  Offering  peace  to 
the  savages,  they  seduced  them  from  their  places  of  con- 
cealment ;  but  in  the  midst  of  their  labor  they  rushed 
upon  them,  cut  down  their  corn,  and  put  to  death  a  large 
number,  among  whom  were  several  of  their  greatest  war- 
riors and  most  skilful  chieftains.  So  embittered  and  so 
deep  was  the  feeling  of  hatred  thus  engendered  between 
the  races  that  for  many  years  it  was  transmitted  from 
father  to  son.  The  colonists  looked  upon  the  Indians  as 
their  hereditary  foes,  and  the  unhappy  natives  never  spoke 
of  the  "  long  knives"  without  fear  and  execration. 

[During  the  immediately  succeeding  period  no  events  of  any  marked 
importance  occurred  in  Virginia.  In  1624  the  London  Company  was 
dissolved,  and  Virginia  became  a  royal  government.  But  the  rights  of 
trial  by  jury  and  of  a  representative  Assembly,  which  had  been  granted 
by  the  Company,  were  retained,  and  all  succeeding  colonies  claimed 
the  same,  so  that  from  the  formation  of  the  colonial  Assembly  of  Vir- 
ginia we  may  date  the  beginning  of  the  evolution  of  American  liberty. 
In  1643  another  Indian  massacre  took  place,  instigated  by  the  same 
implacable  chief.] 

The  Indians  were  now  inveterate  enemies.  Peace  was 
never  thought  of.  •  Successive  enactments  of  the  Assem- 
bly made  it  a  solemn  duty  to  fall  upon  the  natives  at 
stated  periods  of  the  year,  and  heavy  penalties  were  vis- 
ited upon  all  who  traded  with  them  or  in  any  way  pro- 


136  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowisoN 

vided  them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  The  whites 
were  steadily  increasing  both  in  moral  and  physical 
strength ;  the  Indians  were  as  rapidly  wasting  away  be- 
fore the  breath  of  civilization.  A  few  incursions, — a  few 
convulsive  efforts,  always  attended  by  heavy  loss  to  them- 
selves,— one  final  struggle, — these  will  complete  their  his- 
tory in  eastern  Yirginia. 

The  illegal  grants  favored  by  Sir  John  Ilervey  had  pro- 
voked the  natives  into  active  hostility.  They  saw  their 
hunting-grounds  successively  swept  away  by  a  power 
which  they  were  unable  to  resist,  and  all  the  passions  of 
the  savage  arose  to  demand  revenge.  .  .  .  Among  the  na- 
tives there  still  lived  a  hero  who  had  proved  himself  a  for- 
midable advei*sary  even  when  encountered  by  European 
skill.  Opecancanough  had  attained  the  hundredth  year 
of  his  life.  Declining  age  had  bowed  a  form  once  emi- 
nent in  stature  and  manly  strength.  Incessant  toil  and 
watchfulness  had  wasted  his  flesh  and  left  him  gaunt  and 
withered,  like  the  forest-tree  stripped  of  its  foliage  by  the 
frosts  of  winter.  His  eyes  had  lost  their  brightness,  and 
so  heavily  did  the  hand  of  age  press  upon  him  that  his 
eyelids  drooped  from  weakness,  and  he  required  the  aid 
of  an  attendant  to  raise  them  that  he  might  see  objects 
around  him.  Yet  within  this  tottering  and  wasted  body 
burned  a  soul  which  seemed  to  have  lost  none  of  its  origi- 
nal energy.  A  quenchless  fire  incited  him  to  hostility 
against  the  settlers.  He  yet  wielded  great  influence 
among  the  members  of  the  Powhatan  confederacy ;  and 
by  his  wisdom,  his  example,  and  the  veneration  felt  for 
his  age,  he  roused  the  savages  to  another  effort  at  general 
massacre. 

The  obscurity  concerning  the  best  records  which  remain 
of  this  period  has  rendered  doubtful  the  precise  time  at 
which  this  fatal  irruption  occurred ;  yet  the  most  proba- 


HO-WISON]   THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE  IN  VIRGINIA.  137 

ble  period  would  seem  to  be  the  close  of  the  year  1643. 
The  Indians  were  drawn  together  with  great  secrecy  and 
skill,  and  were  instructed  to  fall  upon  the  colonists  at  the 
same  time,  and  to  spare  none  who  could  be  safely  butch- 
ered. Five  hundred  victims  sank  beneath  their  attack. 
The  assault  was  most  violent  and  fatal  upon  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Pamunkey  and  the  York,  where  the  settlers 
were  yet  thin  in  number  and  but  imperfectly  armed.  But 
in  every  place  where  resistance  was  possible  the  savages 
were  routed  with  loss,  and  driven  back  in  dismay  to  their 
fastnesses  in  the  forest. 

Sir  William  Berkeley  instantly  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  chosen  body,  composed  of  every  twentieth  man  able 
to  bear  arms,  and  marched  to  the  scene  of  devastation. 
Finding  the  savages  dispersed,  and  all  organized  resistance 
at  an  end,  he  followed  them  with  a  troop  of  cavalry.  The 
aged  chief  had  taken  refuge  in  the  neighborhood  of  his 
seat  at  Pamunkey.  His  strength  was  too  much  enfeebled 
for  vigorous  flight.  His  limbs  refused  to  bear  him,  and  his 
dull  vision  rendered  him  an  easy  prey.  He  was  overtaken 
by  the  pursuers,  and  carried  in  triumph  back  to  James- 
town. 

Finding  the  very  soul  of  Indian  enmity  now  within  his 
power,  the  governor  had  determined  to  send  him  to  Eng- 
land as  a  royal  captive,  to  be  detained  in  honorable  cus- 
tody until  death  should  close  his  earthly  career.  .  .  .  But 
.a  death  of  violence  awaited  him.  A  brutal  wretch,  urged 
on  by  desire  to  revenge  injuries  to  the  whites  which  had 
long  been  forgotten  or  forgiven,  advanced  with  his  musket 
behind  the  unhappy  chieftain  and  shot  him  through  tho 
back.  .  .  . 

The  wound  thus  given  was  mortal.  Opecancanough 
lingered  a  few  days  in  agony ;  yet  to  the  last  moment  of 
his  life  he  retained  his  majesty  and  sternness  of  demeanor, 
i.  12* 


138  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ScHAKF 

A  crowd  of  idle  beings  collected  around  him  to  sate  their 
unfeeling  curiosity  with  a  view  of  his  person  and  his  con- 
duct. Hearing  the  noise,  the  dying  Indian  feebly  motioned 
to  his  attendants  to  raise  his  eyelids,  that  he  might  learn 
the  cause  of  this  tumult.  A  flash  of  wounded  pride  and 
of  just  indignation,  for  a  moment,  revived  his  waning 
strength.  He  sent  for  the  governor,  and  addressed  to  him 
that  keen  reproach  which  has  so  well  merited  preserva- 
tion :  "  Had  I  taken  Sir  William  Berkeley  prisoner,  I 
would  not  have  exposed  him  as  a  show  to  my  people." 
In  a  short  time  afterwards  he  expired.  .  .  . 

After  the  death  of  this  warrior,  the  celebrated  confed- 
eracy of  Powhatan  was  immediately  dissolved.  ...  It 
was  without  a  head,  and  the  members  fell  away  and 
speedily  lost  all  tendency  to  cohesion.  The  Indians  had 
learned,  by  fatal  experience,  that  they  contended  in  vain 
with  the  whites.  .  .  .  They  have  faded  away  and  gradu- 
ally disappeared,  never  more  to  return. 


THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.      • 

J.  THOMAS  SCHARF. 

[The  country  near  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay  was  first  explored  hy 
Captain  John  Smith.  It  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  grant  that  was 
made  by  Charles  I.  to  Sir  George  Calvert,  by  title  Lord  Baltimore,  a 
Boman  Catholic  nobleman.  Inspired  by  the  same  feeling  that  had 
moved  the  Puritans,  he  sought  to  establish  a  refuge  in  America  for  men 
of  his  religious  faith,  who  were  persecuted  in  England.  With  this 
purpose  he  planted,  in  1621,  a  Catholic  colony  in  Newfoundland.  But 
the  unfavorable  soil  and  climate,  and  annoyances  from  the  hostile 
French,  soon  ended  his  hopes  in  that  quarter.  He  next  visited  Vir- 
ginia, but  found  there  a  religious  intolerance  hostile  to  his  purposes. 


SCHARF]      THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.  139 

The  territory  finally  granted  him  extended  from  the  upper  Chesapeake 
to  the  fortieth  degree,  the  latitude  of  Philadelphia. 

The  charter  given  to  Lord  Baltimore,  unlike  any  previously  granted, 
secured  to  the  emigrants  equality  in  religious  rights  and  civil  freedom, 
aud  an  independent  share  in  the  legislation  of  the  province.  The 
colony  was  formed  in  1634  by  two  hundred  emigrants,  mostly  Roman 
Catholics,  who  entered  the  Potomac  and  purchased  of  the  Indians  a 
village  on  the  St.  Mary's  River,  about  ten  miles  from  its  junction  with 
the  Potomac.  The  policy  of  paying  the  Indians  for  their  land,  and 
their  subsequent  equitable  treatment,  inaugurated  peaceful  relations, 
though  these  did  not  remain  long  undisturbed.  The  treaty  of  Calvert 
with  the  Indians,  though  less  dramatic,  resembled  in  principle  the 
celebrated  one  made  many  years  afterwards  by  William  Penn.  Its 
character  is  clearly  stated  by  J.  T.  Scharf  in  his  excellent  "  History 
of  Maryland."] 

INSTEAD  of  treating  the  aborigines  as  wild  beasts,  or 
savages  toward  whom  no  moral  law  was  binding,  he  dealt 

o  o* 

with  them  as  with  men  whose  rights  had  a  claim  to  respect. 
He  raised  no  sophistical  question  whether  savages  could 
acquire  or  transfer  any  rights  in  the  soil,  or  whether  it 
was  worth  while  to  pay  them  any  price  for  what  they 
were  preparing  to  abandon.  The  quantity  of  goods  given 
them  is  not  known ;  but  the  compensation  was  satisfactory, 
and  there  is  no  reason  for  alleging  that  it  was  not  ample. 
The  land  ceded  was  mostly  forest  hunting-grounds ;  and 
the  former  possessors  left  them  only  to  remove  to  others 
chosen  in  the  boundless  wilderness.  The  articles  given  in 
exchange  were  not  trinkets  and  cheap  gewgaws  to  pamper 
savage  vanity,  nor  the  maddening  draught  that  has  been 
the  bane  of  the  race,  nor  the  arms  that  would  render  their 
internal  wars  more  deadly  and  hasten  their  extermination; 
they  were  not  merely  of  intrinsic  worth,  but  of  absolutely 
inestimable  value  to  the  Indian,  who  could  procure  nothing 
comparable  to  them,  and  was  at  once  raised  a  degree  in 
civilization  by  their  acquisition.  The  possession  of  an 


140  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SCHARF 

axe  of  steel  instead  of  his  rude  tool  of  stone  multiplied 
his  strength  and  efficiency  a  hundredfold.  If  the  whites 
occupied  his  fields,  they  gave  him,  in  improved  imple- 
ments, the  means  of  raising  larger  crops,  with  less  labor, 
in  his  new  abode ;  if  they  restricted  his  hunting-grounds, 
they  taught  him  to  dispense  with  his  rude  garment  of 
skin,  and  clothed  him  in  the  warmer  fabric  of  the  loom. 

The  Indians,  on  their  side,  faithfully  performed  their 
part  of  the  contract.  They  shared  at  once  their  cabins 
with  the  strangers  and  prepared  to  abandon  them  and  the 
cultivated  fields  as  soon  as  the  corn  was  harvested.  In  the 
mean  time  they  mingled  freely  with  the  colonists,  who 
employed  many  of  their  women  and  children  in  their  fami- 
lies. From  them  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  settlers 
learned  the  modes  of  preparing  maize  and  other  products 
of  the  soil.  While  the  colonist  of  New  England  ploughed 
his  field  with  his  musket  on  his  back,  or  was  aroused  from 
his  slumber  by  the  hideous  war-whoop  to  find  his  dwelling 
in  flames,  the  settlers  of  St.  Mary's  accompanied  the  red 
warrior  to  the  chase  and  learned  his  arts  of  woodcraft ; 
and  the  Indian  coming  to  the  settlement  with  wild  tur- 
keys or  venison  found  a  friendly  reception  and  an  honest 
market,  and,  if  belated,  wrapped  himself  in  his  mantle  of 
skins  or  duffield  cloth  and  lay  down  to  sleep  by  the  white 
man's  fireside,  unsuspecting  and  unsuspected. 

Such  were  the  happy  results  of  the  truly  Christian  spirit 
that  animated  the  first  Maryland  colonists. 

[Trouble  with  the  Indians  began  as  early  as  1641,  in  the  incursions 
of  the  Susquehannoughs,  a  fierce  tribe,  which  had  always  been  hostile 
to  the  colonists.  These  savages  had  now  acquired  the  possession  and 
learned  the  use  of  fire-arms.  The  sale  of  arms  and  ammunition  to 
them  had  been  made  penal  in  the  colony,  but  the  Swedes  and  Dutch 
on  the  Delaware  freely  supplied  them  with  these  dangerous  articles. 
There  resulted  a  war  with  the  Indians,  which  extended  from  1642  to 


SCHARF]      THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.  141 

1644.  In  the  mean  time  Calvert  was  given  great  trouble  by  "William 
Claiborne,  a  Virginian  who  had  in  1631  established  a  trading-station 
on  the  island  of  Kent  and  one  near  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna, 
and  who  for  years  continued  to  contest  the  rights  of  the  lord  pro- 
prietary. He  even  organized  a  rebellion,  and  for  a  time  drove  the 
governor  from  the  province. 

Maryland  has  the  honor  of  being  the  first  country  to  establish  the 
principle  of  religious  toleration  to  people  of  all  faiths.  George  Cal- 
vert "was  the  first,"  says  Bancroft,  "in  the  history  of  the  Christian 
world,  to  seek  for  religious  security  and  peace  by  the  practice  of  jus- 
tice and  not  by  the  exercise  of  power ;  to  plan  the  establishment  of 
popular  institutions  with  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  of  conscience ;  to 
advance  the  career  of  civilization  by  recognizing  the  rightful  equality 
of  all  Christian  sects."  The  religious  toleration  which  already  ex- 
isted by  charter  was  further  established  by  a  law  of  the  Maryland 
Assembly,  of  April  2,  1649.  Khode  Island  had  previously  passed  a 
similar  law.  We  quote  the  significant  section  of  this  important  en- 
actment.] 

"  And  whereas  the  inforcing  of  the  conscience  in  mat- 
ters of  religion  hath  frequently  fallen  out  to  bee  of  danger- 
ous consequence  in  those  commonwealths  where  it  hath 
beene  practiced,  and  for  the  more  quiet  and  peaceable  gov- 
ernment of  this  province,  and  the  better  to  preserve  mutuall 
love  and  unity  among  the  inhabitants  here,  Bee  it,  there- 
fore, also  by  the  lord  proprietary,  with  the  advice  and 
assent  of  this  assembly,  ordained  and  enacted,  .  .  .  that 
no  person  or  persons  whatsoever  within  this  province  or 
the  islands,  ports,  harbours,  creeks,  or  havens  thereunto 
belonging,  professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  shall  from 
henceforth  be  any  waies  ti'oubled,  molested,  or  discounte- 
nanced, for  or  in  respect  of  his  or  her  religion,  nor  in  the 
free  exercise  thereof  within  this  province  or  the  islands 
thereunto  belonging,  nor  any  way  compelled  to  the  be- 
liefe  or  exercise  of  any  other  religion  against  his  or  her 
consent,  so  as  they  be  not  unfaithfull  to  the  lord  proprie- 
tary, or  molest  or  conspire  against  the  civill  government, 


142  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SCHAEF 

estabblished  or  to  be  established  in  this  province  under 
him  or  his  heyres ;  and  that  all  and  every  person  or  persons 
that  shall  presume  contrary  to  this  act  and  the  true  intent 
and  meaning  thereof,  directly  or  indirectly,  eyther  in  per- 
son or  estate,  wilfully  to  wrong,  disturbe,  or  trouble,  or 
molest  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever  within  this 
province,  professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  for  or  in 
respect  of  his  or  her  religion,  or  the  free  exercise  thereof 
within  this  province,  .  .  .  shall  be  compelled  to  pay  treble 
damages  to  the  party  so  wronged  or  molested,  and  for 
every  such  offence  shall  also  forfeit  20s.  sterling  in  money 
or  the  value  thereof,  ...  or  if  the  party  so  offending  as 
aforesaid,  shall  refuse  or  bee  unable  to  recompence  the 
party  so  wronged  or  to  satisfie  such  fine  or  forfeiture, 
then  such  offender  shall  be  severely  punished  by  publick 
whipping  and  imprisonment  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
lord  proprietary  or  his  lieutenant  or  chiefs  governour  of 
this  province  for  the  time  being,  without  baile  or  main- 
prise." 

[The  act  here  given  also  punishes  with  fine  whoever  shall  denomi- 
nate any  person  as  "an  Heretick,  Schismatiek,  Idolater,  Puritan, 
Presbyterian,  Independent,  Popish  Priest,  Jesuit,  Jesuited  Papist, 
Lutheran,  Calvinist,  Anabaptist,  Brownist,  Antinomian,  Barrowist, 
Koundhead,  Separatist,  or  other  name  or  terme  in  a  reproachful  man- 
ner, relating  to  matters  of  religion,"  or  shall  blaspheme  or  deny  any  of 
the  persons  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  or  speak  reproachfully  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  or  shall  break  the  Sabbath  by  drunkenness,  swearing,  disorderly 
recreation,  or  work  except  when  absolutely  necessary. 

The  enactment  here  described  was  one  worthy  to  be  printed  in  let- 
ters of  gold,  as  an  example  of  remarkable  breadth  of  view  and  spirit 
of  tolerance  for  the  age  of  religious  bigotry  in  which  it  was  passed. 
Its  principle  was  not  long  permitted  to  continue  in  force.  During  the 
Puritan  ascendency  in  England  the  government  was  taken  from  the 
proprietor,  and  the  Catholics  of  Maryland  were  disfranchised,  excluded 
from  the  Assembly,  and  declared  not  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
law.  In  January  of  the  following  year  (1655),  Stone,  the  lieutenant 


SCHARF]      THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.  143 

of  Lord  Baltimore,  resumed  his  office,  and  a  civil  war  ensued,  which 
is  worth  describing,  as  the  first  instance  of  civil  war  in  America.] 

Lord  Baltimore,  learning  the  surrender  of  Governor 
Stone,  and  that  the  affairs  of  the  province  were  adminis- 
tered by  commissioners  appointed  by  Claiborne,  and  his 
associates,  in  the  latter  part  of  1654,  despatched  a  special 
messenger  .  .  .  with  a  severe  rebuke  to  the  governor  for 
so  tamely  yielding  his  authority,  and  an  order  to  him  to 
resume  it  immediately. 

The  ship  arrived  in  January,  1655,  N.  S.,  and  Captain 
Stone  proceeded  to  issue  commissions  to  officers,  and  to 
organize  an  armed  force  in  the  county  of  St.  Mary's.  In 
a  short  time  he  found  himself  at  'the  head  of  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty  men. 

["With  this  force  he  recovered  the  records  of  the  province,  and  cap- 
tured a  magazine  of  arms  and  ammunition  from  the  Puritans.] 

About  the  twentieth  of  March,  Stone  set  out  with  his 
little  army  for  Providence.  He  had  pressed  into  his  ser- 
vice eleven  or  twelve  small  vessels  for  the  transportation 
of  part  of  his  forces,  and  part  marched  by  land  along  the 
bay  shore.  .  .  .  Governor  Stone,  with  his  little  fleet  and 
army,  entered  the  outer  harbor  of  Providence  (Annapolis 
harbor)  late  in  the  evening  of  March  24.  ... 

Stone  had  no  sooner  drawn  up  his  force  in  array  upon 
the  shore,  than  the  Golden  Lyon  and  Captain  Cut's  vessel 
opened  fire  upon  them,  killing  one  man,  and  compelling 
him  to  retire  a  little  up  the  neck  of  land.  In  the  mean 
time,  Captain  Fuller,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty men,  embarked  in  boats,  and,  having  gone  "  over  the 
river  some  six  miles  distant  from  the  enemy,"  landed,  and 
made  a  circuit  around  the  head  of  the  creek,  proposing  to 
take  Stone's  force  in  flank  and  rear.  On  their  approach 
the  sentry  fired  a  gun,  and  an  engagement  followed,  which 


144  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ScnARF 

is  thus  described  by  Leonard  Strong,  one  of  Fuller's 
council,  in  his  pamphlet,  "  Babylon's  Fall." 

"  Captain  Fuller,  still  expecting  that  then,  at  last,  pos- 
sibly they  might  give  a  reason  of  their  coming,  commanded 
his  men,  on  pain  of  death,  not  to  shoot  a  gun,  or  give  the 
first  onset;  setting  up  the  standard  of  the  commonwealth 
of  England,  against  which  the  enemy  shot  five  or  six  guns 
and  killed  one  man  in  the  front  before  a  shot  was  made  by 
the  other.  Then  the  word  was  given  :  In  the  name  of  God, 
fall  on ;  God  is  our  strength — that  was  the  word  for  Provi- 
dence :  the  Marylanders'  word  was  Hey  for  Saint  Maries. 
The  charge  was  fierce  and  sharp  for  the  time  ;  but,  through 
the  glorious  presence  of  the  Lord  of  hosts  manifested  in 
and  towards  his  poor  oppressed  people,  the  enemy  could 
not  endure,  but  gave  back,  and  were  so  effectually  charged 
home  that  they  were  all  routed,  turned  their  backs,  threw 
down  their  arms,  and  begged  mercy.  After  the  first  vol- 
ley of  shot,  a  small  company  of  the  enemy,  from  behind 
a  great  tree  fallen,  galled  us,  and  wounded  divers  of  our 
men,  but  were  soon  beaten  off.  Of  the  whole  company  of 
the  Marylanders  there  escaped  only  four  or  five,  who  ran 
away  out  of  the  army  to  carry  news  to  their  confederates. 
Captain  Stone,  Colonel  Price,  Captain  Gerrard,  Captain 
Lewis,  Captain  Kendall,  Captain  Guither,  Major  Chandler, 
and  all  the  rest  of  the  councillors,  officers,  and  soldiers  of 
the  Lord  Baltimore,  among  whom,  both  commanders  and 
souldiers,  a  great  number  being  Papists,  were  taken,  and  so 
were  all  their  vessels,  arms,  ammunition,  provision ;  about 
fifty  men  slain  and  wounded.  "We  lost  only  two  in  the 
field ;  but  two  died  since  of  their  wounds.  God  did  appear 
wonderful  in  the  field  and  in  the  hearts  of  the  people ;  all 
confessing  Him  to  be  the  only  worker  of  this  victory  and 
deliverance." 

Strong's   pamphlet   is,  no   doubt,  strongly  colored   by 


PALFREY]      THE  LANDING   OF  THE  PILGRIMS.  145 

partisanship,  but,  whatever  the  exact  details,  the  Puritans 
were  completely  victorious.  ..."  Two  or  three  days  after 
the  victoi's  condemned  ten  to  death,  and  executed  foure, 
and  had  executed  all,  had  not  the  incessant  petitioning 
and  begging  of  some  good  women  saved  some,  and  the 
souldiers  others ;  the  governor  himself  being  condemned 
by  them,  and  since  beg'd  by  the  souldiers ;  some  being 
saved  just  as  they  were  leading  out  /to  execution." 

[In  1658,  on  the  restoration  of  monarchy  in  England,  the  proprie- 
tor regained  his  authority  in  Maryland.  A  new  disturbance  between 
Protestants  and  Catholics  occurred  in  1689,  at  the  period  of  the  Eng- 
lish revolution,  and  Lord  Baltimore  was  deprived  of  his  rights  by  the 
king  in  1691.  Religious  toleration  was  abolished,  and  the  Church  of 
England  established  as  the  slate  religion.  After  more  than  twenty 
years,  the  infant  heir  of  Lord  Baltimore,  then  a  Protestant,  was  restored 
to  his  proprietorship,  and  Maryland  remained  a  proprietary  govern- 
ment until  the  Revolution.] 


THE  LANDING  OF  THE  PILGRIMS. 

JOHN   GORHAM   PALFREY. 

[The  discovery  and  settlement  of  New  England  was  a  slow  process. 
It  possibly  began  with  the  voyages  of  the  Northmen,  though  the 
locality  of  Vinland  can  never  be  definitely  known.  The  English 
claim  to  the  territory  was  based  on  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  in 
which  the  coast  was  visited  from  the  far  north  to  the  thirty-eighth  (or 
perhaps  to  the  thirty-sixth)  degree  of  north  latitude.  The  New  Eng- 
land coast  was  afterwards  visited  by  Cortereal,  by  Verrazano,  and  by 
several  later  voyagers.  Yet  during  the  sixteenth  century  no  part  of  it 
was  explored,  and  no  effort  made  at  colonization.  Gosnold,  in  1602, 
made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  plant  a  colony  on  Martha's  Vineyard. 
Martin  Pring  made  a  trading-voyage  to  the  coast  in  1603.  In  1605 
George  Weymouth  entered  the  Kennebec  or  the  Penobscot  River. 
About  the  same  time  the  French  essayed  to  plant  a  colony  on  Cape 
I.— o  k  13 


146  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PALFREY 

Cod,  but  were  driven  off  by  the  Indians.  In  1606  the  Plymouth  and 
London  Companies,  for  the  purpose  of  planting  colonies  in  America, 
were  formed  in  London,  the  patent  of  the  first-named  covering  the 
coast  of  New  England,  to  which  a  colony  was  sent  in  1607.  It  landed 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec  River,  but  the  colonists  became  dis- 
couraged, and  returned  on  the  ships,  with  the  exception  of  forty-live, 
who  spent  a  long  and  severe  winter  on  the  coast  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land in  the  following  spring.  A  party  of  French  established  them- 
selves on  Mount  Desert  Inland  in  1613,  but  were  driven  off  after  a  few 
weeks'  stay  by  Captain  Argal,  of  Virginia.  The  next  effort  to  colo- 
nize this  region  was  made  by  Captain  John  Smith,  who  had  already 
given  permanence  to  the  Virginia  colony  by  his  shrewdness  and  energy. 
He  explored  the  coast  in  1614,  and  made  a  map  of  it,  giving  its  pres- 
ent name  to  the  country.  But  his  earnest  efforts  to  found  a  colony 
failed,  through  discouraging  circumstances,  and  despite  his  persistent 
endeavors.  Other  voyages  were  made\  and  a  trading-party  remained 
on  the  coast  during  the  winter  of  1616-17,  but  all  such  efforts  to  es- 
tablish trading-colonies  ended  in  failure,  and  it  was  not  until  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Puritan  agriculturists  in  1620  that  a  permanent  colony 
was  formed. 

No  detailed  explanation  as  to  who  the  Puritans  were  is  here  de- 
manded. It  will  suffice  to  say  that  long  before  the  establishment  of 
the  English  Episcopal  Church  by  Henry  VIII.  there  had  been  in 
England  a  large  body  of  religious  reformers,  and  that  after  that 
period  these  continued  to  exist,  under  the  titles  of  Non- Conformists, 
Separatists,  Brownists,  etc.,  despite  the  persecutions  to  which  they  were 
subjected.  Among  the  congregations  of  Separatists  are  two  with 
which  we  are  particularly  concerned.  One  was  gathered  at  Gains- 
borough, in  Lincolnshire,  the  other  at  the  village  of  Scrooby,  in 
Nottinghamshire.  They  were  composed  of  simple  agriculturists,  yet 
they  found  the  repression  of  religious  liberty  to  which  they  were  sub- 
jected so  intolerable  that  they  determined  to  emigrate  to  Holland, 
where  they  had  heard  that  freedom  of  thought  was  permitted.  After 
great  difficulty,  the  Scrooby  congregation  succeeded  in  reaching  Am- 
sterdam, where  they  found  the  Gainsborough  people,  and  a  London 
congregation  that  had  emigrated  some  twelve  or  fifteen  years  before. 
In  1616  they  removed  to  Leyden.  But  the  political  agitation  which 
arose  in  Holland  made  that  country  a  disagreeable  place  of  residence, 
and  they  finally  determined  to  emigrate  to  America,  where  they  might 
be  free  to  worship  God  in  their  own  way  without  hinderance. 


PALFREY]    THE  LANDING   OF  THE  PILGRIMS.  147 

They  well  knew  the  perils  and  difficulties  they  would  have  to  en- 
counter, and  even  magnified  them,  but  were  prepared  to  endure  them 
all  for  the  blessing  of  religious  liberty.  Some  thought  of  joining  the 
colony  in  Virginia ;  others,  of  going  to  Guiana,  where  Sir  Walter 
Kaleigh  then  was,  on  a  second  visit.  Negotiations  were  entered  into 
with  the  Dutch,  with  a  view  to  emigrate  to  the  Hudson.  But  they 
finally  concluded  to  establish  a  new  colony  on  the  northern  American 
coast,  where  they  would  be  free  from  any  interference  with  their  fixed 
purposes.  In  July,  1620,  they  embarked  for  England  in  the  ship 
Speedwell.  Here,  in  the  port  of  Southampton,  they  found  the  May- 
flower, a  vessel  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons'  burden,  which  had 
been  engaged  for  the  voyage.  Two  starts  were  made,  but  in  each  case 
they  were  obliged  to  return,  the  Speedwell  proving  unseaworthy. 
Finally,  on  September  6,  the  Mayflower  sailed  alone,  and  "  put  to  sea 
with  a  prosperous  wind."  Among  the  leading  spirits  of  the  expedi- 
tion may  be  named  Bradford  and  Brewster,  members  of  the  original 
Scrooby  congregation,  Winslow,  a  personage  of  superior  condition  to 
his  companions,  who  had  joined  them  in  Holland,  and  Miles  Standish, 
who  was  not  a  member  of  the  church,  but  who  loved  adventure,  and 
whose  military  knowledge  was  of  great  value  to  the  emigrants.  The 
story  of  the  voyage  and  landing  we  extract  from  Palfrey's  admirable 
"  History  of  New  England."] 

THE  colonists, — men,  women,  and  children, — who  were 
now  embarked  on  board  the  Mayflower,  were  a  hundred 
and  two  in  number.  Concerning  vevy  few  of  them  is  it 
known  to  this  day  from  what  English  homes  they  came. 
.  .  .  Little  is  recorded  of  the  incidents  of  the  voyage. 
The  first  part  was  favorably  made.  As  the  wanderers 
approached  the  American  continent,  they  encountered 
storms  which  their  overburdened  vessel  was  scarcely  able 
to  sustain.  Their  destination  was  to  a  point  near  the  Hud- 
son River,  yet  within  the  territory  of  the  London  Company, 
by  which  their  patent  had  been  granted.  This  description 
corresponds  to  no  other  country  than  the  sea-coast  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey.  At  early  dawn  of  the  sixty-first 
day  of  their  voyage  (November  9,  1620)  they  came  in 
sight  of  the  white  sand-banks  of  Cape  Cod.  In  pursuance 


148  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PALFREY 

of  their  original  purpose,  they  veered  to  the  south,  but 
by  the  middle  of  the  day  they  found  themselves  "  among 
perilous  shoals  and  breakers,"  which  caused  them  to  re- 
trace their  course.  An  opinion  afterwards  prevailed,  on 
questionable  grounds,  that  they  had  been  purposely  led 
astray  by  the  master  of  the  vessel,  induced  by  a  bribe 
from  the  Dutch,  who  were  averse  to  having  them  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Hudson,  which  Dutch  vessels  had  begun 
to  visit  for  trade. 

The  narrow  peninsula,  sixty  miles  long,  which  termi- 
nates in  Cape  Cod,  projects  eastwardly  from  the  mainland 
of  Massachusetts,  in  shape  resembling  the  human  arm 
bent  rectangularly  at  the  elbow  and  again  at  the  wrist. 
In  the  basin  enclosed  landward  by  the  extreme  point  of 
this  projection,  in  the  roadstead  of  what  is  now  Province- 
town,  the  Mayflower  dropped  her  anchor  at  noon  on  a 
Saturday  near  the  close  of  autumn  (November  11). 

[Here  was  drawn  up  and  signed  an  instrument  constituting  a  brief 
governmental  compact,  and  John  Carver,  who  had  been  instrumental 
in  obtaining  from  the  king  permission  for  their  enterprise,  was  chosen 
governor  of  the  colony.] 

In  the  afternoon,  "  fifteen  or  sixteen  men,  well  armed," 
were  sent  on  shore  to  reconnoitre  and  collect  fuel.  They 
returned  at  evening,  reporting  that  they  had  seen  neither 
person  nor  dwelling,  but  that  the  country  was  well  wooded, 
and  that  the  appearance  as  to  soil  was  promising. 

Having  kept  their  Sabbath  in  due  retirement,  the  men 
began  the  labors  of  the  week  by  landing  a  shallop  from 
the  ship,  and  hauling  it  up  the  beach  for  repairs,  while 
the  women  went  on  shore  to  wash  clothes.  While  the 
carpenter  and  his  men  were  at  work  on  the  boat,  sixteen 
others,  armed  and  provisioned,  with  Standish  for  their 
commander,  set  off  on  foot  to  explore  the  country.  The 
only  incident  of  this  day  was  the  sight  of  five  or  six  sav- 


PALFREY]    THE  LANDING   OF  THE  PILGRIMS.  149 

ages,  who,  on  their  approach,  ran  away  too  swiftly  to  be 
overtaken.  At  night,  lighting  a  fire  and  setting  a  guard, 
the  party  bivouacked  at  the  distance,  as  they  supposed, 
of  ten  miles  from  their  vessel.  Proceeding  southward  next 

O 

morning,  they  observed  marks  of  cultivation,  some  heaps 
of  earth,  which  they  took  for  signs  of  graves,  and  the  re- 
mains of  a  hut,  with  "a  great  kettle,  which  had  been, 
some  ship's  kettle."  In  a  heap  which  they  opened,  they 
found  two  baskets  containing  four  or  five  bushels  of  In- 
dian corn,  of  which  they  took  as  much  as  they  could  carry 
away  in  their  pockets  and  in  the  kettle.  Farther  on  they 
saw  two  canoes  and  "  an  old  fort  or  palisado,  made  by 
some  Christians,"  as  they  thought.  The  second  night, 
which  was  rainy,  they  encamped  again,  with  more  pre- 
cautions than  before.  On  Friday  evening,  having  lost 
their  way  meanwhile,  and  been  amused  by  an  accident  to 
Bradford,  who  was  caught  in  an  Indian  deer-trap,  they 
returned  to  their  friends  "  both  weary  and  welcome,  and 
delivered  in  their  corn  into  the  store  to  be  kept  for  seed, 
for  they  knew  not  how  to  come  by  any,  and  therefore 
were  very  glad,  proposing,  as  soon  as  they  could  meet 
with  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  to  make  them 
large  satisfaction." 

[The  succeeding  week  was  passed  in  necessary  labors,  and  in  explo- 
ration of  the  coast  in  the  shallop.  Landing,  they  found  some  more 
corn  and  a  bag  of  beans,  and  several  miles  inland  a  grave  containing 
"bowls,  trays,  dishes,"  "a  knife,  a  pack-needle,"  "a  little  bow,"  and 
some  "  strings  and  bracelets  of  fine  white  beads."  Two  wigwams  were 
seen.  On  December  6  another  exploration  was  made.  The  cold  was 
extreme.  Coasting  for  six  or  seven  leagues,  they  saw  a  party  of  In- 
dians, who  ran  away.  They  continued  to  explore  during  the  next  day, 
but  found  no  inhabitants.] 

The.  following  morning,  at  daylight,  they  had  just  ended 
their  prayers,  and  were  preparing  breakfast  at  their  cam]) 
i.  13* 


150  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PALFREY 

on  the  beach,  when  they  heard  a  yell,  and  a  flight  of 
arrows  fell  among  them.  The  assailants  turned  out  to 
be  thirty  or  forty  Indians,  who,  being  fired  upon,  retired. 
Neither  side  had  been  harmed.  A  number  of  the  arrows 
were  picked  up,  "some  whereof  were  headed  with  brass, 
others  with  hart's  horn,  and  others  with  eagles'  claws." 

Getting  on  board,  they  sailed  all  day  along  the  shore  in 
a  storm  of  snow  and  sleet,  making,  by  their  estimate,  a 
distance  of  forty  or  fifty  miles,  without  discovering  a 
harbor.  In  the  afternoon,  the  gale  having  increased,  their 
rudder  was  disabled,  and  they  had  to  steer  with  oars.  At 
length  the  mast  was  carried  away,  and  they  drifted  in  the 
dark  with  a  flood-tide.  With  difficulty  they  brought  up 
under  the  lee  of  a  "  small  rise  of  land."  Here  a  part  of 
the  company,  suffering  from  wet  and  cold,  went  on  shore, 
though  not  without  fear  of  hostile  neighbors,  and  lighted 
a  fire  by  which  to  pass  the  inclement  night.  In  the 
morning  "  they  found  themselves  to  be  on  an  island  secure 
from  the  Indians,  where  they  might  dry  their  stuff,  fix 
their  pieces,  and  rest  themselves  ;  and,  this  being  the  last 
day  of  the  week,  they  prepared  there  to  keep  the  Sabbath." 

"  On  Monday  they  sounded  the  harbor,  and  found  it  fit 
for  shipping,  and  marched  also  into  the  land,  and  found 
divers  cornfields  and  little  running  brooks,  a  place,  as  they 
supposed,  fit  for  situation ;  ...  so  they  returned  to  their 
ship  again  with  this  news  to  the  rest  of  their  people, 
which  did  much  to  comfort  their  hearts."  Such  is  the 
record  of  that  event  which  has  made  the  twenty-second  of 
December  a  memorable  day  in  the  calendar.* 

*  A  trustworthy  tradition  has  preserved  a  knowledge  of  the  landing- 
place,  naturally  an  object  of  interest  both  to  the  inhabitants  and  to 
strangers.  It  was  PLYMOUTH  ROCK.  Part  of  it  is  now  embedded  in 
a  wharf.  ...  In  1775  the  rock  was  broken  into  two  pieces  in  an  at- 
tempt to  remove  it  to  the  town  square.  The  large  fragment  which  was 


PALFREY]    THE  LANDING   OF  THE  PILGRIMS.  151 

No  time  was  now  lost.  By  the  end  of  the  week  the 
Mayflower  had  brought  her  company  to  keep  their  Sab- 
bath by  their  future  home.  Further  examination  con- 
firmed the  agreeable  impressions  which  had  been  received. 
There  was  found  a  convenient  harbor,  "compassed  with 
a  goodly  land."  The  country  was  well  wooded.  It  had 
clay,  sand,  and  shells,  for  bricks,  mortar,  and  pottery,  and 
stone  for  wells  and  chimneys ;  the  sea  and  beach  promised 
abundance  of  fish  and  fowl,  and  "  four  or  five  small  running 
brooks"  brought  a  supply  of  "very  sweet  fresh  water." 
After  prayer  for  further  divine  guidance,  they  fixed  upon 
a  spot  for  the  erection  of  their  dwellings,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  a  brook  "  and  many  delicate  springs,"  and  of  a 
hill  suitable  for  a  lookout  and  a  defence.  A  storm  inter- 
rupted their  proceeding.  When  it  was  past,  "  so  many  of 
them  as  could  went  on  shore,  felled  and  carried  timber, 
to  provide  themselves  stuff  for  building."  Then  came 
Sunday,  when  "  the  people  on  shore  heard  a  cry  of  some 
savages,  as  they  thought,  which  caused  an  alarm  and  to 
stand  on  their  guard,  expecting  an  assault;  but  all  was 
quiet."  They  were  still  without  the  shelter  of  a  roof.  At 
the  sharp  winter  solstice  of  New  England,  there  was  but 

"  A  screen  of  leafless  branches 
Between  them  and  the  blast." 

But  it  was  the  Lord's  hallowed  time,  and  the  work  of 

separated  was  in  1834  placed  before  Pilgrim  Hall  and  enclosed  within 
an  iron  railing.  The  tradition  does  not  appear  to  have  unequivocally 
determined  who  it  was  that  landed  upon  the  rock,  whether  the  ex- 
ploring party  of  ten  men  who  went  ashore  at  Plymouth,  December  11 
(Old  Style),  or  the  whole  company  who  came  into  Plymouth  harbor  in 
the  Mayflower  on  Saturday,  December  16,  and  who,  or  a  part  of  whom, 
"  went  a  land"  two  days  after.  The  received  opinion,  that  the  same 
landing-place,  as  being  the  most  convenient  within  sight,  was  used  on 
both  occasions,  appears  altogether  probable. 


152  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PALFREY 

building  must  wait.  Next  followed  the  day  solemnized, 
in  the  ancient  fanes  of  the  continent  they  had  left,  with 
the  most  pompous  ritual  of  what  they  esteemed  a  vain 
will-worship.  And  the  reader  pauses  to  ponder  and  analyze 
the  feeling  of  stern  exultation  with  which  its  record  was 
made :  "  Monday,  the  25th  da}r,  we  went  on  shore,  some 
to  fell  timber,  some  to  saw,  some  to  rive,  and  some  to 
carry ;  so  no  man  rested  all  that  day." 

The  first  operations  were  the  beginning  of  a  platform  for 
the  ordnance,  and  of  a  building,  twenty  feet  square,  for  a 
storehouse  and  for  cominon  occupation.  Nineteen  plots 
for  dwellings  were  laid  out,  on  the  opposite  sides  of  a  way 
running  along  the  north  side  of  the  brook.  The  number 
of  plots  corresponded  to  that  of  the  families  into  which 
the  company  was  now  divided ;  the  appropriation  was 
made  by  lot ;  and  the  size  of  each  plot  was  such  as  to  allow 
half  a  rod  in  breadth,  and  three  rods  in  depth,  for  each 
person  included  in  the  family.  It  "  was  agreed  that  each 
man  should  build  his  own  house."  "  The  frost  and  foul 
weather  hindered  them  much."  "  Seldom  could  they  work 
half  the  week."  Time  was  lost  in  going  to  and  from  the 
vessel,  to  which  in  the  severe  cold  they  were  obliged  often 
to  repair  for  lodging.  They  were  delayed  in  unloading 
for  want  of  boats ;  and  stone,  mortar,  and  thatch  were 
slowly  provided. 

These  were  discouraging  circumstances ;  but  far  worse 
troubles  were  to  come.  The  labor  of  providing  habita- 
tions had  scarcely  begun,  when  sickness  set  in,  the  con- 
sequence of  exposure  and  bad  food.  Within  four  months 
it  carried  off  nearly  half  their  number.  Six  died  in  Decem- 
ber, eight  in  January,  seventeen  in  February,  and  thirteen 
in  March.  At  one  time  during  the  winter  only  six  or  seven 
had  strength  enough  left  to  nurse  the  dying  and  bury  the 
dead.  Pestitute  of  every  provision  which  the  weakness 


PALFREY]    THE  LANDING   OF  THE  PILGRIMS.  153 

and  the  daintiness  of  the  invalid  require,  the  sick  lay 
crowded  in  the  unwholesome  vessel,  or  in  half-built  cabins 
heaped  around  with  snow-drifts.  The  rude  sailors  refused 
them  even  a  share  of  those  coarse  sea-stores  which  would 
have  given  a  little  variety  to  their  diet,  till  disease  spread 
among  the  crew,  and  the  kind  ministrations  of  those  whom 
they  had  neglected  and  affronted  brought  them  to  a  better 
temper.  The  dead  were  interred  in  a  bluff  by  the  water- 
Bide,  the  marks  of  burial  being  carefully  effaced,  lest  the 
natives  should  discover  how  the  colony  had  been  weakened. 
The  imagination  vainly  tasks  itself  to  comprehend  the 
horrors  of  that  fearful  winter.  The  only  mitigations  were 
that  the  cold  was  of  less  severity  than  is  usual  in  the 
place,  and  that  there  was  not  an  entire  want  of  food  and 
shelter. 

Meantime,  courage  and  fidelity  never  gave  out.  The 
well  carried  out  the  dead  through  the  cold  and  snow,  and 
then  hastened  back  from  the  burial  to  wait  on  the  sick ; 
and  as  the  sick  began  to  recover,  they  took  the  places  of 
those  whose  strength  had  been  exhausted.  There  was  no 
time  and  there  was  no  inclination  to  despond.  The  lesson 
rehearsed  at  Leyden  was  not  forgotten,  "that  all  great  and 
honorable  actions  are  accompanied  with  great  difficulties, 
and  must  be  both  enterprised  and  overcome  with  answer- 
able courages."  The  dead  had  died  in  a  good  service,  and 
the  fit  way  for  survivors  to  honor  and  lament  them  was  to 
bo  true  to  one  another,  and  to  work  together  bravely  for 
the  cause  to  which  dead  and  living  had  alike  been  conse- 
crated. The  devastation  increased  the  necessity  of  prepa- 
rations for  defence ;  and  it  was  at  the  time  when  the  com- 
pany was  diminishing  at  the  rate  of  one  on  every  second 
day,  that  a  military  organization  was  formed,  with  Stand- 
ish  for  the  captain,  and  the  humble  fortification  on  the  hill 
overlooking  the  dwellings  was  mounted  with  five  guns. 


154  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ROBERTSON 

"  Warm  and  fair  weather"  came  at  length,  and  "  the 
birds  sang  in  the  woods  most  pleasantly."  Never  was 
spring  more  welcome  than  when  it  opened  on  this  afflicted 
company. 

[Their  fears  of  trouble  with  the  Indians  proved  not  unfounded. 
The  friendliness  at  first  displayed  by  the  savages  soon  gave  way  to 
threats  of  hostilities.  In  1622  the  Narragansetts  sent  to  the  colony 
a  bundle  of  arrows  tied  with  a  snake-skin,  as  a  declaration  of  war. 
Bradford,  the  governor,  with  grim  humor,  filled  the  snake-skin  with 
powder  and  ball,  and  returned  it.  The  frightened  savages  refused  to 
keep  it.  It  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  and  at  length  came  back  to 
Plymouth.  A  conspiracy  to  murder  the  settlers  was  discovered  in 
1623,  and  repressed  by  Standish,  who  killed  the  ringleaders  of  the  plot. 
This  settled  all  Indian  troubles  for  years.  The  colony  of  Plymouth 
prospered  from  that  time  forward.  It  never  attained  great  dimen- 
sions, the  Boston  colony  proving  more  attractive  to  settlers,  but  "  the 
virtue  displayed  in  its  institution  and  management,  and  the  great 
consequences  to  which  it  led,"  will  always  claim  for  it  the  attention 
of  mankind.  After  several  efforts  to  found  other  colonies,  one  was 
established  at  Salem  in  1628.  This  "  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay" 
made  rapid  progress,  and  by  1634  "between  three  and  four  thousand 
Englishmen  were  distributed  among  twenty  hamlets  along  and  near 
the  sea-shore."  The  work  of  establishing  an  English  agricultural  set- 
tlement in  New  England  had  been  accomplished.] 


RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 

WILLIAM  ROBERTSON. 

[The  New  England  colonists  made  vigorous  efforts  to  establish  firmly 
their  political  rights.  The  original  charter  contained  no  provision  for 
the  self-government  or  religious  freedom  of  the  people,  who  were  left, 
in  these  particulars,  at  the  mercy  of  the  Company  and  the  king.  In 
furtherance  of  their  democratic  sentiments,  the  bold  step  was  taken,  in 
1630,  of  removing  the  governing  council  from  England  to  Massachu- 


KOBEBTSON]  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS.  155 

setts,  while  the  provincial  government  took  every  precaution  to  prevent 
the  Church  of  England  from  extending  its  authority  over  the  colony. 

In  matters  of  conscience  the  colonists  manifested  from  the  first  an 
autocratic  tendency,  and  the  determination  that  God  should  be  wor- 
shipped in  their  province  in  only  one  way,  and  that  the  way  of  the 
Puritans.  That  thought  could  be  confined  to  so  narrow  a  channel 
was,  however,  impossible,  and  there  began  at  an  early  date  that  strenu- 
ous effort  to  weed  out  what  was  to  them  heresy  which  forms  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  history  of  New  England.  To  the  earliest  of  these 
troubles,  that  connected  with  the  name  of  Eoger  Williams,  the  settle- 
ment of  the  province  of  Ehode  Island  was  due.  Similar  religious  dis- 
sensions had  their  share  in  the  settlement  of  the  provinces  of  Connec- 
ticut, Maine,  and  New  Hampshire.  We  select  a  description  of  these 
events  from  Kobertson's  "  History  of  America,"  a  favorite  historical 
work  of  the  last  century. 

We  may  premise  by  saying  that  Roger  Williams  was  a  young  Puri- 
tan minister,  of  fine  talents  and  education,  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  England  by  the  intolerance  of  Archbishop  Laud.  On  landing  in 
Boston  he  found  himself  unable  to  join  the  church  in  that  place,  from 
its  opposition  to  his  views  respecting  religious  freedom.  He  was  sub- 
sequently called  to  the  church  in  Salem,  but  was  prevented  from 
officiating  through  the  opposition  of  Governor  Winthrop.  Two  years 
afterwards  he  again  received  a  pastoral  call  to  Salem.  Here  his  doc- 
trine gave  great  offence  to  the  colony,  though  he  was  warmly  sup- 
ported by  the  people  of  Salem.] 

HOWEVER  liberal  their  system  of  civil  policy  might  be, 
as  their  religious  opinions  were  no  longer  under  any  re- 
straint of  authority,  the  spirit  of  fanaticism  continued  to 
spread,  and  became  every  day  wilder  and  more  extrava- 
gant. Williams,  a  minister  of  Salem,  in  high  estimation, 
having  conceived  an  antipathy  to  the  cross  of  St.  George 
in  the  standard  of  England,  declaimed  against  it  with  so 
much  vehemence  as  a  relic  of  superstition  and  idolatry 
winch  ought  not  to  be  retained  among  a  people  so  pure 
and  sanctified,  that  Endicott,  one  of  the  members  of  the 
court  of  assistants,  in  a  transport  of  zeal,  publicly  cut  out 
the  cross  from  the  ensign  displayed  before  the  governor's 


156  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [KOBERTSON 

gate.  This  frivolous  matter  interested  and  divided  the 
colony.  Some  of  the  militia  scrupled  to  follow  colors  in 
which  there  was  a  cross,  lest  they  should  do  honor  to  an 
idol ;  others  refused  to  serve  under  a  mutilated  banner, 
lest  they  should  be  suspected  of  having  renounced  their 
allegiance  to  the  crown  of  England.  After  a  long  contro- 
versy, carried  on  by  both  parties  with  that  heat  and  zeal 
which,  in  trivial  disputes,  supply  the  want  of  argument, 
the  contest  was  terminated  by  a  compromise.  The  cross 
was  retained  in  the  ensigns  of  forts  and  ships,  but  erased 
from  the  colors  of  the  militia.  Williams,  on  account  of 
this,  as  well  as  of  some  other  doctrines  deemed  unsound, 
was  banished  out  of  the  colony. 

[Among  these  obnoxious  doctrines  were,  that  it  was  wrong  to  en- 
force an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  sovereign,  or  of  obedience  to  the 
magistrate ;  that  the  king  had  no  right  to  usurp  the  power  of  dis- 
posing of  the  territory  of  the  Indians,  and,  more  particularly,  that  all 
religious  sects  had  the  right  to  claim  equal  protection  from  the  laws, 
and  that  the  civil  magistrates  had  no  right  to  restrain  the  consciences 
of  men,  or  to  interfere  with  their  modes  of  worship  or  religious  beliefs. 
It  was  decided  to  send  the  heretical  pastor  to  England,  and  he  was 
ordered  to  repair  to  Boston.  As  he  did  not  obey  this  order,  a  party 
was  sent  to  Salem  to  arrest  him.  On  reaching  there  they  found  that 
Williams  had  left  the  settlement,  and  was  making  his  way  through 
the  forest  wilderness  and  the  cold  and  hardship  of  a  New  England 
winter  in  search  of  a  locality  where  he  might  have  the  privilege  of 
worshipping  God  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  his  conscience.] 

The  prosperous  state  of  New  England  was  now  so 
highly  extolled,  and  the  simple  frame  of  its  ecclesiastic 
policy  was  so  much  admired  by  all  whose  affections  were 
estranged  from  the  Church  of  England,  that  crowds  of 
new  settlers  flocked  thither  (1635).  Among  these  were 
two  persons  whose  names  have  been  rendered  memorable 
by  the  appearance  which  they  afterwards  made  on  a  more 
conspicuous  theatre :  one  was  Hugh  Peters,  the  enthusi- 


ROBERTSON]  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS.  157 

astic  and  intriguing  chaplain  of  Oliver  Cromwell;  the 
other,  Mr.  Henry  Vane,  son  of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  a  privy 
counsellor,  high  in  office,  and  of  great  credit  with  the 
king:  a  young  man  of  a  noble  family,  animated  with  such 
zr;il  for  pure  religion  and  such  love  of  liberty  as  induced 
him  to  relinquish  all  his  hopes  in  England  and  to  settle  in 
a  colony  hitherto  no  further  advanced  in  improvement 
than  barely  to  afford  subsistence  to  its  members,  was  re- 
ceived with  the  fondest  admiration.  His  mortified  ap- 
pearance, his  demure  look,  and  rigid  manners,  carried 
even  beyond  the  standard  of  preciseness  in  that  society 
which  he  joined,  seemed  to  indicate  a  man  of  high  spirit- 
ual attainments,  while  his  abilities  and  address  in  business 
pointed  him  out  as  worthy  of  the  highest  station  in  the 
community.  With  universal  consent,  and  high  expecta- 
tions of  advantage  from  his  administration,  he  was  elected 
governor  in  the  year  subsequent  to  his  arrival  (1636). 
But  as  the  affairs  of  an  infant  colony  afforded  not  objects 
adequate  to  the  talents  of  Vane,  his  busy  pragmatical 
spirit  occupied  itself  with  theological  subtleties  and  specu- 
lations unworthy  of  his  attention.  These  were  excited 
by  a  woman,  whose  reveries  produced  such  effects,  both 
within  the  colony  and  beyond  its  precincts,  that,  frivolous 
as  they  may  now  appear,  they  must  be  mentioned  as  an 
occurrence  of  importance  in  its  history. 

It  was  the  custom  at  that  time  in  New  England  among 
the  chief  men  in  every  congregation  to  meet  once  a 
week,  in  order  to  repeat  the  sermons  which  they  had 
heard,  and  to  hold  religious  conferences  with  respect  to 
the  doctrine  contained  in  them.  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  whose 
husband  was  among  the  most  respectable  members  of  the 
colony,  regretting  that  persons  of  her  sex  were  excluded 
from  the  benefit  of  those  meetings,  assembled  statedly  in 
her  house  a  number  of  women,  who  employed  themselves 
i.  14 


158  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ROBERTSON 

in  pious  exercises  similar  to  those  of  the  men.  At  first 
she  satisfied  herself  with  repeating  what  she  could  recol- 
lect of  the  discourses  delivered  by  their  teachers.  She 
began  afterwards  to  add  illustrations,  and  at  length  pro- 
ceeded to  censure  some  of  the  clergy  as  unsound,  and  to 
vent  opinions  and  fancies  of  her  own.  These  were  all 
founded  on  the  system  which  is  denominated  Antinomian 
by  divines,  and  tinged  with  the  deepest  enthusiasm.  She 
taught  that  sanctity  of  life  is  no  evidence  of  justification, 
or  of  a  state  of  favor  with  Grod ;  and  that  such  as  incul- 
cated the  necessity  of  manifesting  the  reality  of  our  faith 
by  obedience  preached  only  a  covenant  of  works :  she 
contended  that  the  spirit  of  God  dwelt  personally  in  good 
men,  and  by  inward  revelations  and  impressions  they 
received  the  fullest  discoveries  of  the  divine  will.  The 
fluency  and  confidence  with  which  she  delivered  these 
notions  gained  her  many  admirers  and  proselytes,  not 
only  among  the  vulgar,  but  among  the  principal  inhab- 
itants. The  whole  colony  was  interested  and  agitated. 
Vane,  whose  sagacity  and  acuteness  seemed  to  forsake 
him  whenever  they  were  turned  toward  religion,  espoused 
and  defended  her  wildest  tenets.  Many  conferences  were 
held,  days  of  fasting  and  humiliation  were  appointed,  a 
general  sjaiod  was  called,  and,  after  dissensions  so  violent 
as  threatened  the  dissolution  of  the  colony,  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson's  opinions  were  condemned  as  erroneous,  and  she 
herself  banished  (1637).  Several  of  her  disciples  with- 
drew from  the  province  of  their  own  accord.  Yane 
quitted  America  in  disgust,  unlamented  even  by  those 
who  had  lately  admired  him ;  some  of  whom  now  re- 
garded him  as  a  mere  visionary,  and  others  as  one  of 
those  dark  turbulent  spirits  doomed  to  embroil  every 
society  into  which  they  enter. 

However  much  these  theological  contests  might  disquiet 


EOBERTSON]  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS.  159 

the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  they  contributed  to  the 
more  speedy  population  of  America.  When  Williams  was 
banished  from  Salem,  in  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  thirty-four,  such  was  the  attachment  of  his  hearers  to 
a  pastor  whose  piety  they  revered,  that  a  good  number 
of  them  voluntarily  accompanied  him  in  his  exile.  They 
directed  their  march  towards  the  south ;  and  having  pur- 
chased from  the  natives,  a  considerable  tract  of  land,  to 
which  Williams  gave  the  name  of  Providence,  they  settled 
there.  They  were  joined  soon  after  by  some  of  those  to 
whom  the  proceedings  against  Mrs.  Hutchinson  gave  dis- 
gust ;  and  by  a  transaction  with  the  Indians  they  obtained 
a  right  to  a  fertile  island  in  Narragansett  Bay,  which  ac- 
quired the  name  of  Ehode  Island.  Williams  remained 
among  them  upwards  of  forty  years,  respected  as  the 
father  and  the  guide  of  the  colony  which  he  had  planted. 
His  spirit  differed  from  that  of  the  Puritans  in  Massachu- 
setts ;  it  was  mild  and  tolerating ;  and,  having  ventured 
himself  to  reject  established  opinions,  he  endeavored  to 
secure  the  same  liberty  to  other  men,  by  maintaining  that 
the  exercise  of  private  judgment  was  a  natural  and  sacred 
right ;  that  the  civil  magistrate  had  no  compulsive  juris- 
diction in  the  concerns  of  religion ;  that  the  punishment 
of  any  person  on  account  of  his  opinions  was  an  encroach- 
ment on  conscience  and  an  act  of  persecution.  These 
humane  principles  he  instilled  into  his  followers,  and  all 
who  felt  or  dreaded  oppression  in  other  settlements  re- 
sorted to  a  community  in  which  universal  toleration  was 
known  to  be  a  fundamental  maxim.  In  the  plantations 
of  Providence  and  Ehode  Island,  political  union  was  es- 
tablished by  voluntary  association  and  the  equality  of 
condition  among  the  members,  as  well  as  their  religious 
opinions  ;  their  form  of  government  was  purely  democrat- 
ical,  the  supreme  power  being  lodged  in  the  freemen  per- 


160  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ROBERTSON 

sonally  assembled.     In  this  state  they  remained  until  they 
were  incorporated  by  charter. 

To  similar  causes  the  colony  of  Connecticut  is  indebted 
for  its  origin.  The  rivalship  between  Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr. 
Hooker,  two  favorite  ministers  in  the  settlement  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  disposed  the  latter,  who  was  least  success- 
ful in  this  contest  for  fame  and  power,  to  wish  for  some 
settlement  at  a  distance  from  a  competitor  by  whom  his 
reputation  was  eclipsed.  A  good  number  of  those  who 
had  imbibed  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  notions,  and  were  offended 
at  such  as  combated  them,  offered  to  accompany  him. 
Having  employed  proper  persons  to  explore  the  country, 
they  pitched  upon  the  west  side'  of  the  great  river  Con- 
necticut as  the  most  inviting  station  ;  and  in  the  year  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-six,  about  an  hundred 
persons,  with  their  wives  and  families,  after  a  fatiguing 
march  of  many  days  through  woods  and  swamps,  arrived 
thei-e,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  towns  of  Hartford, 
Springfield,  and  Wethersfield. 

[As  appears  in  the  selection  which,  immediately  follows  this  one, 
previous  settlements  had  been  made  in  the  same  locality.] 

The  history  of  the  first  attempts  to  people  the  provinces 
of  New  Hampshire  and  Main,  which  form  the  fourth  and 
most  extensive  division  in  New  England,  is  obscure  and 
perplexed  by  the  interfering  claims  of  various  proprietors. 
The  company  of  Plymouth -had  inconsiderately  parcelled 
out  the  northern  part  of  the  territory  contained  in  its 
grant  among  different  persons ;  of  these  only  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Captain  Mason  seem  to  have  had  any 
serious  intention  to  occupy  the  lands  allotted  to  them. 
Their  efforts  to  accomplish  this  were  meritorious  and  per- 
severing, but  unsuccessful.  The  expense  of  settling  colo- 
nies in  an  uncultivated  country  must  necessarily  be  great 


ROBERTSON]  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS.  161 

and  immediate ;  the  prospect  of  a  return  is  often  uncer- 
tain and  always  remote.  The  funds  of  two  private  adven- 
turers were  not  adequate  to  such  an  undertaking.  Nor 
did  the  planters  whom  they  sent  out  possess  that  principle 
of  enthusiasm  which  animated  their  neighbors  of  Massa- 
chusetts with  vigor  to  struggle  through  all  the  hardships 
and  dangers  to  which  society,  in  its  infancy,  is  exposed  in  a 
savage  land.  Gorges  and  Mason,  it  is  probable,  must  have 
abandoned  their  design  if,  from  the  same  motives  that 
settlements  had  been  made  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecti- 
cut, colonists  had  not  unexpectedly  migrated  into  New 
Hampshire  and  Main.  Mr.  Wheelwright,  a  minister  of 
some  note,  nearly  related  to  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  one 
of  her  most  fervent  admirers  and  partisans,  had,  on  this 
account,  been  banished  from  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay.  In  quest  of  a  new  station,  he  took  a  course 
opposite  to  the  other  exiles,  and,  advancing  towards  the 
north,  founded  the  town  of  Exeter,  on  a  small  river  flow- 
ing into  Piskataqua  Bay.  His  followers,  few  in  number, 
but  firmly  united,  were  of  such  rigid  principles  that  even 
the  churches  of  Massachusetts  did  not  appear  to  them 
sufficiently  pure.  From  time  to  time  they  received  some 
recruits,  whom  love  of  novelty,  or  dissatisfaction  with  the 
ecclesiastical  institutions  of  the  other  colonies,  prompted 
to  join  them.  Their  plantations  were  widely  dispersed, 
but  the  country  was  thinly  peopled,  and  its  political  state 
extremely  unsettled.  The  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
claimed  jurisdiction  over  them,  as  occupying  lands  situ- 
ated within  the  limits  of  their  grant.  Gorges  and  Mason 
asserted  the  rights  conveyed  to  them  as  proprietors  by 
their  charter.  In  several  districts  the  planters,  without 
regarding  the  pretensions  of  either  party,  governed  them- 
selves by  maxims  and  laws  copied  from  those  of  their 
brethren  in  the  adjacent  colonies.  The  first  reduction  of 
i.— I  14* 


162  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLLISTER 

the  political  constitution  in  the  provinces  of  New  Hamp- 
shire and  Main  into  a  regular  and  permanent  form  was 
subsequent  to  the  Eevolution. 


THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 

G.   H.   HOLLISTER. 

[The  settlement  of  Connecticut  began  in  1631,  in  which  year  an 
Indian  sachem,  named  Wahquimacut,  visited  the  governors  of  the 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  colonies.  He  described  the  country  oc- 
cupied by  his  own  and  kindred  tribes  as  a  rich  and  beautiful  valley, 
abounding  in  game  and  corn,  and  traversed  by  a  river  called  "  Con- 
necticut," a  noble  stream,  of  surpassing  purity  of  waters,  and  full 
of  excellent  fish.  He  begged  each  settlement  to  send  Englishmen  to 
the  valley,  offering  to  give  each  emigrant  eighty  beaver-skins  annu- 
ally, and  to  supply  them  with  corn.  This  anxiety  for  white  settlers 
was  probably  instigated  by  the  desire  to  obtain  their  aid  against  the 
Pequot  Indians,  who  dominated  the  region.  Governor  Winslow,  of 
Plymouth,  went  to  see  for  himself  this  Indian  Paradise.  His  report 
must  have  been  very  favorable,  for  other  explorers  followed,  and  in 
1633  a  trading-settlement  was  made  on  the  Connecticut  coast.  This 
excited  the  ire  of  the  Dutch,  who  had  already  established  themselves 
at  Hartford.  Wouter  van  Twiller,  the  Dutch  governor,  proceeded  in 
martial  array  to  suppress  the  intruders,  but  as  the  latter  stood  boldly 
on  the  defensive  he  marched  back  again,  concluding  that  he  could 
best  show  his  wisdom  by  letting  them  alone.  In  1635  several  settle- 
ments were  made  in  the  new  colony,  and  John  "Winthrop,  the  agent 
of  Lord  Say  and  Seal  and  Lord  Brook,  the  proprietors,  was  sent  to 
build  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut,  which  he  did  just  in 
time  to  scare  back  the  Dutch,  who  had  sent  an  expedition  for  the 
same  purpose. 

The  succeeding  winter  was  one  of  excessive  severity,  and  the  colo- 
nists and  the  garrison  of  the  fort  at  Saybrook  suffered  terribly.  Most 
of  them  made  their  way  back  to  Boston,  by  land  or  water,  to  escape 
the  danger  of  starvation.  The  few  that  remained  barely  survived  the 


HOLLISTER]  THE  PEQUOT   WAR.  163 

horrors  of  the  winter.  But  with  the  coming  of  April  again  upon  the 
land  many  of  the  fugitives  returned,  while  others  followed  them,  and 
the  colony  rapidly  augmented.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before 
trouble  with  the  Indians  began.  The  most  important  of  the  Connec- 
ticut Indians  were  the  Pequots  and  the  Mohegans,  the  former  under  a 
head  sachem  named  Sassacus,  who  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the  whites, 
the  latter  under  the  celebrated  Uncas,  who  allied  himself  with  the 
settlers.  The  Narragansetts  and  other  tribes,  from  their  hostility  to 
the  warlike  Pequots,  favored  the  English,  through  whom  they  hoped 
to  be  revenged  upon  their  dreaded  foes. 

A  series  of  murders  by  Indians  followed  the  settling  of  the  colony. 
In  1634  two  traders  were  slaughtered.  The  next  year  other  murders 
took  place.  In  reprisal  an  expedition  from  Massachusetts  attacked 
the  Indians,  much  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Connecticut  settlers, 
who  feared  they  would  pay  bitterly  for  this  assault.  Their  prevision 
was  correct.  The  Pequots  lurked  about  the  fort,  torturing  all  who  fell 
into  their  hands.  They  similarly  waylaid  the  settlers,  killing  and  de- 
stroying, until  the  situation  grew  unbearable.  War  was  resolved  upon, 
and  on  the  10th  of  May,  1637,  an  army  of  ninety  Englishmen,  under 
John  Mason,  and  seventy  Mohegans,  under  Uncas,  embarked  at  Hart- 
ford for  the  Pequot  strongholds.  Fort  Mistick,"tne  smaller  of  the  two 
Pequot  forts,  was  approached  at  night,  with  the  intention  of  effecting 
a  surprise.  The  story  of  this  Indian  war  we  select  from  G.  H.  Hollis- 
ter's  "History  of  Connecticut,"  in  which  it  is  detailed  in  homely  but 
graphic  language.] 

ABOUT  two  hours  before  day,  the  men  were  roused  up 
and  commanded  to  make  themselves  ready  for  battle. 
The  moon  still  shone  in  their  faces  as  they  were  sum- 
moned to  prayer.  They  now  set  forward  with  alacrity. 
The  fort  proved  to  be  about  two  miles  off.  A  long  way  it 
seemed  over  the  level  though  stony  ground,  .and  the  offi- 
cers began  at  last  to  fear  that  the}7  had  been  led  upon  the 
wrong  track,  when  they  came  at  length  to  a  second  field 
of  corn,  newly  planted,  at  the  base  of  a  high  hill.  Here 
they  halted,  and  "  gave  the  word  for  some  of  the  Indians 
to  come  up."  At  first  not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen ;  but 
finally  Uncas  and  Wequash  the  guide  showed  themselves. 


164  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLLISTEB 

"  Where  is  the  fort  ?"  demanded  Mason.  "  On  the  top  of 
that  hill,"  was  the  answer.  "  Where  are  the  rest  of  the 
Indians  ?"  asked  the  fearless  soldier.  The  answer  was, 
what  he  probably  anticipated,  "  Behind,  and  very  much 
afraid."  "  Tell  them,"  said  Mason,  "  not  to  fly,  but  to 
stand  as  far  off  as  they  please,  and  see  whether  English- 
men will  fight." 

There  were  two  entrances  to  the  fort,  one  on  the  north- 
eastern side,  the  other  on  the  west.  It  was  decided  that 
Mason  should  lead  on  and  force  open  the  former,  while 
Underbill,  who  brought  up  the  rear,  was  to  pass  around 
and  go  in  at  the  western  gate. 

Mason  had  approached  within  about  a  rod  of  the  fort, 
when  he  heard  a  dog  bark,  and  almost  in  a  breath  this 
alarm  was  followed  up  by  the  voice  of  an  Indian,  crying, 
"  Owanux !  Owanux  !" — Englishmen  !  Englishmen  !  No 
time  was  to  be  lost.  He  called  up  his  forces  with  all  haste 
and  fired  upon  the  enemy  through  the  palisades.  The 
Pequots,  who  had  spent  the  night  in  singing  and  dancing 
(under  the  belief  that  the  English  had  retreated),  were 
now  in  a  deep  sleep.  The  entrance,  near  which  Mason 
stood,  was  blocked  up  with  bushes  about  breast  high. 
Over  this  frail  obstruction  he  leaped,  sword  in  hand, 
shouting  to  his  men  to  follow  him.  But  Seely,  his  lieu- 
tenant, found  it  more  easy  to  remove  the  bushes  than  to 
force  the  men  over  them.  When  he  had  done  so,  he  also 
entered,  followed  by  sixteen  soldiers.  It  had  been  deter- 
mined to  destroy  the  enemy  with  the  sword,  and  thus 
save  the  corn  and  other  valuables  that  were  stored  in  the 
wigwams.  With  this  view  the  captain,  seeing  no  Indians, 
entered  one  of  the  wigwams.  Here  he  found  many  war- 
riors, who  crowded  hard  upon  him,  and  beset  him  with 
great  violence ;  but  they  were  so  amazed  at  the  strange 
apparition  that  had  so  suddenly  thrust  itself  upon  them, 


HOLLISTKR]  THE   PEQUOT   WAR.  165 

that  they  could  make  but  a  feeble  resistance.  Mason  was 
soon  joined  by  William  Hayden,  who,  as  he  entered  the 
wigwam  through  the  breach  that  had  been  made  by  his 
impetuous  captain,  stumbled  against  the  dead  body  of  a 
Pequot,  whom  Mason  had  slain,  and  fell.  Some  of  the 
Indians  now  fled  from  the  wigwam;  others,  still  stupefied 
with  sleep,  crept  under  mats  and  skins  to  hide  them- 
selves. 

The  palisades  embraced  an  area  of  about  twenty  acres, — 
a  space  sufficient  to  afford  room  for  a  large  Indian  village. 
There  were  more  than  seventy  houses  in  this  space,  with 
lanes  or  streets  passing  between  them.  Mason,  still  intent 
on  destroying  the  Pequots  and  at  the  same  time  saving 
their  property,  now  left  the  wigwam,  and  passed  down 
one  of  these  streets,  driving  the  crowd  of  Indians  that 
thronged  it  before  him  from  one  end  of  it  to  the  other. 
At  the  lower  extremity  of  this  lane  stood  a  little  company 
of  Englishmen,  who,  having  effected  an  entrance  from  the 
west,  met  the  Indians  as  they  fled  from  Mason,  and  killed 
about  half  a  dozen  of  them.  The  captain  now  faced  about, 
and  went  back  the  whole  length  of  the  lane,  to  the  spot 
where  he  had  entered  the  fort.  He  .was  exhausted,  and 
quite  out  of  breath,  and  had  become  satisfied  that  this  was 
not  the  way  to  exterminate  the  Indians,  who  now  swarmed 
from  the  wigwams  like  bees  from  a  hive.  Two  of  his 
soldiers  stood  near  him,  close  to  the  palisades,  with  their 
useless  swords  pointed  to  the  ground.  "  We  shall  never 
kill  them  in  this  way,"  said  the  captain ;  and  then  added, 
with  the  same  laconic  brevity,  "We  must  burn  them!" 
With  these  words  the  decree  of  the  council  of  war  to  save 
the  booty  of  the  enemy  was  annulled ;  for,  stepping  into 
the  wigwam  where  he  had  before  forced  an  entrance,  he 
snatched  a  firebrand  in  his  hand,  and,  instantly  returning, 
applied  it  to  the  light  mats  that  formed  the  covering  of 


166  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLLISTER 

their  rude  tenements.  Almost  in  an  instant  the  whole 
village  was  wrapped  in  flames,  and  the  frightened  Pequots 
fled  in  dismay  from  the  roofs  that  had  just  before  sheltered 
them.  Such  was  their  terror  that  many  of  them  took 
refuge  from  the  English  in  the  flames,  and  perished  there. 
Some  climbed  the  palisades,  where  they  formed  but  too 
fair  a  mark  for  the  muskets  of  their  enemies,  who  could 
Bee  to  take  a  dead  aim  in  the  light  of  the  ghastly  con- 
flagration. Others  fled  from  the  beds  of  mats  or  skins 
where  they  had  sought  a  temporary  concealment,  and  were 
arrested  by  the  hand  of  death  in  the  midst  of  their  flight. 
Others  still,  warping  up  to  the  windward,  whence  the  fire 
sped  with  such  fatal  velocity,  fell  flat  upon  the  ground  and 
plied  their  destroyers  with  arrows.  But  their  hands  were 
so  palsied  with  fear  that  the  feathered  messengers  either 
flew  wide  of  their  aim  or  fell  with  spent  force  upon  the 
ground.  A  few,  of  still  stouter  heart,  rushed  forth  with 
the  tomahawk,  to  engage  the  invaders  of  their  homes  in 
a  hand-to-hand  combat.  But  they  were  nearly  all,  to  the 
number  of  about  forty,  cut  in  pieces  by  the  sword.  The 
vast  volume  of  flame,  the  lurid  light  reflected  on  the  dark 
background  of  the  horizon,  the  crack  of  the  muskets,  the 
yells  of  the  Indians  who  fought,  and  of  those  who  sought 
vainly  to  fly,  the  wail  of  women  and  children  as  they 
writhed  in  the  flames,  and  the  exulting  cries  of  the  Narra- 
gansetts  and  Mohegans  without  the  fort,  formed  a  contrast, 
awful  and  sublime,  with  the  quiet  glories  of  the  peaceful 
May  morning,  that  was  just  then  breaking  over  the  woods 
and  the  ocean. 

Seventy  wigwams  were  burned  to  ashes,  and  proba- 
bly not  less  than  five  hundred  men,  women,  and  children 
were  destroyed.  The  property,  too,  shared  the  same  fate. 
The  long-cherished  wampum-belt,  with  the  beads  of  blue, 
purple,  and  white,  the  war-club,  the  eagle  plume,  the 


HOLLISTER]  THE  PEQUOT   WAR.  167 

tufted  scalps,  trophies  of  many  a  victory,  helped  only  to 
swell  the  blaze  that  consumed  alike  the  young  warrior 
and  the  superannuated  counsellor,  the  squaw  and  the  little 
child  that  clung  helplessly  to  her  bosom.  Of  all  who 
were  in  the  fort,  only  seven  were  taken  captive,  and 
about  the  same  number  escaped. 

[The  English,  however,  were  in  no  enviable  situation.  Two  of 
them  had  been  killed,  and  about  twenty  wounded.  They  were  with- 
out provisions,  in  the  midst  of  an  unfamiliar  country,  and  within  a 
short  distance  of  the  fort  of  Sassacus,  tenanted  by  hundreds  of  fierce 
warriors.  Fortunately,  the  vessels  were  now  seen,  gliding  into  the 
Pequot  harbor.] 

By  this  time  the  news  of  the  destruction  that  had 
fallen  upon  his  tribe  at  Mistick,  heralded,  no  doubt,  not 
only  by  the  handful  of  men  who  had  escaped  from  the 
fort,  and  by  the  clouds  of  smoke  that  floated  from  the 
fatal  scene,  but  by  the  dismal  cries  that  attended  this 
exterminating  sacrifice,  had  reached  the  fort  of  Sassacus, 
and  three  hundred  warriors  came  rushing  towards  the 
English  with  the  determination  to  revenge  themselves  for 
an  injury  not  yet  half  revealed  to  them.  Mason  led  out  a 
file  of  his  best  marksmen,  who  soon  gave  the  Pequots  a 
check.  Seeing  that  they  could  not  stand  his  fire,  he  com- 
menced his  march  towards  Pequot  harbor.  Of  the  twenty 
wounded  men,  four  or  five  were  so  disabled  that  it  was 
necessary  to  employ  about  twenty  other  men  to  carry 
them ;  so  that  he  had  but  about  forty  men  who  could 
engage  in  battle,  until  he  succeeded  in  hiring  some  In- 
dians to  take  charge  of  the  wounded.  They  had  marched 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  when  the  Pequot  warriors, 
who  had  withdrawn  out  of  the  range  of  their  muskets, 
reached  the  spot  where,  not  two  hours  before,  their  fort 
had  sheltered  so  much  that  was  sacred  to  them.  When 


168  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLLISTEK 

they  came  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  venerable  to  them  from 
so  many  associations  connected  with  the  history  and  glory 
of  their  tribe, — when  they  saw  the  smoking  palisades,  the 
flames  of  their  wigwams,  not  yet  extinguished,  the  black- 
ened bodies  that  lay  scattered  where  death  had  overtaken 
them, — in  their  grief  and  rage  they  stamped  upon  the 
ground,  tore  the  hair  from  their  heads,  and  then  rushed 
madly  down  the  hill,  as  if  they  would  have  swept  the 
enemy  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Captain  Underbill, 
with  a  file  of  the  bravest  men,  was  ordered  to  defend  the 
rear.  This  he  did  with  such  efficiency  that  the  Indians 
were  soon  compelled  to  fall  back.  Yet  such  was  their  re- 
solve to  have  their  revenge  upon  the  English  that  during 
their  march  for  the  next  six  miles  they  pursued  them, 
sometimes  hanging  upon  their  rear,  sometimes  hidden 
behind  trees  and  rocks  in  front,  discharging  their  arrows 
in  secret,  at  others  making  desperate  attacks,  that  could 
be  repelled  only  by  the  too  deadly  use  of  the  musket. 
They  fought  at  fearful  odds,  as  was  evinced  by  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  warriors  picked  up  by  the  Mohegans 
who  followed  in  their  train,  while  not  an  Englishman  was 
injured  during  the  whole  line  of  their  march.  At  last, 
wearied  with  a  pursuit  that  only  brought  harm  to  them- 
selves, they  abandoned  it,  and  left  the  English  to  con- 
tinue their  march  unmolested,  with  their  colors  flying,  to 
Pequot  harbor.  Here  they  were  received  on  board  their 
vessels  with  many  demonstrations  of  joy. 

[This  disaster  utterly  disheartened  the  Pequots.  They  accused  Sas- 
sacus  of  having  brought  ruin  upon  them,  and  in  dismay  burned  their 
remaining  fort  and  fled  for  safety.  Sassacus  and  about  eighty  of  his 
principal  warriors  made  their  way  towards  the  Hudson.  They  were 
rapidly  followed,  and  at  length  traced  to  a  swamp  within  the  limits 
of  the  old  town  of  Fairfield.] 

In  this  swamp  were  hidden  about  eighty  Pequot  war- 


HOLLISTKR]  THE  PEqUOT   WAR.  169 

riors,  with  their  women  and  children,  and  about  two  hun- 
dred other  Indians.  A  dismal,  miry  bog  it  was,  covered 
with  tangled  bushes.  Dangerous  as  it  was,  Lieutenant 
Davenport  rushed  into  it  with  his  men,  eager  to  en- 
counter the  Pequots. 

The  sharp  arrows  of  the  enemy  flew  from  places  that 
hid  the  archers,  wounding  the  soldiers,  who,  in  their  haste 
to  retreat,  only  sunk  deeper  in  the  mire.  The  Indians, 
made  bold  by  this  adventure,  pressed  hard  upon  them,  and 
would  have  carried  off  their  scalps  had  it  not  been  for  the 
timely  aid  of  some  other  Englishmen,  who  waded  into  the 
swamp,  sword  in  hand,  drove  back  the  Pequots,  and  drew 
their  disabled  friends  from  the  mud  that  had  threatened 
to  swallow  them  up.  The  swamp  was  now  surrounded, 
and  a  skirmish  followed  that  proved  so  destructive  to 
the  savages  that  the  Fairfield  Indians  begged  for  quarter. 
They  said,  what  was  probably  true,  that  they  were  there 
only  by  accident,  and  had  never  done  the  English  any 
harm. 

[They  were  permitted  to  withdraw,  with  their  women  and  children.] 

But  the  Pequot  warriors,  made  up  of  choice  men,  and 
burning  with  rage  against  the  enemy  who  had  destroyed 
their  tribe  and  driven  them  from  their  old  haunts,  fought 
with  such  desperate  bravery  that  the  English  were  glad 
to  confine  themselves  to  the  borders  of  the  swamp.  .  .  . 

Some  suggested  that  they  should  cut  down  the  swamp 
with  the  hatchets  that  they  had  brought  with  them ; 
others,  that  they  should  surround  it  with  palisades. 
Neither  of  these  propositions  was  adopted.  They  finally 
hit  upon  a  plan  that  was  more  easily  executed.  They 
cut  down  the  bushes  that  grew  upon  a  little  neck  of  firm 
upland  that  almost  divided  the  swamp  into  two  parts. 
In  this  way  they  so  lessened  the  area  occupied  by  the 
i.— H  16 


170  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLLISTEB 

Pequots  that,  by  stationing  men  twelve  feet  apart,  it  could 
all  be  surrounded  by  the  troops.  This  was  done,  and  the 
sentinels  all  stationed,  before  nightfall.  Thus  keeping 
watch  on  the  borders  of  the  morass,  wet,  cold,  and  weary, 
the  soldiers  passed  the  night  under  arms.  Just  before 
day  a  dense  fog  arose,  that  shrouded  them  in  almost  total 
darkness.  A  friendly  mist  it  proved  to  the  Pequots,  for 
it  doubtless  saved  the  lives  of  many  of  them.  At  a  favor- 
able moment  they  rushed  upon  the  English.  Captain 
Patrick's  quarters  were  first  attacked,  but  he  drove  them 
back  more  than  once.  Their  yells,  more  terrible  from  the 
dai'kness  that  engulfed  the  scene  of  the  conflict,  were  so 
unearthly  and  appalling,  the  attack  was  so  sudden  and 
so  well  sustained,  that,  but  for  the  timely  interference  of 
a  party  sent  by  Mason  to  relieve  him,  Patrick  would 
doubtless  have  been  driven  from  his  station  or  cut  to 
pieces.  The  siege  had  by  this  time  given  place  to  a 
hand-to-hand  fight.  As  Mason  was  himself  marching  up 
to  aid  Patrick,  the  Pequots  rushed  upon  him  from  the 
thicket.  He  drove  them  back  with  severe  loss.  They 
did  not  resume  the  attack  up^n  the  man  who  had  recently 
given  them  such  fearful  proofs  of  his  prowess,  but  turned 
upon  Patrick,  broke  through  his  ranks,  and  fled.  About 
sixty  of  the  Pequot  warriors  escaped.  Twenty  lay  dead 
upon  the  field.  One  hundred  and  eighty  were  taken  pris- 
oners. Most  of  the  property  that  this  fugitive  remnant 
of  the  tribe  had  attempted  to  carry  with  them  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  English.  Hatchets  of  stone,  beautiful 
wampum-belts,  polished  bows,  and  feathered  arrows,  with 
the  utensils  employed  by  the  women  in  their  rude  do- 
mestic labors,  became  at  once,  aa.difl  the  wnmfn  thmn 
selves,  the  property  of  the  conquerors.  The  captives  and 
the  booty  were  jdiyjilgd  between  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut. Some  were  sent  by  Massachusetts  to  the  West 


HOLLISTBR]  THE  PEqUOT   WAR.  171 

Indies,  and  there,  asslave8,_dragged  out  a  wretched  but 
brief  existence.  .  .  .  Those  who  fell  to  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut found  their  condition  more  tolerable.  Some  of 
them,  it  is  true,  spent  their  days  in  servitude;  yet  its 
rigors  softened  as  the  horrors  of  the  war  faded  from  the 
recollections  of  the  English. 

Sassacus  seems  not  to  have  been  present  at  this  battle. 
Foiled  and  discomfited  at  every  turn,  he  fled  far  to  the 
westward,  and  sought  a  refuge  among  the  enemies  of  his 
tribe,  the  Mohawks.  But  he  looked  in  vain  for  protection 
at  their  hands.  He  had  defied  them  in  his  prosperity, 
and  in  his  evil  days  they  avenged  themselves.  They  be- 
headed him,  and  sent  his  scalp  as  a  trophy  to  Connecticut. 
A  lock  of  his  black,  glossy  hair  was  carried  to  Boston  in 
the  fall  of  the  same  year,  as  a  witness  that  the  proud 
sachem  of  the  Pequots  was  no  more. 

[So  ended  the  first  Indian  war  in  New  England.  About  two  hun- 
dred of  the  vanquished  tribe  still  survived.  These  were  divided  be- 
tween the  Mohegansand  Narragansetts,  and  the  tribal  organization 
completely  broken  up.  The  bow  and  arrow  and  stone  axe  had  been 
tried  against  the  sword  and  musket,  and  had  signally  failed.  In  the 
future  wars,  of  musket  against  musket,  the  suppression  of  the  Indians 
was  not  to  prove  so  easy  a  task.  It  may  be  said  here  that  this  was 
one  of  the  most  justifiable  wars  ever  waged  by  the  settlers  against  the 
Indians.  The  murderous  incursions  of  the  Pequots  upon  the  peaceful 
settlers  had  become  so  unbearable  that  annihilation  of  one  side  or  the 
other  seemed  the  only  solution  of  the  problem.] 


172  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PAKKMAN 

CHAMPLAIN  AND  THE  IROQUOIS. 

FRANCIS   PARKMAN. 

[The  first  permanent  French  settlement  in  America,  as  we  have  al- 
ready stated,  was  made  by  De  Monts  in  1605,  on  the  coast  of  the  Bay 
of  Fundy,  the  settlement  heing  named  Port  Eoyal,  and  the  country 
Acadia.  In  1608,  De  Monts  was  granted  a  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade 
on  the  St.  Lawrence  Kiver,  and  sent  out  two  vessels  under  Samuel 
Champlain,  who  had  previously  visited  that  region.  Champlain  as- 
cended the  river  to  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Quebec,  near  the 
place  where  Cartier  had  wintered  in  1541.  The  colony  he  there  estab- 
lished was  the  first  permanent  French  settlement  in  Canada.  The 
history  of  this  colony  under  Champlain's  management,  of  the  explo- 
rations which  he  made,  and  of  his  hostile  relations  with  the  Iroquois 
Indians,  is  one  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  reads  like  a  page  from 
romance  rather  than  the  detail  of  sober  history. 

Champlain  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  earnest  explorers  the 
world  has  ever  known.  "  A  true  hero,  after  the  chivalrous  medi- 
aeval type,  his  character  was  dashed  largely  with  the  spirit  of  romance. 
Earnest,  sagacious,  penetrating,  he  yet  leaned  to  the  marvellous  ;  and 
the  faith  which  was  the  life  of  his  hard  career  was  somewhat  prone 
to  overstep  the  bounds  of  reason  and  invade  the  alluring  domain 
of  fancy."  In  early  life  he  had  been  seized  with  a  desire  to  explore 
those  golden  realms  from  which  the  Spaniards  sedulously  excluded  the 
people  of  other  European  nations.  He  entered  the  Spanish  service, 
and  made  his  way  to  the  "West  Indies  and  Mexico.  He  afterwards 
took  part  in  the  Port  Koyal  expedition  of  De  Monts,  and  explored  the 
New  England  coast.  His  enterprising  spirit,  while  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  the  success  of  the  Canadian  colony,  brought  the  colonists 
into  hostile  relations  with  the  powerful  Iroquois  confederacy  of  In- 
dians, and  started  a  bitter  and  unrelenting  war  through  which  the 
settlement  was  more  than  once  threatened  with  annihilation. 

The  colony  of  Canada  had  no  thought  of  agriculture.  It  was  dis- 
tinctively a  trading-settlement,  a  condition  conducive  to  adventurous 
excursions,  in  which  movements  Champlain  was  the  leading  spirit. 
It,  unlike  all  other  American  colonies,  entered  at  once  into  an  alliance, 
offensive  and  defensive,  with  the  neighboring  Indian  tribes,  aided 


PARKMAN]    OHAMPLAIS  AND   THE  IROQUOIS.  173 

them  in  their  wars,  and  roused  the  undying  enmity  of  powerful  foes. 
A  description  of  the  settlement  of  Quebec,  of  Champlain's  first  excur- 
sion with  the  Indians,  of  the  discovery  of  the  lake  which  bears  his 
name,  and  of  his  first  encounter  with  the  Iroquois,  may  be  taken 
from  Parkman's  "  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World."] 

AND  now,  peace  being  established  with  the  Basques, 
and  the  wounded  Pontgrave  busied,  as  far  as  might  be,  in 
transferring  to  the  hold  of  his  ship  the  rich  lading  of  the 
Indian  canoes,  Champlain  spread  his  sails,  and  once  more 
held  his  course  up  the  St.  Lawrence.  .  .  . 

Above  the  point  of  the  Island  of  Orleans,  a  constriction 
of  the  vast  channel  narrows  it  to  a  mile  :  on  one  hand 
the  green  heights  of  Point  Levi ;  on  the  other,  the  cliffs 
of  Quebec.  Here  a  small  stream,  the  St.  Charles,  enters 
the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  the  angle  between  them  rises  the 
promontory,  on  two  sides  a  natural  fortress.  Land  among 
the  walnut-trees  that  formed  a  belt  between  the  cliffs  and 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Climb  the  steep  height,  now  bearing 
aloft  its  ponderous  load  of  churches,  convents,  dwellings, 
ramparts,  and  batteries, — there  was  an  accessible  point, 
a  rough  passage,  gullied  downward  where  Prescott  Gate 
now  opens  on  the  Lower  Town.  .  .  .  Two  centuries  and  a 
half  have  quickened  the  solitude  with  swarming  life,  cov- 
ered the  deep  bosom  of  the  river  with  barge  and  steamer 
and  gliding  sail,  and  reared  cities  and  villages  on  the  site 
of  forests ;  but  nothing  can  destroy  the  surpassing  gran- 
deur of  the  scene.  .  .  . 

A  few  weeks  passed,  and  a  pile  of  wooden  buildings 
rose  on  the  brink  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  on  or  near  the 
site  of  the  market-place  of  the  Lower  Town  of  Quebec. 
The  pencil  of  Champlain,  always  regardless  of  proportion 
and  perspective,  has  preserved  its  semblance.  A  strong 
wooden  wall,  surmounted  by  a  gallery  loop-holed  for 
musketry,  enclosed  three  buildings,  containing  quarters 
i.  15* 


174  AMERICAN  HISTORY, 

for  himself  and  his  men,  together  with  a  court-yard,  from 
one  side  of  which  rose  a  tall  dove-cot,  like  a  belfry.  A 
moat  surrounded  the  whole,  and  two  or  three  small  can- 
non were  planted  on  salient  platforms  towards  the  river. 
There  was  a  large  magazine  near  at  hand,  and  a  part  of 
the  adjacent  ground  was  laid  out  as  a  garden.  .  .  . 

It  was  on  the  eighteenth  of  September  that  Font- 
grave  set  sail,  leaving  Champlain  with  twenty-eight  men  to 
hold  Quebec  through  the  winter.  Three  weeks  later,  and 
shores  and  hills  glowed  with  gay  prognostics  of  approach- 
ing desolation, — the  yellow  and  scarlet  of  the  maples,  the 
deep  purple  of  the  ash,  the  garnet  hue  of  young  oaks,  the 
bonfire  blaze  of  the  tupelo  at  the  water's  edge,  and  the 
golden  plumage  of  birch  saplings  in  the  fissure  of  the  cliff. 
It  was  a  short-lived  beauty.  The  forest  dropped  its  festal 
robes.  Shrivelled  and  faded,  they  rustled  to  the  earth. 
The  crystal  air  and  laughing  sun  of  October  passed  away, 
and  November  sank  upon  the  shivering  waste,  chill  and 
sombre  as  the  tomb.  .  .  . 

One  would  gladly  know  how  the  founders  of  Quebec 
spent  the  long  hours  of  their  first  winter;  but  on  this 
point  the  only  man  among  them,  perhaps,  who  could 
write,  has  not  thought  it  necessary  to  enlarge.  He  him- 
self beguiled  his  leisure  with  trapping  foxes,  or  hanging 
a  dead  dog  from  a  tree  and  watching  the  hungry  martens 
in  their  efforts  to  reach  it.  Towards  the  close  of  winter, 
all  found  abundant  employment  in  nursing  themselves  or 
their  neighbors,  for  the  inevitable  scurvy  broke  out  with 
virulence.  At  the  middle  of  May  only  eight  men  of  the 
twenty-eight  were  alive,  and  of  these  half  were  suffering 
from  disease.  .  .  .  Great  was  the  joy  of  Champlain  when 
he  saw  a  sail-boat  rounding  the  Point  of  Orleans,  betoken- 
ing that  the  spring  had  brought  with  it  the  longed-for 
succors. 


PARKMAN]    CHAMPLAIN  AND   THE  IROQUOIS.  175 

[Pontgrave  had  returned  with  supplies  and  emigrants.  After  a  con- 
sultation it  was  decided  that  he  should  remain  in  charge  of  Quebec 
while  Champlain  entered  upon  his  meditated  explorations,  by  which 
he  hoped  to  find  a  practicable  way  to  China.  It  was  the  same  dream 
of  a  passage  to  the  Pacific  that  had  animated  so  many  of  his  prede- 
cessors.] 

But  there  was  a  lion  in  the  path.  The  Indian  tribes, 
war-hawks  of  the  wilderness,  to  whom  peace  was  unknown, 
infested  with  their  scalping-parties  the  streams  and  path- 
ways of  the  forest,  increasing  tenfold  its  inseparable  risks. 
That  to  all  these  hazards  Champlain  was  more  than  indif- 
ferent, his  after-career  bears  abundant  witness ;  yet  now 
an  expedient  for  evading  them  offered  itself,  so  consistent 
with  his  instincts  that  he  was  fain  to  accept  it.  Might  he 
not  anticipate  surprises,  join  a  war-party,  and  fight  his  way 
to  discovery  ? 

During  the  last  autumn  a  young  chief  from  the  banks  of 
the  then  unknown  Ottawa  had  been  at  Quebec ;  and,  amazed 
at  what  he  saw,  he  had  begged  Champlain  to  join  him  in 
the  spring  against  his  enemies.  These  enemies  were  a  for- 
midable race  of  savages,  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Confederate 
Nations,  dwelling  in  fortified  villages  within  limits  now 
embraced  by  the  State  of  New  York. 

[The  Canadian  foes  of  this  confederacy  were  the  Hurons,  a  tribe  of 
their  own  race,  the  Algonquins  of  the  St.  Lawrence  region,  and  the 
Montagnais,  a  less  energetic  tribe  of  the  same  region.  "With  these 
Indians  Champlain  joined  himself  in  a  projected  expedition  against 
their  powerful  enemies.] 

It  was  past  the  middle  of  May,  and  the  expected  war- 
riors from  the  upper  country  had  not  come, — a  delay  which 
seems  to  have  given  Champlain  little  concern,  for,  without 
waiting  longer,  he  set  forth  with  no  better  allies  than  a 
band  of  Montagnais.  But  as  he  moved  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence he  saw,  thickly  clustered  in  the  bordering  forest,  the 


176  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAX 

lodges  of  an  Indian  camp,  and,  landing,  found  his  Huron 
and  Algonquin  allies.  Few  of  them  had  ever  seen  a  white 
man.  They  surrounded  the  steel-clad  strangers  in  speech- 
less wonderment.  Champlain  asked  for  their  chief,  and 
the  staring  throng  moved  with  him  towards  a  lodge  where 
sat,  not  one  chief,  but  two,  for  each  band  had  its  own. 
There  were  feasting,  smoking,  speeches ;  and,  the  needful 
ceremony  over,  all  descended  together  to  Quebec ;  for  the 
strangers  were  bent  on  seeing  those  wonders  of  architect- 
ure whose  fame  had  pierced  the  recesses  of  their  forests. 

[On  May  28  the  expedition  again  set  out,  passing  down  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  the  "  Kiviere  des  Iroquois,"  since  called  the  Kichelieu,  or  the 
St.  John.  Here  the  warriors  encamped  for  two  days,  hunted,  fished, 
feasted,  and  quarrelled,  three-fourths  of  the  party  seceding,  while  the 
rest  pursued  their  course.  Champlain  outsailed  his  allies.  But  he 
soon  found  himself  in  impassable  rapids,  and  was  obliged  to  return. 
The  Indians  had  lied  to  him,  with  the  story  that  his  shallop  could 
traverse  the  river  unobstructed.] 

But  should  he  abandon  the  adventure,  and  forego  the 
discovery  of  that  great  lake,  studded  with  islands  and  bor- 
dered with  a  fertile  land  of  forests,  which  his  red  compan- 
ions had  traced  in  outline  and  by  word  and  sign  had  painted 
to  his  fancy  ?  .  .  .  He  directed  Marais,  with  the  boat  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  men,  to  return  to  Quebec,  while 
he,  with  two  who  offered  to  follow  him,  should  proceed  in 
the  Indian  canoes. 

The  warriors  lifted  their  canoes  from  the  water,  and  in 
long  procession  through  the  forest,  under  the  flickering 
sun  and  shade,  bore  them  on  their  shoulders  around  the 
rapids  to  the  smooth  stream  above.  Here  the  chiefs  made 
a  muster  of  their  forces,  counting  twenty-four  canoes  and 
sixty  warriors.  All  embarked  again,  and  advanced  once 
more,  by  marsh,  meadow,  forest,  and  scattered  islands, 
then  full  of  game,  for  it  was  an  uninhabited  land,  the  war- 


PARKMAN]    CHAMPLAIN  AND   THE  IROQUOIS.  177 

path  and  battle-ground  of  hostile  tribes.  The  warriors 
observed  a  certain  system  in  their  advance.  Some  were 
in  front  as  a  vanguard,  others  formed  the  main  body, 
while  an  equal  number  were  in  the  forests  on  the  flanks 
and  rear,  hunting  for  the  subsistence  of  the  whole;  for, 
though  they  had  a  provision  of  parched  maize  pounded 
into  meal,  they  kept  it  for  use  when,  from  the  vicinity  of 
the  enemy,  hunting  should  become  impossible. 

Late  in  the  day  they  landed  and  drew  up  their  canoes, 
ranging  them  closely  side  by  side.  All  was  life  and  bustle. 
Some  stripped  sheets  of  bark,  to  cover  their  camp-sheds; 
others  gathered  wood, — the  forest  was  full  of  dead,  dry 
trees ;  others  felled  the  living  trees,  for  a  barricade.  They 
seem  to  have  had  steel  axes,  obtained  by  barter  from  the 
French  ;  for  in  less  than  two  hours  they  had  made  a  strong 
defensive  work,  a  half-circle  in  form,  open  on  the  river  side, 
where  their  canoes  lay  on  the  strand,  and  large  enough  to 
enclose  all  their  huts  and  sheds.  Some  of  their  number 
had  gone  forward  as  scouts,  and,  returning,  reported  no 
signs  of  an  enemy.  This  was  the  extent  of  their  precau- 
tions, for  they  placed  no  guard,  but  all,  in  full  security, 
stretched  themselves  to  sleep, — a  vicious  custom  from  which 
the  lazy  warrior  of  the  forest  rarely  departs. 

[An  important  part  of  the  subsequent  proceedings  was  the  operation 
of  the  medicine-man,  who  entered  his  magic  lodge  and  invoked  the 
spirits  in  mumbling  tones,  while  his  dusky  audience  listened  in  awe 
and  wonder.  Suddenly  the  lodge  rocked  with  violence  to  and  fro, — as 
alleged,  by  the  power  of  the  spirits,  though  Champlain  could  see  the 
fist  of  the  medicine-man  shaking  the  poles.  The  diviner  was  now 
seized  with  convulsions,  and  invoked  the  spirit  in  an  unknown  lan- 
guage, while  the  answer  came  in  squeaking  and  feeble  accents.  This 
mummery  over,  the  chief  stuck  sticks  in  the  earth  in  a  certain  order, 
each  stick  representing  a  warrior  and  indicating  his  position  in  the 
expected  battle.  They  all  gathered  round  and  studied  the  sticks,  then 
formed,  broke,  and  reformed  their  ranks  with  alacrity  and  skill.] 


178  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

Again  the  canoes  advanced,  the  river  widening  as  they 
went.  Great  islands  appeared,  leagues  in  extent, — Isle  a 
]a  Motte,  Long  Island,  Grande  Isle.  Channels  where  ships 
might  float  and  broud  reaches  of  expanding  water  stretched 
between  them,  and  Champlain  entered  the  lake  which  pre- 
serves his  name  to  posterity.  Cumberland  Head  was 
passed,  and  from  the  opening  of  the  great  channel  between 
Grande  Isle  and  the  main  he  could  look  forth  on  the  wil- 
derness sea.  Edged  with  woods,  the  tranquil  flood  spread 
southward  beyond  the  sight.  Far  on  the  left  the  forest 
ridges  of  the  Green  Mountains  were  heaved  against  the 
sun,  patches  of  snow  still  glistening  on  their  tops;  and  on 
the  right  rose  the  Adirondacks,  haunts  in  these  later  years 
of  amateur  sportsmen  from  counting-rooms  or  college  halls, 
nay,  of  adventurous  beauty,  with  sketch-book  and  pencil. 
Then  the  Iroquois  made  them  their  hunting-ground ;  and 
beyond,  in  the  valleys  of  the  Mohawk,  the  Onondaga,  and 
the  Genesee,  stretched  the  lon<;  line  of  their  five  cantons 

'  O 

and  palisaded  towns.  .  .  . 

The  progress  of  the  party  was  becoming  dangerous. 
They  changed  their  mode  of  advance,  and  moved  only  in 
the  night.  ...  At  twilight  they  embarked  again,  paddling 
their  cautious  way  till  the  eastern  sky  began  to  redden. 
Their  goal  was  the  rocky  promontory  where  Fort  Ticon- 
deroga  was  long  afterward  built.  Thence  they  would 
pass  the  outlet  of  Lake  George,  and  launch  their  canoes 
again  on  that  Comq  of  the  wilderness.  .  .  .  Landing  at 
the  future  site  of  Fort  William  Henry,  they  would  carry 
their  canoes  through  the  forest  to  the  river  Hudson,  and, 
descending  it,  attack,  perhaps,  some  outlying  town  of  the 
Mohawks.  .  .  . 

The  allies  were  spared  so  long  a  progress.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  after  paddling  all  night, 
they  hid  as  usual  in  the  forest  on  the  western  shore,  not 


PARKMAN]    CHAMPLAIN  AND   THE  IROqUOIS.  179 

far  from  Crown  Point.  The  warriors  stretched  themselves 
to  their  slumbers,  and  Champlain,  after  walking  for  a  time 
through  the  surrounding  woods,  returned  to  take  his  repose 
on  a  pile  of  spruce  boughs.  .  .  . 

It  was  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  they  descried 
dark  objects  in  motion  on  the  lake  before  them.  These 
were  a  flotilla  of  Iroquois  canoes,  heavier  and  slower  than 
theirs,  for  they  were  made  of  oak  bark  (or  more  probably 
elm  bark).  Each  party  saw  the  other,  and  the  mingled 
war-cries  pealed  over  the  darkened  water.  The  Iroquois, 
who  were  near  the  shore,  having  no  stomach  for  an  aquatic 
battle,  landed,  and,  making  night  hideous  with  their  clam- 
ors, began  to  barricade  themselves.  Champlain  could  see 
them  in  the  woods  laboring  like  beavers,  hacking  down 
trees  with  iron  axes  taken  from  the  Canadian  tribes  in 
war,  and  with  stone  hatchets  of  their  own  making.  The 
allies  remained  on  the  lake,  a  bowshot  from  the  hostile 
barricade,  their  canoes  made  fast  together  by  poles  lashed 
across.  All  night  they  danced  with  as  much  vigor  as  the 
frailty  of  their  vessels  would  permit,  their  throats  making 
amends  for  the  enforced  restraint  of  their  limbs.  It  was 
agreed  on  both  sides  that  the  fight  should  be  deferred  till 
daybrea'k ;  but  meanwhile  a  commerce  of  abuse,  sarcasm, 
menace,  and  boasting  gave  unceasing  exercise  to'  the  lungs 
and  fancy  of  the  combatants, — "  much,"  says  Champlain, 
"  like  the  besiegers  and  besieged  in  a  beleaguered  town." 

As  day  approached,  he  and  his  two  followers  put  on  the 
light  armor  of  the  time.  Champlain  wore  the  doublet  and 
long  hose  then  in  vogue.  Over  the  doublet  he  buckled  on 
a  breastplate,  and  probably  a  back-piece,  while  his  thighs 
were  protected  by  cuisses  of  steel,- and  his  head  by  a  plumed 
casque.  Across  his  shoulder  lay  the  straps  of  his  bandoleer, 
or  ammunition-box ;  at  his  side  was  his  sword,  and  in  his 
hand  his  arquebuse,  which  he  had  loaded  with  four  balls. 


180  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

Such  was  the  equipment  of  this  ancient  Indian-fighter, 
whose  exploits  date  eleven  years  before  the  landing  of  the 
Puritans  at  Plymouth,  and  sixty-six  years  before  King 
Philip's  War. 

Each  of  the  three  Frenchmen  was  in  a  separate  canoe, 
and,  as  it  grew  light,  they  kept  themselves  hidden,  either 
by  lying  in  the  bottom,  or  covering  themselves  with  an 
Indian  robe.  The  canoes  approached  the  shore,  and  all 
landed  without  opposition  at  some  distance  from  the  Iro- 
quois,  whom  they  presently  could  see  filing  out  of  their 
barricade,  tall,  strong  men,  some  two  hundred  in  number, 
of  the  boldest  and  fiercest  warriors  of  North  America. 
They  advanced  through  the  forest  with  a  steadiness  which 
excited  the  admiration  of  Champlain.  Among  them  could 
be  seen  several  chiefs,  made  conspicuous  by  their  tall 
plumes.  Some  bore  shields  of  wood  and  hide,  and  some 
were  covered  with  a  kind  of  armor  made  of  tough  twigs 
interlaced  with  a  vegetable  fibre  supposed  by  Champlain  to 
be  cotton. 

The  allies,  growing  anxious,  called  with  loud  cries  for 
their  champion,  and  opened  their  ranks  that  he  might  pass 
to  the  front.  He  did  so,  and,  advancing  before  his  red 
companions-in-arms,  stood  revealed  to  the  astonished  gaze 
of  the  Iroquois,  who,  beholding  the  warlike  apparition  in 
their  path,  stared  in  mute  amazement.  But  his  arquebuse 
was  levelled ;  the  report  startled  the  woods,  a  chief  fell 
dead,  and  another  by  his  side  rolled  among  the  bushes. 
Then  there  rose  from  the  allies  a  yell,  which,  says  Cham- 
plain,  would  have  drowned  a  thunder-clap,  and  the  forest 
was  full  of  whizzing  arrows.  For  a  moment,  the  Iroquois 
stood  firm  and  sent  back  their  arrows  lustily ;  but  when 
another  and  another  gunshot  came  from  the  thickets  on 
their  flank,  they  broke  and  fled  in  uncontrollable  terror. 
Swifter  than  hounds,  the  allies  tore  through  the  bushes 


PARKMAN]    CHAMPLAIN  AND   THE  IROqUOIS.  181 

in  pursuit.  Some  of  the  Iroquois  were  killed  ;  more  were 
taken.  Camp,  canoes,  provisions,  all  were  abandoned,  and 
many  weapons  flung  down  in  the  panic  flight.  The  arque- 
buse  had  done  its  work.  The  victory  was  complete.  .  .  . 

The  victors  made  a  prompt  retreat  from  the  scene  of 
their  triumph.  Three  or  four  days  brought  them  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Eichelieu.  Here  they  separated;  the  Hurons 
and  the  Algonquins  made  for  the  Ottawa,  their  homeward 
route,  each  with  a  share  of  prisoners  for  future  torments. 
At  parting  they  invited  Champlain  to  visit  their  towns 
and  aid  them  again  in  their  wars, — an  invitation  which 
this  paladin  of  the  woods  failed  not  to  accept. 

[Thus  ended  the  first  Indian  battle  in  the  northern  United  States, 
the  fruitful  seed  of  an  abundant  crop  of  future  disasters.  The  subse- 
quent history  of  Champlain  may  be  rapidly  epitomized.  In  the  next 
year  (1610)  he  took  part  in  another  successful  war-expedition.  In 
1611  he  founded  the  city  of  Montreal.  The  year  1613  he  employed 
in  an  exploration  of  the  Ottawa  Kiver,  deceived  by  a  statement  that 
it  led  to  a  great  lake  which  was  connected  with  the  North  Sea.  In 
1614  he  made  another  long  journey,  up  the  Ottawa,  then  overland  to 
Lake  Huron,  and  then  south,  in  company  with  a  war-party  of  Hurons, 
to  the  Iroquois  country,  where  an  attack  was  made  on  a  strong  fortifi- 
cation. The  assault  proved  a  failure.  The  Iroquois  defended  them- 
selves valiantly,  and  finally  drove  off  their  foes,  Champlain  being  twice 
wounded.  In  1629,  twenty  years  after  the  settlement  of  Quebec,  it 
contained  less  than  a  hundred  persons,  and  these  the  prey  of  a  severe 
famine,  from  whose  consequences  they  were  saved  only  by  a  surrender 
of  the  place  to  the  English,  then  at  war  with  France.  At  the  end  of 
the  war  it  was  restored  to  France.  The  history  of  Canada  during  the 
remainder  of  the  century  is  largely  made  up  of  the  revenge  taken  by 
the  Iroquois  for  their  earlier  disasters.  Their  dreaded  foe,  Champlain, 
died  in  1635.  He  had  aided  in  making  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the 
Hurons  and  the  Iroquois  in  1622,  but  in  1648  the  latter  broke  the  truce, 
and  suddenly  fell  upon  the  French  and  their  allies,  slaughtering  the 
whites  without  distinction  of  sex  or  age,  and  causing  a  complete  dis- 
persal of  the  Hurons,  who  ceased  to  exist  as  a  separate  tribe.  For 
years  afterwards  the  Iroquois  remained  lords  of  the  situation,  keeping 
I.  16 


182  AMERICAN  HISTORY.          [O'CALLAGHAN 

the  French  shut  up  in  their  fortified  posts,  while  their  allies  were  left 
without  succor.  The  Algonquins  were  dispersed,  the  Eries  obliterated, 
and  the  war  ended  in  1672,  after  more  than  twenty  years'  duration, 
in  the  conquest  of  the  Andastes,  a  powerful  Huron  tribe.  In  1687  the 
war  was  renewed,  through  a  treacherous  act  of  Denonville,  the  Cana- 
dian governor,  and  in  the  succeeding  year  the  Iroquois  made  a  descent 
on  the  Island  of  Montreal,  which  they  laid  waste,  and  carried  off  two 
hundred  prisoners.  This  brings  us  to  the  era  of  war  between  the 
French  and  the  English,  in  which  the  services  of  the  Indians  were  freely 
called  into  requisition,  and  desolating  raids  and  massacres  abounded.] 


THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

E.   B.   O'CALLAGHAN. 

[The  Dutch  showed  less  enterprise  in  planting  colonies  in  America, 
and  less  persistence  in  sustaining  them,  than  any  other  of  the  maritime 
nations  of  Europe.  Their  only  settlement  in  North  America  was  that 
of  New  Amsterdam,  occupying  Manhattan  Island,  and  sending  branch 
hamlets  up  the  Hudson  and  to  the  shores  of  Long  Island  Sound  and 
the  South  or  Delaware  River.  This  colony  was  held  with  very  little 
vigor.  The  Dutch  permitted  themselves  to  be  supplanted  in  Con- 
necticut by  the  English  Puritans,  with  scarcely  any  resistance.  The 
Swedes  came  into  collision  with  them  on  the  Delaware,  though  these 
intruders  were  eventually  subjected  to  Dutch  authority.  And  in  their 
central  seat  on  the  Hudson  they  had  to  contend  with  unwarranted 
English  invasions,  and  were  finally  conquered  by  the  English,  in  times 
of  peace,  and  without  resistance  either  by  the  colony  or  by  the  mother- 
country.  The  story  of  this  colony  is  of  less  interest  than  that  of  most 
of  the  other  American  settlements.  It  had  its  contests,  its  intestine 
difficulties,  its  troubles  with  the  Indians,  yet  none  of  these  were 
of  striking  importance.  We  extract  from  O'Callaghan's  "  History  of 
New  Netherland"  some  passages  descriptive  of  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  settlement.  Henry  Hudson,  the  discoverer  of  the  river  that 
bears  his  name,  was  an  English  mariner,  who,  in  the  years  1607  and 


O'CALLAGHAN]    THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK.        183 

1608,  made  two  voyages  in  search  of  a  northwest  passage  to  India. 
He  afterwards  entered  the  service  of  the  Dutch  East  India  Company, 
and  in  April,  1609,  sailed  on  a  third  voyage  with  the  same  purpose. 
Touching  at  Newfoundland,  he  continued  his  course  till  he  sighted 
the  American  coast,  and  then  turned  southward,  with  the  hope  of 
finding  a  passage-way  to  the  Pacific  through  the  continent.  He 
entered  Penohscot  Bay,  and  landed  at  Cape  Cod,  which  he  named 
New  Holland.] 

THE  Half  Moon  hence  pursued  a  course  south  and  west 
for  the  next  ten  days,  and  at  length  arrived,  about  the 
middle  of  August,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay, 
where  the  first  effectual  attempt  to  plant  an  English  col- 
ony had  been  commenced  only  two  years  before.  Hudson 
now  retraced  his  steps,  and  in  a  few  days  afterwards  dis- 
covered, in  latitude  thirty-nine  degrees  five  minutes,  a 
great  bay,  which  has  since  been  called  Delaware.  Here 
he  anchored  the  Half  Moon  in  eight  fathom  water,  and 
took  possession,  it  is  said,  of  the  country.  From  this 
place  he  coasted  northward,  the  shore  appearing  low,  like 
sunken  ground,  dotted  with  islands,  and  at  length  descried 
the  Highlands  of  Navesinck,  which,  the  journalist  re- 
marks, is  a  very  good  land  to  fall  in  with,  and  a  pleasant 
land  to  see.  He  found  himself,  on  the  following  day,  at 
the  mouth  of  three  great  rivers,  the  northernmost  of 
which  he  attempted  to  enter ;  but,  having  been  prevented 
by  a  shoal  bar  at  its  mouth,  he  cast  about  to  the  south- 
ward, and,  after  due  examination  of  the  sounding,  rounded 
a  low  "  sandy  hook,"  and  moored  the  Half  Moon,  on  the 
following  morning,  in  latitude  forty  degrees  thirty  min- 
utes, at  a  short  distance  from  the  shore,  in  the  waters  of 
"  The  Great  North  River  of  New  Netherland." 

While  the  ship  lay  here  at  anchor,  the  natives  from  the 
western  shore  came  on  board,  and  seemed  to  be  highly 
pleased  at  the  arrival  of  the  Europeans.  They  brought 


184  AMERICAN  HISTORY.          [O'CALLAGHAN 

green  tobacco,  which  they  desired  to  exchange  for  knives 
and  beads.  They  had  divers  ornaments,  as  well  as  pipes, 
made  of  copper;  plenty  of  maize,  or  Indian  corn  ;  dresses 
of  deerskins,  well  cured,  hung  loosely  around  them. 

The  next  day  some  men  were  sent  in  the  boat  to  explore 
the  bay  farther  up.  They  landed  on  the  western  bank, 
which  was  lined  with  men,  women,  and  children,  by 
whom  they  were  very  kindly  received,  and  presented 
with  tobacco  and  dried  currants.  They  found  the  land 
covered  with  dried  oaks.  The  natives  continued  to  flock 
on  board  the  ship,  dressed  in  mantles  of  feathers  and  fine 
furs ;  their  necks  adorned  with  ornaments  of  copper,  and 
some  of  the  women  had  hemp. 

[Five  of  the  crew  were  sent  to  examine  the  channel  of  what  appeared 
to  be  an  extensive  river.  "  They  described  the  land  as  covered  with 
trees,  grass,  and  flowers,  and  the  air  filled  with  delightful  fragrance." 
On  their  return  they  were  attacked,  for  no  known  cause,  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  one  man  being  killed  and  two  wounded.  This  made  Hudson 
very  suspicious  of  the  natives.  He  would  permit  no  more  to  come  on 
board, — except  a  few  who  were  detained  as  prisoners,  but  afterwards 
escaped, — and  soon  weighed  anchor  and  stood  up  through  the  Nar- 
rows, entering  New  York  harbor.] 

Hudson,  having  ascended  thus  far,  prepared  now  to  ex- 
plore the  magnificent  river  which  rolled  its  waters  into 
the  sea  from  unknown  regions,  in  the  probable  hope  that 
it  would  lead  him  to  the  long-sought-for  passage  to  the 
Indies.  He  accordingly  weighed  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
12th  September,  and  commenced  his  memorable  voyage 
up  that  majestic  stream  which  has  since  handed  his  name 
down  to  posterity. 

[He  sailed  on  up  the  river,  through  the  highland  region,  being 
everywhere  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  natives,  who  crowded  on 
board  with  their  commodities.] 

Distrusting  the  savages  all  along,  Hudson  determined 


O'CALLAGHAN]    THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK.        185 

now  to  try  an  experiment  which,  by  throwing  them  off 
their  guard,  would  elicit  any  treachery  which  might  be 
latent  in  their  dispositions.  He  accordingly  invited  sev- 
eral of  the  chiefs  into  the  cabin,  and  gave  them  plenty  of 
brandy  to  drink,  so  as  to  make  them  intoxicated.  The 
result  was  that  one  got  drunk,  and  fell  sound  asleep,  to 
the  great  astonishment  of  his  companions,  who  "  could 
not  tell  how  to  take  it."  They  all  took  suddenly  to  their 
canoes  and  hurried  ashore,  leaving  their  stupefied  coun- 
tryman behind  them.  Their  anxiety  for  his  welfare 
soon  induced  them,  however,  to  return  with  a  quantity 
of  beads  which  they  gave  him,  to  enable  him,  perhaps, 
to  bribe  or  exorcise  "  the  foul  fiend"  which  had  posses- 
sion of  him.  The  savage  slept  soundly  all  night,  and  was 
quite  recovered  from  the  effects  of  his  debauch  when  his 
friends  came  to  see  him  next  day.  So  rejoiced  were  these 
people  at  finding  their  chief  restored,  as  it  were,  to  life,  that 
they  returned  on  board  in  crowds  again  in  the  afternoon, 
bringing  tobacco  and  more  beads,  which  they  presented 
to  Hudson,  to  whom  they  made  an  oration,  showing  him 
the  country  round  about.  They  then  sent  one  qf  their 
company  on  land,  who  presently  returned  with  a  great 
platter  of  dressed  venison,  which  they  caused  Hudson  to 
eat  with  them ;  after  which  they  made  him  profound  rev- 
erence and  departed,  all  save  the  old  man,  who,  having 
had  a  taste  of  the  fatal  beverage,  preferred  to  remain  on 
board. 

Such  was  the  introduction  among  the  Indians,  by  the 
first  European  that  came  among  them,  of  that  poison 
which,  combined  with  other  causes,  has  since  operated  to 
deprive  their  descendants  of  almost  a  foothold  in  their 
native  land,  and  caused,  within  a  few  centuries,  the  almost 
entire  extinction  of  the  Red  race. 

The  Half  Moon  had  now  evidently  ascended  as  high  as 
i.  16* 


IQQ  AMERICAN  HISTORY.          [O'CALLAGHAN 

she  could  go.  She  had  reached  a  little  below  the  present 
city  of  Albany,  and  Hudson,  having  satisfied  himself,  by 
despatching  a  boat  some  seven  or  eight  leagues  higher 
up,  that  he  had  gained  the  head  of  the  ship-navigation, 
prepared  to  retrace  his  course. 

[His  descent  of  the  river  was  much  more  expeditious  than  the  up- 
ward voyage.  On  reaching  the  vicinity  of  Stony  Point  he  was  visited 
by  Indians,  one  of  whom  stole  some  articles  from  the  cabin  and  was 
shot  and  killed  by  the  mate.] 

On  the  following  day  they  descended  about  seven  leagues 
farther,  and  came  to  anchor.  Here  they  were  visited  by 
a  canoe,  on  board  of  which  was  one  of  the  savages  who 
had  made  his  escape  from  the  vessel  as  she  was  going  up. 
Fearing  treachery,  Hudson  would  not  allow  either  him  or 
his  companions  on  board.  Two  other  canoes,  filled  with 
armed  warriors,  now  came  under  the  stern,  and  com- 
menced an  attack  with  arrows.  They  were  repulsed  with 
a  loss  of  three  men.  More  than  a  hundred  savages  now 
pushed  off  from  the  nearest  point  of  land,  but  one  of  the 
ship's  cannon,  having  been  brought  to  bear  on  these,  killed 
two  of  the  party,  and  the  rest  fled,  thereupon,  to  the 
woods.  But  the  savages  were  not  yet  discouraged.  Nine 
or  ten  of  the  boldest  of  the  warriors,  probably  incited  by 
the  two  who  had  made  their  escape  from  the  Half  Moon 
on  her  way  up,  threw  themselves  into  a  canoe  and  made 
for  the  vessel ;  but  these  fared  no  better  than  those  who 
preceded  them.  A  cannon-shot  drove  a  hole  through 
their  canoe,  and  killed  one  of  the  men.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  discharge  of  musketry,  which  killed  three 
or  four  more,  and  put  an  end  to  the  battle.  The  Half 
Moon  now  descended  some  five  miles  farther  down,  prob- 
ably near  Hoboken,  and  thus  got  beyond  the  reach  of  all 
enemies. 


O'CALLAGHAN]    THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK.        187 

Hudson  had  now  thoroughly  explored  the  river,  from  its 
mouth  to  the  head  of  navigation,  and  had  secured  for  his 
employers  possessions  which  would  reward  them  beyond 
measure  for  the  expense  they  had  incurred.  For  himself  he 
had  won  an  immortality  which  was  destined  to  hand  down 
his  name  to  the  latest  age.  Happy  at  the  result,  he  left 
"  the  great  mouth  of  the  Great  Eiver,"  and  put  to  sea,  with 
all  sails  set,  to  communicate  to  those  in  Holland  in  whose 
service  he  was  the  tidings  of  his  valuable  discovery. 

[For  years  a  trading-station  was  the  extent  of  the  Dutch  settlement 
on  Manhattan  Island  ;  yet  the  number  of  settlers  gradually  increased, 
and  in  1615  a  settlement  was  made  at  Albany.  The  country  was  called 
New  Netherland.  In  1618  the  settlers  made  an  important  treaty  of 
peace  and  alliance  with  the  Iroquois.] 

When  the  Dutch  arrived  in  America  the  tribes  compos- 
ing the  Five  Nations  were  at  war  with  the  Algonquin  or 
Canada  Indians.  But  the  latter,  having  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  French,  who  some  years  previous  to  this  date  had 
commenced  the  settlement  of  New  France,  as  Canada  was 
called,  derived  such  powerful  aid  from  the  fire-arms  of  their 
European  allies  that  the  Iroquois  were  defeated  in  almost 
every  rencontre  with  their  ancient  enemy.  Smarting  under 
the  disgrace  of  these  unexpected  repulses,  the  Iroquois  hailed 
the  establishment  among  them,  now,  of  another  European 
nation  familiar  with  the  use  of  these  terrible  instruments, 
which,  almost  without  human  intervention,  scattered  death 
wherever  they  were  directed,  and  defied  the  war-club  and 
bow  and  arrow  as  weapons  of  attack  or  defence.  Though 
jealous  by  nature,  and  given  to  suspicion,  the  Indians  ex- 
hibited none  of  these  feelings  towards  the  new-comers, 
whose  numbers  were  too  few  even  to  protect  themselves  or 
to  inflict  injury  on  others.  On  the  contrary,  they  courted 
their  friendship,  for  through  them  they  shrewdl}T  calculated 
on  being  placed  in  a  condition  to  cope  with  the  foe,  or  to 


188  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [O'CALLAOHAN 

obtain  that  bloody  triumph  for  which  they  thirsted.  Such 
were  the  circumstances  which  now  led  to  that  treaty  of 
alliance  which,  as  the  tradition  goes,  was  concluded  on  the 
banks  of  the  Norman's  Kill,  between  the  Five  Nations  and 
the  Dutch. 

Nothing  could  surpass  the  importance  the  warlike  in- 
habitants of  those  ancient  forests  attached  to  the  ratifica- 
tion of  this  solemn  treaty.  Each  tribe  sent  its  chief  as  its 
ambassador  to  represent  it  on  this  occasion.  The  neigh- 
boring tribes — the  Lenni  Lenape  and  Mohegans — were  in- 
vited to  attend  ;  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  earth, 
their  common  mother, — of  the  sun,  which  shed  its  genial 
heat  on  all  alike, — by  the  murmurs  of  that  romantic  stream, 
whose  waters  had  been  made  to  flow  by  their  common 
Maker  from  all  time,  was  the  belt  of  peace  held  fast  by  the 
Dutch  and  their  aboriginal  allies,  in  token  of  their  eternal 
union.  There  was  the  calumet  smoked,  and  the  hatchet 
buried,  wrhile  the  Dutch  traders  declared  that  they  should 
forthwith  erect  a  church  over  that  weapon  of  war,  so  that 
it  would  no  more  be  exhumed  without  overturning  the 
sacred  edifice,  and  whoever  dared  do  that  should  incur  the 
resentment  of  the  white  man.  By  this  treaty  the  Dutch 
secured  for  themselves  the  quiet  possession  of  the  Indian 
trade,  and  the  Five  Nations  obtained  the  means  to  assert 
that  ascendency  which  they  ever  after  maintained  over 
the  other  native  tribes,  and  to  inspire  terror  far  and  near 
among  the  other  savages  of  North  America. 

[Up  to  1623  only  trading-settlements  existed.  In  that  year  the 
actual  colonization  of  the  country  took  place,  though  a  governor  was 
not  appointed  till  two  years  afterwards.  Captain  Mey,  who  took  out 
the  settlers,  also  ascended  Delaware  Bay  and  Eiver  in  1623,  and  built 
Fort  Nassau,  a  few  miles  below  Camden.  This  fort  was  soon  aban- 
doned. In  1631  a  colony  was  planted  in  Delaware,  near  the  present 
Lewistown,  but  the  settlers  were  soon  murdered  by  the  Indians.  The 


O'CALLAGHAN]    THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK.        189 

Dutch  claim  now  extended  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  Cape  Cod.  This 
claim  was  disputed  by  the  New-Englanders,  who  formed  settlements 
in  Connecticut  and  on  Long  Island.  They  endeavored,  also,  to  trade 
with  the  Hudson  Kiver  Indians.  In  1633  one  Jacob  Eelkins  arrived 
at  New  Amsterdam  in  an  English  ship  called  the  "William.  He  was 
ordered  to  depart  by  Wouter  van  Twiller,  the  Dutch  governor.] 

After  an  interval  of  five  days,  the  factor  of  the  William 
went  again  on  shore  to  the  fort,  to  inquire  if  the  director- 
general  would  permit  him,  in  a  friendly  way,  to  ascend  the 
river,  stating  at  the  same  time  that,  if  he  would  not  allow 
it,  he  [Eelkins]  would  proceed  without  his  consent,  if  it 
should  cost  him  his  life.  But  Yan  Twiller  was  immovable. 
Instead  of  consenting,  he  ordered  the  ship's  crew  on  shore, 
and,  in  the  presence  of  all,  commanded  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  flag  to  be  run  up  the  fort,  and  three  pieces  of 
ordnance  to  be  fired  in  honor  of  his  highness.  Eelkins, 
not  to  be  outdone,  immediately  ordered  his  gunner  to  go 
on  board  the  William,  to  hoist  the  English  flag,  and  fire  a 
salute  of  three  guns  in  honor  of  the  King  of  England, 
which  was  accordingly  done.  Yan  Twiller  now  warned 
Eelkins  to  take  heed  that  what  he  was  about  did  not  cost 
him  his  neck.  Eelkins,  however,  noway  daunted,  returned 
on  board  with  the  ship's  crew.  The  anchor  was  weighed, 
and  the  William  shortly  after  sailed  up  the  river,  "near  to 
a  fort  called  Orange." 

Director  van  Twiller,  incensed  at  this  audacit}7,  collected 
all  the  servants  of  the  company  in  the  fort  before  his  door, 
ordered  a  barrel  of  wine  to  be  broached,  and,  having  taken 
a  bumper,  cried  out,  "  Those  who  love  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  me,  emulate  me  in  this,  and  assist  me  in  repelling  the 
violence  committed  by  that  Englishman!"  The  cask  of 
wine  was  soon  emptied,  but  the  people  were  noways  dis- 
posed at  first  to  trouble  the  Englishman.  .  .  . 

The  William  having,  in  the  mean  while,  arrived  in  the 


190  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [O'CALLAGHAN 

neighborhood  of  Fort  Orange,  the  factor  and  crew  went 
ashore  "  about  a  mile  below  that  fort,"  set  up  a  tent,  and, 
having  landed  all  their  goods,  immediately  opened  an  ac- 
tive trade  with  the  natives.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
news  of  these  proceedings  came  to  the  ears  of  Houten,  the 
commissary  at  Fort  Orange.  He  forthwith  embarked,  with 
a  trumpeter,  on  board  a  shallop,  over  which  waved  some 
green  boughs,  and  proceeded  to  where  Eelkins  was.  "  By 
the  way  the  trumpet  was  sounded,  and  the  Dutchmen 
drank  a  bottle  of  strong  waters  of  three  or  four  pints,  and 
were  right  merry."  The  Dutch  set  up  a  tent  by  the  side 
of  that  of  the  English ;  did  as  much  as  they  could  to  dis- 
parage their  cloth  and  other  goods,  with  a  view  to  hinder 
the  latter's  trade;  but  the  Indians,  having  been  well  ac- 
quainted with  Eelkins,  who  had  "  heretofore  lived  four 
yeares  among  them,"  and  could  speak  their  language,  were 
a  good  deal  more  willing  to  trade  with  him  than  with  the 
others,  and  he  consequently  had  every  prospect  of  advan- 
tageously disposing  of  his  merchandise,  having  been  four- 
teen days  there,  when  a  Dutch  officer  arrived  from  below, 
in  command  of  three  vessels,  a  pinnace,  a  carvel,  and  a 
hoy,  bearing  two  letters,  protesting  against  Eelkins,  and 
ordering  him  to  depart  forthwith. 

To  enforce  these  commands  came  soldiers  "  from  both 
the  Dutch  forts,  armed  with  muskets,  half-pikes,  swords, 
and  other  weapons,"  and,  after  having  beaten  several  of  the 
Indians  who  had  come  to  trade  with  Eelkins,  ordered  the 
latter  to  strike  his  tent.  In  vain  he  pleaded  that  he  was 
on  British  soil,  and  that  British  subjects  had  a  right  to 
trade  there;  the  Dutch  would  not  listen  to  any  remon- 
strances. They  pulled  his  tent  about  his  ears,  sent  the 
goods  on  board,  "  and,  as  they  were  carrying  them  to  the 
ship,  sounded  their  trumpet  in  the  boat  in  disgrace  of  the 
English." 


O'CALLAGHAK]    THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK.        191 

[In  this  chronicle  of  the  adventures  of  the  first  English  ship  that 
sailed  up  the  Hudson  we  have  a  scene  ridiculous  enough  to  find  a  place 
in  Knickerbocker's  "  History  of  New  York."  The  succeeding  troubles 
of  the  Dutch  were  with  the  Swedes  and  the  Indians.  In  1640  war 
began  with  the  neighboring  Indians,  which  continued  till  terminated 
by  the  mediation  of  the  Iroquois,  in  1645.  In  1638  the  Swedes  settled 
on  the  Delaware,  near  the  present  Wilmington,  and  gradually  extended 
their  settlements  until  1655,  when  they  were  attacked  by  the  Dutch, 
and  all  their  forts  captured.  The  Swedes  remained,  under  Dutch  gov- 
ernment. In  1664  the  King  of  England  granted  to  his  brother  James 
all  the  country  from  the  Connecticut  to  the  Delaware,  heedless  of  the 
claims  of  the  Dutch.  A  squadron  was  sent  out,  and  the  Dutch  were 
forced  to  surrender  New  Amsterdam.  Thus,  by  an  act  of  flagrant  in- 
justice, while  England  and  Holland  were  at  peace,  the  Dutch  domin- 
ion in  North  America  was  overthrown,  after  half  a  century  of  exist- 
ence. Mr.  O'Callaghan  gives  some  brief  details  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  New  Amsterdam  in  1646,  which  we  transcribe.] 

Slaves  constituted,  as  far  back  as  1628,  a  portion  of  the 
population.  The  introduction  of  this  class  was  facilitated 
by  the  establishments  which  the  Dutch  possessed  in  Brazil 
and  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  as  well  as  by  the  periodical 
capture  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  prizes,  and  the  circum- 
stances attendant  upon  the  early  settlement  of  the  coun- 
try. The  expense  of  obtaining  labor  from  Europe  was 
great,  and  the  supply  by  no  means  equal  to  the  demand. 
To  add  to  these  embarrassments,  the  temptations  held 
out  by  the  fur-trade  were  so  irresistible  that  the  servants, 
or  "  boere-knechts,"  who  were  brought  over  from  Hol- 
land, were  soon  seduced  from  the  pursuits  of  agriculture. 
Farmers  were  consequently  obliged  to  employ  negroes, 
and  slave-labor  thus  became,  by  its  cheapness  and  the 
necessity  of  the  case,  one  of  the  staples  of  the  country. 

The  lot  of  the  African  under  the  Dutch  was  not  as  hope- 
less as  his  situation  might  lead  us  to  expect.  He  was  a 
"  chattel,"  it  is  true ;  but  he  could  still  look  forward  to  the 
hour  when  he  too  might  become  a  freeman.  In  the  years 


192  AMERICAN  HISTORY.          [O'CALLAGHAN 

1644  and  1646,  several  negroes  and  their  wives,  who  had 
originally  been  captured  from  the  Spaniards,  had  been 
manumitted,  in  consequence  of  their  long  and  faithful 
services.  To  enable  them  to  provide  for  their  support  they 
obtained  a  grant  of  land ;  but  as  the  price  of  their  manu- 
mission they  were  bound  to  pay  yearly  twenty-two  bushels 
and  a  half  of  corn,  wheat,  peas,  or  beans,  and  one  fat  hog 
valued  at  eight  dollars,  failing  which,  they  were  to  lose 
their  liberty  and  return  again  to  their  former  state  of  ser- 
vitude. .  .  .  The  price  of  a  negro  averaged  between  one 
hundred  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  .  .  . 

The  greater  number  of  the  houses  around  Forts  Amster- 
dam and  Orange  were,  in  those  days,  low-sized  wooden 
buildings,  with  roofs  of  reed  or  straw,  and  chimneys  of 
wood.  Wind-  or  water-mills  were  erected,  here  and  there, 
to  grind  corn,  or  to  saw  lumber.  One  of  the  latter,  situated 
on  Nut  or  Governor's  Island,  was  leased  in  1639  for  five 
hundred  merchantable  boards  yearly,  half  oak  and  half  pine. 
Saw-  and  grist-mills  were  built  upon  several  of  the  creeks 
in  the  colony  of  Eensselaerswyck,  where  "a  horse  mill"  was 
also  erected  in  1646.  A  brewery  had  been  constructed  pre- 
vious to  1637,  in  the  same  quarter,  by  the  Patroon,  with  the 
exclusive  right  of  supplying  retail  dealers  with  beer.  But 
private  individuals  were  allowed  the  privilege,  notwith- 
standing, to  brew  whatever  quantity  of  beer  they  might 
require  for  consumption  within  their  own  families. 

[These  settlements  were  established  under  two  different  systems  of 
government.  The  "colonies"  were  governed  on  a  feudal  principle,  the 
Patroon,  or  proprietor,  having  sovereign  authority  over  his  vassals, 
who  swore  allegiance  to  him,  and  submitted  to  his  special  courts, 
ordinances,  and  laws.  In  return  he  was  bound  to  protect  them.  The 
other  system  was  a  municipal  one,  like  that  of  the  manors  of  Hol- 
land, the  qualified  electors  of  cities,  villages,  and  hamlets  being  em- 
powered to  nominate  the  magistrates,  who  needed  to  be  confirmed  by 
the  director  and  council.  Through  these  regulations  the  democratic 


STOUGHTON]  THE   QUAKER   COLONY.  193 

spirit  of  Holland  was  carried  over  to  New  Amsterdam,  and  a  republican 
sentiment  of  a  different  type  from  that  of  the  English  colonies  was 
instituted.] 


THE  QUAKER  COLONY. 

JOHN  STOUGHTON. 

[In  1638  a  colony  of  Swedes  settled  on  Christiana  Creek,  in  the 
present  State  of  Delaware.  Governor  Kieft,  of  New  Amsterdam, 
considered  this  an  intrusion  on  his  territory,  and,  as  a  check  to  their 
aggression,  rebuilt  the  previously  abandoned  Fort  Nassau,  below  the 
present  Camden.  The  Swedes  gradually  extended  their  settlements, 
the  territory  occupied  reaching  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  a  point  op- 
posite Trenton.  Their  governor  built  a  fort  and  a  residence  on  the 
island  of  Tinicum,  below  Philadelphia.  In  1655  the  Swedes  were 
attacked  by  the  Dutch,  and  their  forts  taken.  The  most  of  them  con- 
tinued on  their  estates,  under  Dutch  authority.  The  territory  of  New 
Jersey  was  granted  in  1664  to  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret. 
Berkeley  sold  his  share 1n  1674  to  John  Fenwick,  in  trust  for  Edward 
Byllinge,  who  subsequently  assigned  his  claim  to  William  Penn  and 
two  other  Quakers.  The  province  was  then  divided,  Carteret  re- 
ceiving the  eastern  portion,  and  the  Quaker  assignees  the  western  por- 
tion, on  the  Delaware.  It  was  in  this  way  that  "William  Penn  first 
became  interested  in  the  settlement  of  America.  As  two  colonies, 
Massachusetts  and  Maryland,  had  already  been  formed  through  the 
desire  for  religious  liberty,  it  occurred  to  him  to  establish  a  refuge  in 
the  New  World  for  the  persecuted  sect  of  which  he  was  a  member. 
This  was  first  attempted  in  West  Jersey.  A  free  constitution  was 
given  to  the  settlers,  granting  important  privileges  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty.  Quakers  were  specially  recommended  to  take  advan- 
tage of  it,  and  more  than  four  hundred  emigrated  to  the  province 
in  1677.  In  1682,  William  Penn  and  eleven  others  purchased  East 
Jersey,  so  that  the  whole  province  then  came  under  Quaker  control 
Robert  Barclay,  author  of  the  "  Apology  for  Quakers,"  was  appointed 
governor  for  life. 

In  1681,  Penn  obtained  from  Charles  II.  a  grant  of  all  the  lands 
I. — i        n  17 


194  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STOUGHTON 

embraced  in  the  present  State  of  Pennsylvania.  His  purpose  in  this 
was  not  alone  to  convert  and  civilize  the  Indians,  as  expressed  in 
the  charter,  hut  also  to  form  an  asylum  for  those  desirous  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  in  which  the  principles  of  Peace,  as  advocated  by 
his  sect,  might  be  efficiently  carried  out.  He  soon  after  obtained  a 
grant  of  the  present  State  of  Delaware,  then  called  "  The  Territories." 
In  September,  1682,  he  set  sail  for  his  new  province,  with  a  large 
number  of  emigrants  of  his  own  religious  belief.  Others  had  preceded 
him.  The  story  of  his  landing  and  his  actions  in  the  New  "World  we 
extract  from  John  Stough ton's  "  William  Penn,"  from  the  fact  that 
this  writer  gives  the  true  story  of  that  celebrated  "  Treaty  with  the 
Indians,"  concerning  which  so  little  is  actually  known,  yet  which 
has  been  made  the  basis  of  so  many  imaginative  statements,  full  of 
dramatic  interest,  yet  with  very  small  foundation  in  fact.] 

CONVENIENCE,  thoughts  of  commerce,  the  selection  of  a 
fitting  spot  for  a  great  city,  the  choice  of  a  harbor  for  the 
shipping  of  the  world,  no  doubt  mainly  determined  the 
site  of  Philadelphia.  But  utility  and  the  picturesque  often 
go  together.  .  .  .  Whether  the  commissioners  sent  out  by 
Penn,  who  marked  the  foundation  for  the  noble  metropo- 
lis of  their  new  State,  had  much  care  for  landscape  beauty, 
I  cannot  say ;  but,  at  all  events,  they  managed  to  secure 
it,  even  if  aiming  at  far  other  things.  Nearly  forty  years 
before,  red  Indians  were  haunting  the  shore  about  a  mile 
from  Fort  Nassau,  and  there  some  Dutchmen  bought  land 
from  these  wild  children  of  the  west,  and  mounted  the 
flag  of  their  country  on  a  tall  boundary-mark  as  a  sign 
of  possession. 

[A  quarrel  ensued  with  the  neighboring  Swedes,  who  tore  down 
the  flag.] 

Between  thirty  and  forty  years  afterwards  the  region 
remained  infested  with  wolves,  and  the  heads  of  these 
animals  were  brought  in  to  be  paid  for  by  the  scanty 
settlers  at  the  rate  of  fifty-five  heads  for  forty  guilders. 


STOUGHTON]  THE   QUAKER   COLONY.  195 

Some  acres  between  "  the  land  of  "VViccaco"  and  "  the  land 
of  Jurian  Hartsfielder"  were  granted  on  petition  in  1677 
to  one  Peter  Rambo,  but  on  the  complaint  of  a  neighbor- 
ing family,  who  laid  claim  to  it,  the  grant  was  cancelled. 
This  became  the  site  of  the  new  city. 

Penn  did  not  land  there.  His  voyage  from  England 
lasted  two  months,  and  on  its  way  the  Welcome  was 
scourged  by  the  small-pox,  which  swept  off  no  less  than 
one-third  of  the  hundred  passengers  who  had  embarked 
at  Deal.  The  first  point  on  the  American  coast  which  the 
vessel  reached  was  "  the  Capes,"  on  the  24th  of  October, 
1682,  and  on  the  28th  Penn  landed  at  New-Castle.  He 
was  "hailed  there  with  acclamation  by  the  Swedes  and 
Dutch,"  says  one  authority,  who  informs  us  that  the 
Swedes  were  living  in  log  cabins  and  clay  huts,  the  men 
dressed  "in  leather  breeches,  jerkins,  and  match  coats," 
the  women  "in  skin  jackets  and  linsey  petticoats;"  but 
the  old  records  of  New-Castle  give  a  more  stately  descrip- 
tion of  the  arrival.  Penn  produced  two  deeds  of  enfeoff- 
ment,  and  John  Moll,  Esq.,  and  Ephraim  Hannan,  gentle- 
man, performed  livery  of  seisin  by  handing  over  to  him 
turf  and  twig,  water  and  soil,  and  with  due  formality  the 
act  was  recorded  in  a  document  signed  with  nine  names. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  little  settlement  afterwards  gave  a 
pledge  of  obedience.  .  .  . 

After  this  Penn  visited  New  York,  and  returned  at  the 
end  of  a  month,  when  he  went  to  a  place  called  Upland, 
and,  turning  round  to  a  Quaker  friend  who  had  come  with 
him  in  the  Welcome,  he  said,  "Providence  has  brought  us 
here  safe ;  thou  hast  been  the  companion  of  my  perils :  what 
wilt  thou  that  I  should  call  this  place  ?"  Pearson  said, 
"  Chester,"  in  remembrance  of  the  city  whence  he  came.  .  .  . 

The  Great  Law,  as  it  was  called,  or  rather  the  body 
of  laws,  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  was  passed  at 


196  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STOTTGHTON 

Chester  the  7th  of  December,  1682 ;  and  here  we  have 
the  scheme  of  legislation  devised  by  the  founder.  It  re- 
quires attention,  as  expressing  his  political  views.  It 
lays  down  the  principle  of  liberty  of  conscience  for  the 
whole  province,  and  it  recognizes  intolerance  as  intolera- 
ble. "  If  any  person  shall  abuse  or  deride  any  other  for 
his  or  her  different  persuasion  or  practice  in  matter  of 
religion,  such  shall  be  looked  upon  as  disturber  of  the 
peace,  and  be  punished  accordingly."  The  observance  of 
the  Lord's  Day  is  prescribed,  but  is  not  enforced  by 
penalties.  All  government  officers  and  servants  are  to 
profess  belief  in  the  Divinity  of  Christ ;  profaneness  and 
blasphemy  are  to  be  punished,  and  several  criminal  of- 
fences are  carefully  specified.  Drinking  healths,  and  sell- 
ing rum  to  Indians,  come  under  the  same  category ;  so  do 
stage  plays,  and  other  amusements  fashionable  in  the  days 
of  Charles  II.  Days  and  months  are  not  to  be  called  by 
heathen  names.  These  are  the  only  peculiar  laws ;  the 
rest  being  provisions  for  trial  by  jury,  for  purity  of  elec- 
tion, and  for  strictly  legal  taxation. 

[This  code  bears  a  close  resemblance,  in  its  provisions  for  religious 
tolerance,  to  that  previously  passed  in  Maryland,  already  quoted.] 

The  Assembly  which  passed  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania 
sat  for  three  days,  and  after  its  adjournment  Penn  paid  a 
visit  to  Maryland,  and  had  an  interview  with  Lord  Balti- 
more respecting  the  boundaries  of  the  two  provinces.  .  .  . 
Penn  returned  to  Chester,  and  thence  proceeded  to  the 
spot  where,  in  after-time,  the  capital  city  of  his  province 
was  to  rise  and  spread  in  all  its  magnificence.  His  ar- 
rival is  an  event  of  great  interest ;  but  he  himself  has 
given  no  account  of  it,  nor  have  any  of  his  contempo- 
raries left  a  connected  description  of  the  circumstances. 
By  piecing  together  scattered  fragments  of  tradition,  how- 


STOUQHTON]  THE   QUAKER   COLONY.  197 

ever,  something  like  a  full  narrative  of  what  occurred 
may  be  constructed. 

He  proceeded  along  the  river  in  an  open  boat  till  he 
reached  "  a  low  and  sandy  beach,"  at  the  mouth  of  what 
was  called  the  Dock  Creek ;  on  the  opposite  side  of  it  was 
a  grassy  and  wet  soil,  yielding  an  abundance  of  whortle- 
berries ;  beyond  was  the  "  Society  Hill,"  rising  up  to  what 
is  now  Pine  Street,  covered  then  with  wild  outgrowths, — 
the  neighborhood  containing  woods  in  which  rose  lofty 
elms  and  masses  of  rich  laurels.  The  margin  of  the  creek 
here  and  there  produced  evergreen  shrubs,  and  near  them 
were  wigwams  of  red  Indians,  who  had  settled  down  for 
a  while  as  a  starting-point  for  favorite  hunting-grounds. 
"When  Penn  and  his  companions  arrived  they  found  some 
men  busy  building  a  low  wooden  house,  destined,  under 
the  name  of  the  Blue  Anchor,  to  be  an  object  of  interest 
and  a  subject  of  controversy.  These  men,  and  a  few 
European  colonists  who  were  scattered  about  the  locality, 
pressed  towards  the  boat  to  give  a  cordial  welcome  as  the 
Englishmen  stepped  on  shore. 

If  not  immediately,  we  may  be  sure  that  soon  afterwards 
the  Indians  would  come  forward  to  gaze  on  the  white  men 
from  the  other  side  of  the  world ;  and  then  would  begin 
those  manifestations  of  kindness  towards  the  children  of 
the  forest  which  made  an  indelible  impression  on  them, 
and  on  others  who  witnessed  the  interviews.  A  lady,  who 
lived  to  be  a  hundred,  used  to  speak  of  the  governor  as 
being  of  "rather  short  stature,  but  the  handsomest,  best- 
looking,  lively  gentleman  she  had  ever  seen."  "He  en- 
deared himself  to  the  Indians  by  his  marked  condescension 
and  acquiescence  in  their  wishes.  He  walked  with  them, 
sat  with  them  on  the  ground,  and  ate  with  them  of  their 
roasted  acorns  and  hominy.  At  this  they  expressed  their 
great  delight,  and  soon  began  to  show  how  they  could 
i.  17* 


198  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STOUGHTON 

hop  and  jump;  at  which  exhibition,  William  Penn,  to  cap 
the  climax,  sprang  up  and  beat  them  all."  Probably  a 
little  imagination  enlivened  the  old  lady's  recollections,  and 
she  condensed  several  meetings  into  one ;  but  as  Penn  was 
at  that  time  under  forty,  and  he  had  been  fond  of  active 
sports  in  earlier  days,  the  story,  on  the  whole,  is  quite 
credible ;  and  it  is  curious  to  find  an  old  journalist  leaving 
on  record  that  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania  was  "  too  prone 
to  cheerfulness  for  a  grave  public  Friend,"  especially  in  the 
eye  of  those  of  them  who  held  "religion  harsh,  intolerant, 
severe." 

Blue  Anchor  Tavern  was  pulled  down  years  ago,  but 
some  archaeological  Philadelphians  still  preserve  relics  of 
the  old  timbers. 

The  city  had  been  planned  beforehand,  the  streets 
marked,  and  the  names  given  ;  and  these  being  Vine,  Wal- 
nut, Pine,  Sassafras,  and  Cedar,  we  may  believe  that  such 
trees  abounded  in  the  woods  into  the  midst  of  which  the 
city  ran.  The  name  of  Philadelphia  was  chosen  by  the 
founder,  its  scriptural  and  historical  associations  being 
probably  present  to  his  mind;  but  the  chief  object  of  the 
choice  was  a  lesson  to  its  inhabitants  "  touching  broth- 
erly love,  upon  which  he  had  come  to  these  parts,  which  he 
had  shown  to  Dutch,  Swedes,  Indians,  and  others  alike, 
and  which  he  wished  might  forever  characterize  his  new 
dominions." 

[The  fact  stated  concerning  the  founding  of  Philadelphia  is  of  in- 
terest, since  it  seems  to  be  the  only  city  that  was  planned  and  definitely 
laid  out  by  the  early  settlers  of  America.  The  other  ancient  cities 
of  the  country  grew  as  chance  willed.  The  rectangularity  of  Penn's 
idea  has  its  advantages,  but  its  disadvantages  as  well,  and  some  greater 
degree  of  chance  growth  would  have  been  useful.  Penn  is  said  to 
have  purchased  the  land  for  his  city  from  its  Swedish  occupants,  and 
to  have  made  with  the  Indians  a  treaty,  which  has  attained  great  celeb- 
rity, though  very  little  is  known  about  it.] 


STOUGHTON]  THE   QUAKER   COLONY.  199 

The  Treaty-Elm  locality — the  spot  where  stood  the  tra- 
ditionary elm — is  known,  and  is  identified  by  a  monument 
on  the  spot ;  but  as  to  the  treaty  said  to  have  been  ratified 
there,  imagination  has  had  play,  for  historical  information 
is  wanting.  Everybody  has  seen  Benjamin  West's  picture 
of  the  treaty  between  Penn  and  the  Indians,  and  the  artist's 
fancy  has  been  made  the  basis  of  historical  description. 
So  unsatisfactory  was  the  state  of  the  question  years  ago, 
that  the  Historical  Society  of  Philadelphia  appointed  a 
committee  of  inquiry.  They  reported  that  a  treaty  did 
take  place,  probably  in  November,  1682  [this  date  does 
not  agree  with  that  of  Penn's  first  visit  to  Philadelphia  as 
above  given],  at  Shackamaxon,  under  an  elm-tree  blown 
down  in  1810.  The  treaty  was  probably  made  with  the 
Delaware  tribes  as  "  a  treaty  of  amity  and  friendship," 
and  not  for  the  purchase  of  territory.  The  speeches  made, 
the  dresses  worn,  and  the  surrounding  scene,  appear  now 
to  be  altogether  fictitious. 

Materials,  however,  exist  for  forming  some  idea  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  treaty  would  be  conducted.  "  I  have 
had  occasion,"  says  Penn,  "to  be  in  council  with  them 
upon  treaties  for  land,  and  to  adjust  the  terms  of  trade. 
Their  order  is  thus : 

"The  king  sits  in  the  middle  of  an  half-moon,  and  has 
his  council,  the  old  and  wise,  on  each  hand.  Behind  them, 
or  at  a  little  distance,  sit  the  younger  fry,  in  the  same 
figure.  Having  consulted  and  resolved  their  business,  the 
king  ordered  one  of  them  to  speak  to  me.  He  stood  up, 
came  to  me,  and  in  the  name  of  his  king  saluted  me,  then 
took  me  by  the  hand,  and  told  me  that  he  was  ordered  by 
his  king  to  speak  to  me,  and  that  now  it  was  not  he  but 
the  king  who  spoke,  because  what  he  should  say  was  the 
king's  mind.  He  first  prayed  with  me  to  excuse  them 
that  they  had  not  complied  with  me  the  last  time.  He 


200  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STOUGHTON 

feared  there  might  be  some  fault  in  the  interpreter,  being 
neither  Indian  nor  English.  Besides,  it  was  the  Indian 
custom  to  deliberate  and  take  up  much  time  in  council 
before  they  resolved ;  and  that  if  the  young  people  and 
owners  of  the  land  had  been  as  ready  as  he,  I  had  not 
met  with  so  much  delay.  Having  thus  introduced  his 
matter,  he  fell  to  the  bounds  of  the  land  they  had  agreed 
to  dispose  of,  and  the  price,  which  now  is  little  and  dear ; 
that  which  would  have  bought  twenty  miles  not  buy- 
ing now  two.  During  the  time  that  this  person  spoke, 
not  a  man  of  them  was  observed  to  whisper  or  smile,  the 
old  grave,  the  young  reverent,  in  their  deportment.  They 
speak  little,  but  fervently,  and  with  elegance.  I  have 
never  seen  more  natural  sagacity,  considering  them  with- 
out the  help  (I  was  going  to  say  the  spoil)  of  tradition  ; 
and  he  will  deserve  the  name  of  wise  who  outwits  them 
in  any  treaty  about  a  thing  they  understand.  When  the 
purchase  was  agreed,  great  promises  passed  between  us 
of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the  English 
and  Indians  must  live  in  love  as  long  as  the  sun  gave 
light ;  which  done,  another  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians 
in  the  name  of  all  the  sachamakers  or  kings ;  first,  to  tell 
them  what  was  done;  next,  to  charge  and  command  them 
to  love  the  Christians,  and  particularly  to  live  in  peace 
with  me  and  the  people  under  my  government ;  that 
many  governors  had  been  in  the  river,  but  that  no  gov- 
ernor had  come  himself  to  live  and  stay  there  before  ; 
and  having  now  such  an  one,  who  had  treated  them  well, 
they  should  never  do  him  or  his  any  wrong;  at  every 
sentence  of  which  they  shouted,  and  said  Amen  in  their 
way." 

[It  is  stated  that  by  the  terms  of  one  of  Penn's  treaties  of  land- 
purchase  with  the  Indians,  the  land  granted  was  to  extend  as  far  back 


STOTTGHTON]  THE   qUAKER   COLONY.  201 

as  a  man  could  walk  in  three  days.  Penn  and  some  of  his  friends, 
and  a  number  of  Indian  chiefs,  started  to  measure  this  territory,  and 
walked  leisurely  up  the  Delaware  from  the  mouth  of  the  Neshaminy 
for  a  day  and  a  half,  and  then  stopped,  concluding  that  that  was  suffi- 
cient for  the  present,  and  that  the  remainder  might  be  measured  when 
needed.  In  1733  the  then  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  undertook  to 
measure  the  remainder.  He  employed  a  walker  noted  for  his  speed, 
who  succeeded  in  covering  eighty-six  miles  in  his  day  and  a  half. 
This  shrewd  and  rascally  trick  caused  the  first  breach  in  the  confidence 
of  the  Indians,  and  it  is  significant  that  the  first  murder  of  a  white 
man  by  an  Indian  in  Pennsylvania  was  upon  the  ground  of  which 
they  had  been  thus  robbed.] 

"When  Penn  had  enjoyed  possession  of  his  territory  a 
little  while,  he  wrote  an  account  of  it  to  the  "  Free  Society 
of  Traders  of  Pennsylvania,"  and  in  it  he  manifests  a  power 
of  graphic  description  really  admirable.  It  brings  the  whole 
country  vividly  before  our  eyes ;  the  land,  "  the  best  vales 
of  England  watered  by  brooks ;  the  air,  sweet ;  the  heavens, 
serene  like  the  south  of  France;  the  seasons,  mild  and 
temperate ;  vegetable  productions  abundant,  chestnut,  wal- 
nut, plums,  muscatel  grapes,  wheat  and  other  grain;  a 
variety  of  animals,  elk,  deer,  squirrel,  and  turkeys  weighing 
forty  or  fifty  pounds,  water-birds  and  fish  of  divers  kinds, 
no  want  of  horses ;  and  flowers  lovely  for  color,  greatness, 
figure,  and  variety."  .  .  . 

"  Philadelphia,  the  expectation  of  those  who  are  concerned 
in  this  province,  is  at  last  laid  out,  to  the  great  content  of 
those  here  who  are  any  way  interested  therein.  The  situation 
is  a  neck  of  land,  and  lieth  between  two  navigable  rivers, 
Delaware  and  Sculkill,  whereby  it  hath  two  fronts  upon  the 
water,  each  a  mile ;  and  two  from  river  to  river.  Delaware 
is  a  glorious  river ;  but  the  Sculkill,  being  a  hundred  miles 
boatable  above  the  falls,  and  its  course  northwest  toward 
the  fountain  of  Susquehanna  (that  tends  to  the  heart  of 
the  province,  and  both  sides  our  own),  it  is  like  to  be  a 


202  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STOUGHTON 

great  part  of  the  settlement  of  this  age.  I  say  little  of  the 
town  itself,  because  a  platform  will  soon  be  shown  you  by 
my  agent,  in  which  those  who  are  purchasers  of  me  will 
find  their  names  and  interests.  But  this  I  will  say,  for  the 
good  providence  of  God,  of  all  the  places  I  have  seen  in  the 
world,  I  remember  not  one  better  seated  ;  so  that  it  seems  to 
me  to  have  been  appointed  for  a  town,  whether  we  regard 
the  rivers,  or  the  conveniency  of  the  coves,  docks,  and 
springs,  the  loftiness  and  soundness  of  the  land,  and  the 
air,  held  by  the  people  of  these  parts  to  be  very  good.  It 
is  advanced  within  less  than  a  year  to  about  fourscore 
houses  and  cottages,  such  as  they  are,  where  merchants  and 
handicrafts  are  following  their  vocations  as  fast  as  they  can ; 
while  the  countrymen  are  close  at  their  farms." 

[Within  two  years  of  his  arrival  the  infant  city  contained  three 
hundred  houses,  and  the  population  was  reckoned  at  two  thousand 
five  hundred.  Penn  returned  to  England  in  1684.  There  he  met  with 
misfortunes,  and  in  1692  his  proprietary  right  was  taken  from  him ; 
but  it  was  restored  in  1694.  In  1699  he  again  visited  America.  He 
found  the  people  dissatisfied,  and  demanding  further  concessions  and 
privileges.  He  framed  a  new  charter,  more  liberal  than  the  former. 
The  city  now  contained  seven  hundred  houses,  and  was  very  pros- 
perous. He  returned  to  England  in  1701,  after  having  made  new 
treaties  with  the  Indians  and  done  all  in  his  power  to  settle  the  affairs 
of  his  province.  He  died  in  1718,  leaving  his  interest  in  Pennsylvania 
to  his  sons.  It  continued  in  the  family  until  the  Kevolution,  when 
the  claims  of  the  Proprietors  were  purchased  by  the  commonwealth 
for  a  value  of  about  five  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars.] 


WILLIAMSON]  THE  "  GRAND  MODEL"  GOVERNMENT.     203 
THE  "GRAND  MODEL"  GOVERNMENT. 

HUGH   WILLIAMSON. 

[The  settlement  of  the  three  southern  colonies  of  the  United  States 
may  be  dealt  with  briefly,  as  it  was  attended  with  no  events  of  special 
importance.  Of  these  colonies  Georgia  was  not  settled  until  1732.  The 
consideration  of  it,  therefore,  properly  belongs  to  the  succeeding  sec- 
tion of  this  work.  The  provinces  of  North  and  South  Carolina  origi- 
nally constituted  but  one.  We  have  already  described  the  early  ef- 
forts to  colonize  this  region,  those  of  Ribaut  at  Port  Eoyal  and  of 
Raleigh  on  Roanoke  Island.  About  1630,  Sir  Robert  Heath  was 
granted  a  tract  embracing  the  Carolinas,  but  no  settlements  were  made 
under  the  grant.  The  earliest  emigrants  came  from  Virginia  about 
1650.  In  1663  the  province  of  Carolina  was  granted  to  Lord  Claren- 
don and  seven  others.  The  charter  secured  religious  freedom  and  a 
voice  in  legislation  to  the  people,  but  retained  the  main  power  and 
privilege  in  the  hands  of  the  proprietaries.  In  1660  or  1661  a  party 
of  New-Englanders  settled  on  Cape  Fear  River  near  Wilmington. 
The  settlement  was  soon  abandoned,  on  account  of  Indian  hostilities, 
but  a  permanent  colony  was  established  in  the  same  locality  in  1665, 
by  a  party  of  planters  from  Barbadoes. 

The  charter  of  the  proprietaries  embraced  the  whole  region  from 
Virginia  to  Florida,  and  in  1670  a  colony  was  planted  on  the  Ashley 
River,  in  the  South  Carolina  region,  which  was  known  as  the  Carteret 
County  Colony,  on  the  site  of  Old  Charleston.  Slaves  from  Barba- 
does were  soon  introduced,  Dutch  settlers  came  from  New  Netherland, 
then  recently  taken  by  the  English,  and  afterwards  from  Holland,  a 
colony  of  Huguenot  refugees  from  France  was  sent  out  by  the  King 
of  England,  and  the  new  settlement  prospered.  In  1680  the  city  of 
Charleston  was  founded,  and  was  at  once  declared  the  capital  of  the 
province.  The  growth  of  the  settlements  in  North  Carolina  was  less 
rapid,  many  of  the  colonists  removing  south,  while  domestic  dissen- 
sions retarded  prosperity. 

The  most  interesting  feature  attending  the  colonization  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Carolina,  however,  was  the  remarkable  system  of  government 
devised,  at  the  request  of  the  proprietaries,  by  the  celebrated  English 
philosopher  John  Locke.  Made  in  the  retirement  of  his  study,  and 
based  upon  conditions  of  society  utterly  unlike  those  of  the  thinly-. 


204  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [WILLIAMSON 

settled  wilderness  of  America,  Locke's  scheme  was  absurdly  unsuited 
to  the  purpose  designed,  while  its  autocratic  character  was  entirely 
out  of  accordance  with  the  democratic  sentiments  of  the  settlers.  As 
a  strenuous  effort,  however,  was  made  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of 
this  magnificently-absurd  "Grand  Model"  of  government,  we  may 
give  its  leading  features,  as  epitomized  by  Hugh  Williamson  in  his 
"History  of  North  Carolina."] 

As  it  was  to  be  expected  that  a  great  and  fertile  province 
would  become  the  residence  of  a  numerous  and  powerful 
body  of  people,  the  lords  proprietors  thought  fit  in  the 
infant  state  of  these  colonies  to  establish  a  permanent  form 
of  government.  Their  object,  as  they  expressed  them- 
selves, was  "to  make  the  government  of  Carolina  agree, 
as  nearly  as  possible,  to  the  monarchy  of  which  it  was  a 
part,  and  to  avoid  erecting  a  numerous  democracy."  Lord 
Ashley,  one  of  the  proprietors,  who  was  afterwards  created 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  a  man  of  fine  talents,  was  requested 
by  the  proprietors  to  prepare  a  form  of  government ;  but 
he  availed  himself  of  the  abilities  of  John  Locke,  the  cele- 
brated philosopher  and  metaphysician,  who  drew  up  a  plan, 
consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  articles  or  fundamen- 
tal constitutions,  of  which  the  following  are  the  outlines : 

Carolina  shall  be  divided  into  counties.  Each  county 
shall  consist  of  eight  signiories,  eight  baronies,  and  four 
precincts.  Each  precinct  shall  consist  of  six  colonies. 
Each  signiory,  barony,  or  colony  shall  consist  of  twelve 
thousand  acres.  The  signiories  shall  be  annexed  unaliena- 
bly  to  the  proprietors  ;  the  baronies,  to  the  nobility ;  and 
the  precincts,  being  three-fifths  of  the  whole,  shall  remain 
to  the  people.  .  .  . 

There  shall  be  two  orders  of  nobility,  chosen  by  the  pro- 
prietors,— viz.,  landgraves  and  casiques. 

There  shall  be  as  many  landgraves  as  counties,  and  twice 
as  many  casiques. 


WILLIAMSON]  THE  "  GRAND  MODEL"  GOVERNMENT.     205 

Each  landgrave  shall  hold  four  baronies,  and  each  casique 
two  baronies. 

[From  the  year  1701  the  proprietaries  and  nobility  were  to  be  in- 
alienably hereditary.] 

There  may  be  manors,  to  consist  of  not  less  than  three 
thousand  acres  or  more  than  twelve  thousand  in  one  tract 
or  colony. 

The  lord  of  every  signiory,  barony,  or  manor  shall  have 
the  power  of  holding  court  leet.  for  trying  causes  civil  or 
criminal,  with  appeal  to  the  precinct  or  county  court. 

No  leet  man  shall  remove  from  the  land  of  his  lord 
without  permission. 

There  shall  be  eight  supreme  courts.  The  oldest  pro- 
prietor shall  be  palatine ;  and  each  of  the  other  proprie- 
tors shall  hold  a  great  office, — viz.,  the  several  offices  of 
chancellor,  chief  justice,  constable,  admiral,  treasurer,  high 
steward,  and  chamberlain. 

[The  formation  of  the  courts  of  the  proprietors  is  here  laid  down, 
and  the  various  officers  are  designated.] 

Of  the  forty-two  counsellors,  in  the  several  courts,  the 
greater  number  shall  be  chosen  out  of  the  nobles  or  the 
sons  of  proprietors  or  nobles. 

There  shall  be  a  grand  council,  which  is  to  consist  of  the 
palatine,  the  other  seven  proprietors,  and  the  forty-two 
counsellors  from  the  courts  of  the  several  proprietors. 
They  shall  have  the  power  of  making  war  and  peace, 
etc. 

[The  formation  of  the  minor  courts  is  then  designated.] 

No  cause  of  any  freeman,  civil  or  criminal,  shall  be  tried 
in  any  court,  except  by  a  jury  of  his  peers. 

Juries  are  to  consist  of  twelve  men,  of  whom  it  shall  be 
sufficient  that  a  majority  are  agreed, 
i.  18 


206  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [WILLIAMSON 

It  shall  bo  a  base  and  infamous  thing,  in  any  court,  to 
plead  for  money  or  reward. 

The  parliament  shall  meet  once  every  two  years.  It  shall 
consist  of  all  the  proprietors  or  their  deputies,  the  land- 
graves, the  casiques,  and  one  commoner  from  each  precinct, 
chosen  by  the  freeholders  in  their  respective  precincts. 
These  four  estates  shall  sit  in  one  room,  each  man  having 
one  vote.  .  .  . 

No  matter  shall  be  proposed  in  parliament  that  had  not 
previously  been  prepared  and  passed  by  the  grand  council. 

No  act  shall  continue  in  force  longer  than  to  the  next 
biennial  meeting  of  parliament,  unless  in  the  mean  time  it 
shall  have  been  ratified  by  the  palatine  and  a  quorum  of 
the  proprietors. 

While  a  bill  is  on  its  passage  before  the  parliament,  any 
proprietor  or  his  deputy  may  enter  his  protest  against  it, 
as  being  contrary  to  any  of  the  fundamental  constitutions 
of  government.  In  which  case,  after  debate,  the  four  orders 
shall  retire  to  four  separate  chambers ;  and  if  a  majority 
of  either  of  the  four  estates  determines  against  the  bill,  it 
shall  not  pass.  .  .  . 

The  Church  of  England  being  deemed  the  only  true 
orthodox  church,  no  provision  shall  be  made  by  parliament 
for  any  other  church.  .  .  . 

No  man,  above  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  shall  have 
any  benefit  of  the  laws,  whose  name  is  not  recorded  as  a 
member  of  some  church  or  religious  profession. 

These  fundamental  and  unalterable  constitutions  were 
signed  by  the  lords  proprietors  the  first  of  March,  1669. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  some  of  the  articles 
that  are  contained  in  this  plan  of  government,  except  by  re- 
curring to  the  old  adage  that  respects  Scylla  and  Charybdis. 

The  proprietors,  or  some  of  them,  had  lately  smarted 
under  a  government  that  was  called  republican.  They 


WILLIAMSON]  THE  "GRAND  MODEL"  GOVERNMENT.     207 

were  zealous  royalists ;  and  they  expected,  by  the  help  of  a 
powerful  aristocracy,  to  obviate  the  return  of  republican 
measures;  but  we  are  sorry  to  find  among  the  works  of 
John  Locke,  who  was  an  advocate  for  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  a  plan  of  government  that  in  some  articles  does  not 
consist  with  either. 

It  will  readily  be  perceived  that  a  government  to  be  ad- 
ministered by  nobles  was  not  well  adapted  to  a  country 
in  which  there  was  not  one  nobleman.  .  .  .  The  lords  pro- 
prietors, in  the  mean  time,  resolved  to  come  as  near  to 
the  great  model  as  possible.  For  this  purpose,  Governor 
Stevens  of  Albemarle  and  Sayle  of  Carteret  were  instructed 
to  issue  writs  requiring  the  freeholders  to  elect  five  persons, 
who,  with  five  others  to  be  chosen  by  the  proprietors,  were 
to  form  a  grand  council  for  the  governor. 

The  parliament  was  to  be  composed  of  this  great  council 
and  twenty  delegates,  who  were  also  to  be  chosen  by  the 
freemen.  In  the  mean  time  the  proprietors  made  tem- 
porary laws  for  the  preservation  of  good  order  in  the 
several  colonies, — laws  that  were  little  respected  by  men 
who  had  not  been  consulted  in  forming  them. 

[Locke's  governmental  scheme  never  took  root  in  Carolina.  It  was 
a  government  of  theory,  not  the  result  of  a  natural  growth,  as  all 
persistent  government  must  be,  and  was  utterly  unsuited  to  the  condi- 
tions of  a  thinly-settled  colony  inhabiting  a  wilderness  and  composed 
of  persons  little  disposed  to  submit  to  regulations  more  aristocratic 
than  those  from  which  they  had  emigrated.  The  plain  and  simple 
laws  under  which  the  colonists  had  previously  lived  were  suited  to 
their  circumstances,  while  the  "great  model,"  with  its  nobles,  pala- 
tines, and  other  grand  officers,  was  in  ridiculous  contrast  with  the 
actually  existing  condition  of  sparse  population,  rude  cabins,  and 
pioneer  habits.  A  strong  effort  was  made  to  establish  it,  but  the 
people  effectually  resisted,  and,  after  twenty  years  of  contest,  Locke's 
constitution,  which  had  simply  kept  the  country  in  a  state  of  discord, 
was  voluntarily  abrogated  by  the  proprietaries.] 


208  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Du  PBATZ 

LOUISIANA  AND  THE  NATCHEZ. 

LE   PAGE   DU  PRATZ. 

[One  more  colony  whose  settlement  was  effected  in  the  seventeenth 
century  here  demands  attention, — that  of  Louisiana.  After  the  death 
of  De  Soto  on  the  Mississippi,  in  1642,  that  great  river  was  not  visited 
by  the  whites  until  more  than  a  century  had  elapsed.  It  was  next 
reached,  in  its  upper  courses,  by  Jesuit  missionaries  from  Canada, 
whose  efforts  to  convert  the  heathen  made  them  among  the  most 
daring  and  persistent  explorers  of  the  interior  of  America.  As  early 
as  1634  they  penetrated  the  wilderness  to  Lake  Huron,  and  established 
missions  among  the  savages  of  that  region.  [Failing  in  similar  efforts 
to  convert  the  Iroquois,  they  pushed  farther  west,  and  in  1665  Father 
Allouez  reached  Lake  Superior,  and  landed  at  the  great  village  of 
the  Chippewas.  Learning  from  the  Indians  of  the  existence  of  a 
great  river  to  the  westward,  called  by  them  the  Mes-cha-ce-be,  or 
"  Father  of  Waters,"  two  missionaries,  Marquette  and  Joliet,  set  out 
from  Green  Bay  to  make  its  discovery,  under  the  illusory  hope  that  it 
might  furnish  the  long-sought  water-way  to  China.  They  reached 
the  stream  on  June  17,  1673,  and  floated  down  it  as  far  as  the  mouth 
of  the  Arkansas,  where  they  found  the  natives  in  possession  of  Euro- 
pean articles,  and  became  convinced  that  the  river  must  flow  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  Mississippi  was  again  reached,  in  1680,  by  Father  Hennepin, 
the  advance  pioneer  of  the  exploring  party  under  La  Salle,  who  had 
set  out  to  investigate  thoroughly  the  great  river.  Hennepin  ascended 
the  stream  to  beyond  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  where  he  was  held 
captive  for  a  while  by  the  Sioux  Indians.  La  Salle  did  not  reach  the 
Mississippi  until  two  years  afterwards,  when  he  embarked  on  its 
mighty  flood,  and  floated  down  it  until  its  mouth  was  reached  and 
the  adventurers  found  themselves  on  the  broad  surface  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  To  the  territories  through  which  he  passed  he  gave  the 
name  of  Louisiana,  in  honor  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France.  In  1684  he 
sailed  from  France,  with  a  party  of  settlers,  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  which,  however,  he  failed  to  find,  landing  his  colonists 
at  the  head  of  Matagorda  Bay,  in  Texas.  La  Salle  was  afterwards 
murdered  while  journeying  overland  to  the  Illinois,  and  the  Matagorda 
Bay  settlement  was  broken  up  by  Indian  hostility. 


Du  PRATZ]     LOUISIANA  AND   THE  NATCHEZ.  209 

In  Upper  Louisiana  a  Jesuit  mission  was  established  in  1685  at 
Kaskaskia,  the  first  permanent  colony  in  the  Mississippi  region.  In 
1698,  Lemoine  d'Iberville,  a  French  officer,  obtained  a  patent  for 
planting  a  colony  in  the  southern  part  of  the  territory.  He  succeeded 
in  finding  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  was  the  first  to  enter  that 
stream  from  the  sea.  He  sailed  up  it  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Ked 
Kiver,  and,  returning,  erected  a  fort  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Biloxi. 
It  proved  an  unhealthy  station,  and  in  1701  he  removed  the  colonists 
to  the  western  bank  of  the  Mobile  River,  thus  founding  the  first  Euro- 
pean settlement  in  Alabama.  The  colonizing  of  southern  Louisiana 
proved  a  slow  process.  At  successive  periods  colonists  arrived  there, 
but  no  permanency  was  attained  until  1718,  when  John  Law,  the 
promoter  of  the  notorious  "Mississippi  Company,"  sent  out  eight 
hundred  emigrants.  Some  of  these  settled  on  the  Bay  of  Biloxi,  some 
on  the  site  of  New  Orleans.  With  this  party  was  Du  Pratz,  the 
historian  of  the  colony.  The  subsequent  disastrous  failure  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi Company  did  not  break  up  the  colony,  though  the  scattered 
settlements  found  themselves  environed  with  many  difficulties,  chief 
among  which  were  troubles  with  hostile  Indians.  These  difficulties 
were  principally  with  the  Natchez,  who  massacred  a  French  settle- 
ment and  were  in  turn  totally  destroyed,  and  with  the  Chickasaws, 
who  held  their  own  valiantly  against  the  French,  after  a  war  of  several 
years'  duration.  We  append,  from  Du  Pratz's  "  History  of  Louisi- 
ana," his  curiously-interesting  story  of  the  war  with  the  Natchez,  a 
tribe  which  was  in  several  respects  the  most  remarkable  among  the 
Indians  of  the  region  of  the  United  States.  We  have  already,  in  our 
article  on  the  Aborigines  of  America,  described  its  principal  peculi- 
arities.] 

IN  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  December,  1729,  we 
heard  at  New  Orleans,  with  the  most  affecting  grief,  of 
the  massacre  of  the  French  at  the  post  of  the  Natchez, 
occasioned  by  the  imprudent  conduct  of  the  commandant. 
I  shall  trace  that  whole  affair  from  its  rise. 

The  Sieur  de  Chopart  had  been  commandant  of  the  post 
of  the  Natchez,  from  which  he  was  removed  on  account 
of  some  acts  of  injustice.  M.  Perier,  commandant-gen- 
eral, but  lately  arrived,  suffered  himself  to  be  prepossessed 
i.— o  18* 


210  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Du  PRATZ 

in  his  favor,  on  his  telling  him  that  he  had  commanded 
that  post  with  applause;  and  thus  he  obtained  the  com- 
mand from  M.  Perier,  who  was  unacquainted  with  his 
character. 

This  new  commandant,  on  taking  possession  of  his  post, 
projected  the  forming  one  of  the  most  eminent  settlements 
of  the  whole  colony.  For  this  purpose  he  examined  all 
the  grounds  unoccupied  by  the  French,  but  could  not  find 
anything  that  came  up  to  the  grandeur  of  his  views. 
Nothing  but  the  village  of  the  White  Apple,  a  square 
league  at  least  in  extent,  could  give  him  satisfaction ; 
where  he  immediately  resolved  to  settle.  This  ground 
was  distant  from  the  fort  about  two  leagues.  Conceited 
with  the  beauty  of  his  project,  the  commandant  sent  for 
the  Sun  of  that  village  to  come  to  the  fort. 

The  commandant,  upon  his  arrival  at  the  fort,  told  him, 
without  further  ceremony,  that  he  must  look  out  for  an- 
other ground  to  build  his  village  on,  as  he  himself  resolved, 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  build  on  the  village  of  the  Apple; 
that  he  must  directly  clear  the  huts  and  retire  somewhere 
else.  The  better  to  cover  his  design,  he  gave  out  that  it 

O       i  O 

was  necessary  for  the  French  to  settle  on  the  banks  of 
the  rivulet  where  stood  the  Great  Village  and  the  abode 
of  the  Grand  Sun.  The  commandant,  doubtless,  supposed 
that  he  was  speaking  to  a  slave  whom  we  may  command 
in  a  tone  of  absolute  authority.  But  he  knew  not  that 
the  natives  of  Louisiana  are  such  enemies  to  a  state  of 
slavery  that  they  prefer  death  itself  thereto;  above  all, 
the  Suns,  accustomed  to  govern  despotically,  have  still  a 
greater  aversion  to  it. 

The  Sun  of  the  Apple  thought  that  if  he  was  talked  to 
in  a  reasonable  manner  he  might  listen  to  him;  in  this  he 
had  been  right,  had  he  to  deal  with  a  reasonable  person. 
He  therefore  made  answer  that  his  ancestors  had  lived  in 


Du  PRATZ]     LOUISIANA   AND   THE  NATCHEZ.  211 

that  village  for  as  many  years  as  there  were  hairs  in  his 
double  cue,  and  therefore  it  was  good  they  should  continue 
there  still. 

Scarce  had  the  interpreter  explained  this  answer  to  the 
commandant,  but  he  fell  into  a  passion,  and  threatened  the 
Sun  if  he  did  not  quit  his  village  in  a  few  days  he  might 
repent  it.  The  Sun  replied,  when  the  French  came  to  ask 
us  for  lands  to  settle  on,  they  told  us  there  was  land 
enough  still  unoccupied,  which  they  might  take  ;  the  same 
sun  would  enlighten  them  all,  and  all  would  walk  in  the 

O  ' 

same  path.  He  wanted  to  proceed  further  in  justification 
of  what  he  alleged ;  but  the  commandant,  who  was  in  a 
passion,  told  him  he  was  resolved  to  be  obeyed,  without 
any  further  reply.  The  Sun,  without  discovering  any 
emotion  or  passion,  withdrew,  only  saying  he  was  going 
to  assemble  the  old  men  of  his  village,  to  hold  a  council 
on  this  affair. 

[At  this  council  it  was  resolved  to  represent  to  the  French  that  the 
corn  was  just  out  of  the  ground  and  the  chickens  were  laying  their 
eggs,  and  to  ask  for  delay.  This  the  commandant  rejected,  with  a 
threat  to  chastise  them  if  they  did  not  obey  quickly.  It  was  next 
proposed  that  each  hut  in  the  village  would  pay  him  a  basket  of  corn 
and  a  fowl  for  the  privilege  of  remaining  till  the  harvest  had  been 
gathered.  To  this  the  avaricious  commandant  agreed.  But  the  Sun 
had  other  objects  in  view.  Meetings  of  the  old  men  of  the  village 
were  held,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  destroy  the  insolent  intruders 
who  had  treated  them  like  slaves  and  soon  would  deprive  them  of  all 
their  liberty.  It  was  proposed  to  cut  off  the  French  to  a  man,  in  a 
single  hour.  The  oldest  chief  advised  that,  on  the  day  fixed  for  the 
contribution,  the  warriors  should  carry  some  corn  to  the  commandant, 
as  an  instalment  on  their  payment.  He  further  advised  them] 

"  also  to  carry  with  them  their  arms,  as  if  going  out  to 
hunt,  and  that  to  every  Frenchman  in  a  French  house  there 
shall  be  two  or  three  Natchez;  to  ask  to  borrow  arms  and 
ammunition  for  a  general  hunting-match  on  account  of 


212  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Du  PRATZ 

a  great  feast,  and  to  promise  to  bring  them  meat ;  the 
report  of  the  firing  at  the  commandant's  to  be  the  signal  to 
fall  at  once  upon  and  kill  the  French  ;  that  then  we  shall 
be  able  to  prevent  those  who  may  come  from  the  old  French 
village  (New  Orleans)  by  the  great  water  (Mississippi)  ever 
to  settle  here." 

He  added  that,  after  apprising  the  other  nations  of  the 
necessity  of  taking  that  violent  step,  a  bundle  of  rods  in 
number  equal  to  that  they  should  reserve  for  themselves 
should  be  left  with  each  nation,  expressive  of  the  number 
of  days  that  were  to  precede  that  on  which  they  were  to 
strike  the  blow  at  one  and  the  same  time.  And  to  avoid 
mistakes,  and  to  be  exact  in  pulling  out  a  rod  every  day 
and  breaking  and  throwing  it  away,  it  was  necessary  to 
give  this  in  charge  to  a  person  of  prudence.  Here  he 
ceased,  and  sat  down.  They  all  approved  his  counsel,  and 
were  to  a  man  of  his  mind. 

The  project  was  in  like  manner  approved  of  by  the  Sun 
of  the  Apple ;  the  business  was  to  bring  over  the  Grand 
Sun,  with  the  other  petty  Suns,  to  their  opinion;  because, 
all  the  princes  being  agreed  as  to  that  point,  the  nation 
would  all  to  a  man  implicitly  obey.  They,  however,  took 
the  precaution  to  forbid  apprising  the  women  thereof,  not 
excepting  the  female  Suns  (princesses),  or  giving  them  the 
least  suspicion  of  their  designs  against  the  French. 

[Within  a  short  time  the  Grand  Sun,  the  Stung  Serpent,  his  uncle, 
and  all  the  Suns  and  aged  nobles,  were  brought  into  the  scheme.  It 
was  kept  secret  from  the  people,  and  none  but  the  female  Suns  had  a 
right  to  demand  the  object  of  these  many  meetings.  The  grand  female 
Sun  was  a  princess  scarce  eighteen,  but  the  Stung  Arm,  mother  of  the 
Grand  Sun,  a  woman  of  experience,  and  well  disposed  towards  the 
French,  induced  her  son  to  tell  her  of  the  scheme  which  had  been 
devised.  He  also  told  her  that  the  bundle  of  rods  lay  in  the  temple.] 

The  Stung  Arm,  being  informed  of  the  whole  design, 


Du  PKATZ]    LOUISIANA  AND   THE  NATCHEZ.  213 

pretended  to  approve  of  it,  and,  leaving  her  son  at  ease, 
henceforward  was  only  solicitous  how  she  might  defeat  this 
barbarous  design :  the  time  was  pressing,  and  the  term  pre- 
fixed for  the  execution  was  almost  expired. 

[She  vainly  attempted  to  convey  a  warning  to  the  commandant. 
The  hints  of  danger  she  sent  him  by  soldiers  were  blindly  ignored.] 

The  Stung  Arm,  fearing  a  discovery,  notwithstanding 
her  utmost  precaution  and  the  secrecy  she  enjoined,  re- 
paired to  the  temple  and  pulled  some  rods  out  of  the  fatal 
bundle ;  her  design  was  to  hasten  or  forward  the  term  pre- 
fixed, to  the  end  that  such  Frenchmen  as  escaped  the 
massacre  might  apprise  their  countrymen,  many  of  whom 
had  informed  the  commandant,  who  clapt  seven  of  them  in 
irons,  treating  them  as  cowards  on  that  account.  .  .  . 

Notwithstanding  all  these  informations,  the  commandant 
went  out  the  night  before  [the  fatal  day]  on  a  party  of 
pleasure,  with  some  other  Frenchmen,  to  the  grand  village 
of  the  Natchez,  without  returning  to  the  fort  till  break  of 
day ;  where  he  was  no  sooner  come,  but  he  had  pressing 
advice  to  be  upon  his  guard. 

The  commandant,  still  flustered  with  his  last  night's 
debauch,  added  imprudence  to  his  neglect  of  these  last 
advices,  and  ordered  his  interpreter  instantly  to  repair  to 
the  grand  village  and  demand  of  the  Grand  Sun  whether 
he  intended,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  to  come  and  kill 
the  French,  and  to  bring  him  word  directly.  The  Grand 
Sun,  though  but  a  young  man,  knew  how  to  dissemble,  and 
spoke  in  such  a  manner  to  the  interpreter  as  to  give  full 
satisfaction  to  the  commandant,  who  valued  himself  on  his 
contempt  of  former  advices :  he  then  repaired  to  his  house, 
situate  below  the  fort. 

The  Natchez  had  too  well  taken  their  measures  to  be 
disappointed  in  the  success  thereof.  The  fatal  moment 


214  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Du  PRATZ 

was  at  last  come.  The  Natchez  set  out  on  the  eve  of  St. 
Andrew,  1729,  taking  care  to  bring  with  them  one  of  the 
lower  sort,  armed  with  a  wooden  hatchet,  in  order  to 
knock  down  the  commandant :  they  had  so  high  a  con- 
tempt for  him  that  no  warrior  would  deign  to  kill  him. 
The  houses  of  the  French  filled  with  enemies,  the  fort  in 
like  manner  with  the  natives,  who  entered  in  at  the  gate 
and  breaches,  deprived  the  soldiers,  without  officers  or  even 
a  sergeant  at  their  head,  of  the  means  of  self-defence.  In 
the  mean  time  the  Grand  Sun  arrived,  with  some  warriors 
loaded  with  corn,  in  appearance  as  the  first  payment  of 
the  contribution;  when  several  shots  were  heard.  As  this 
firing  was  the  signal,  several  shots  were  heard  at  the 
same  instant.  Then  at  length  the  commandant  saw,  but 
too  late,  his  folly  :  he  ran  into  the  garden,  whither  he  was 
pursued  and  killed.  The  massacre  was  executed  every- 
where at  the  same  time.  Of  about  seven  hundred  per- 
sons, but  few  escaped  to  carry  the  dreadful  news  to  the 
capital ;  on  receiving  which  the  governor  and  council  were 
sensibly  affected,  and  orders  were  despatched  everywhere 
to  put  people  on  their  guard. 

The  other  Indians  were  displeased  at  the  conduct  of  the 
Natchez,  imagining  they  had  forwarded  the  term  agreed 
on,  in  order  to  make  them  ridiculous,  and  proposed  to  take 
vengeance  the  first  opportunity,  not  knowing  the  true 
cause  of  the  precipitation  of  the  Natchez. 

After  they  had  cleared  the  fort,  warehouse,  and  other 
houses,  the  Natchez  set  them  all  on  fire,  not  leaving  a 
single  building  standing. 

[Steps  were  immediately  taken  by  the  French  to  revenge  themselves 
upon  their  enemies.  A  force,  partly  made  up  of  Choctaw  allies,  as- 
sailed the  fort  of  the  Natchez,  who  offered  to  release  the  French  women 
and  children  prisoners  if  peace  was  promised  them.  This  was  agreed 
to,  and  the  Natchez  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  vacate  the 


Du  PRATZ]     LOUISIANA   AND   THE  NATCHEZ.  215 

fort  by  stealth,  under  cover  of  night,  with  all  their  baggage  and  plun- 
der, leaving  only  the  cannon  and  ball  behind.  They  took  refuge  in  a 
secret  place  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  which  proved  difficult  to 
discover.  As  soon  as  the  place  of  concealment  was  found,  the  French 
set  out  to  chastise  the  murderers.] 

The  Messrs.  Perier  set  out  with  their  army  in  very- 
favorable  weather,  and  arrived  at  last,  without  obstruc- 
tion, near  to  the  retreat  of  the  Natchez.  To  get  to  that 
place,  they  went  up  the  Eed  River,  then  the  Black  River, 
and  from  thence  up  the  Silver  Creek,  which  communicates 
with  a  small  lake  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  which 
the  Natchez  had  built  in  order  to  maintain  their  ground 
against  the  French. 

The  Natchez,  struck  with  terror  at  the  sight  of  a  vigi- 
lant enemy,  shut  themselves  up  in  their  fort.  Despair 
assumed  the  place  of  prudence,  and  they  were  at  their 
wits'  end  on  seeing  the  trenches  gain  ground  on  the  fort : 
they  equip  themselves  like  warriors,  and  stain  their  bodies 
with  different  colors,  in  order  to  make  their  last  efforts  by 
a  sally  which  resembled  a  transport  of  rage  more  than 
the  calmness  of  valor,  to  the  terror,  at  first,  of  the  soldiers. 

The  reception  they  met  from  our  men  taught  them, 
however,  to  keep  themselves  shut  up  in  their  fort ;  and 
though  the  trench  was  almost  finished,  our  generals  were 
impatient  to  have  the  mortars  put  in  a  condition  to  play 
on  the  place.  At  last  they  are  set  in  battery ;  when  the 
third  bomb  happened  to  fall  in  the  middle  of  the  fort,  the 
usual  place  of  residence  of  the  women  and  children,  they 
set  up  a  horrible  screaming ;  and  the  men,  seized  with 
grief  at  the  cries  of  their  wives  and  children,  made  the 
signal  to  capitulate. 

The  Natchez,  after  demanding  to  capitulate,  started  dif- 
ficulties, which  occasioned  messages  to  and  fro  till  night, 
which  they  wanted  to  avail  themselves  of,  demanding  till 


216  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Du  PRATZ 

next  day  to  settle  the  articles  of  capitulation.  The  night 
was  granted  them,  but,  being  narrowly  watched  on  the 
side  next  the  gate,  they  could  not  execute  the  same  pro- 
ject of  escape  as  in  the  war  with  M.  de  Loubois.  How- 
ever, they  attempted  it,  by  taking  advantage  of  the  ob- 
scurity of  the  night,  and  of  the  apparent  stillness  of  the 
French  ;  but  they  were  discovered  in  time,  the  greatest 
part  being  constrained  to  retire  into  the  fort.  Some  of 
them  only  happened  to  escape,  who  joined  those  that  were 
out  a-hunting,  and  all  together  retired  to  the  Chickasaws. 
The  rest  surrendered  at  discretion,  among  whom  were  the 
Grand  Sun,  and  the  female  Suns,  with  several  warriors, 
many  women,  young  people,  and  children. 

The  French  army  re-embarked,  and  carried  the  Natchez 
as  slaves  to  New  Orleans,  where  they  were  put  in  prison  ; 
but  afterwards,  to  avoid  an  infection,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren were  disposed  of  in  the  king's  plantation,  and  else- 
where ;  among  these  women  was  the  female  Sun  called 
the  Stung  Arm,  who  then  told  me  all  she  had  done  in 
order  to  save  the  French. 

Some  time  after,  these  slaves  were  embarked  for  St. 
Domingo,  in  order  to  root  out  that  nation  in  the  colony ; 
which  was  the  only  method  of  effecting  it,  as  the  few 
that  escaped  had  not  a  tenth  of  the  women  necessary  to 
recruit  the  nation.  And  thus  that  nation,  the  most  con- 
spicuous in  the  colony,  and  most  useful  to  the  French,  was 
destroyed. 


GRAHAME]    THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  QUAKERS.     217 


SECTION     IV. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 


THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  QUAKERS. 

JAMES  GRAHAME. 

[The  history  of  Massachusetts  during  the  latter  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  presents  several  occurrences  of  particular  interest,  such 
as  the  Quaker  persecution,  King  Philip's  Indian  war,  and  the  witch- 
craft delusion.  The  first  of  these  now  calls  for  attention.  We  may 
premise  with  a  hrief  statement  of  preceding  events.  One  of  these  was 
an  effort  in  England  to  prevent  Puritan  emigration,  which  is  said  to 
have  had  the  effect  to  retain  John  Hampden  and  Oliver  Cromwell  in 
that  country.  If  so,  the  king  in  this  committed  an  error  which  in 
the  end  proved  fatal  to  himself.  In  1638,  John  Harvard,  a  minister 
of  Charlestown,  left  something  over  three  thousand  dollars  in  support 
of  a  school  previously  founded  by  the  colony.  This  was  the  origin  of 
Harvard  College.  In  1643  the  four  colonies  of  Plymouth,  Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut,  and  New  Hampshire  formed  a  confederacy,  under 
the  title  of  THE  UNITED  COLONIES  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  Rhode 
Island  was,  at  a  later  date,  refused  admission  into  the  confederacy, 
which  continued  in  existence  for  over  forty  years.  Each  colony  was 
to  contribute  men  and  money  to  the  common  defence,  while  two  com- 
missioners from  each  colony  formed  an  annual  assembly  for  the 
settlement  of  all  questions  relating  to  the  confederacy. 

The  religious  dissensions  which  had  formerly  agitated  the  colony 
were  renewed  by  the  emigration  of  persons  of  other  sectarian  views, 
who  were  little  disposed  to  submit  to  the  intolerance  of  the  Puritan 
churches  and  tribunals.  In  1651  a  party  of  Anabaptists  reached  Mas- 
sachusetts. The  doctrines  they  advocated  raised  a  storm  of  opposition 
in  the  colony  ;  they  were  arrested,  tried,  fined,  and  one  of  them  severely 
I.— K  19 


218  'AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAME 

flogged,  and  a  law  was  passed  banishing  from  the  colony  any  one  who 
should  oppose  the  dogma  of  infant  baptism.  The  treatment  received 
by  the  Quakers  was  of  sufficient  severity  and  importance  to  demand 
special  consideration,  and  we  therefore  select  a  description  of  it  from 
James  Grahame's  "  History  of  the  United  States."] 

THE  treatment  which  the  Quakers  experienced  in  Mas- 
sachusetts was  much  more  severe  [than  that  of  the  Ana- 
baptists], but  certainly  much  more  justly  provoked.  It  is 
difficult  for  us  in  the  calm  and  rational  deportment  of  the 
Quakers  of  the  present  age  to  recognize  the  successors 
of  those  wild  enthusiasts  who  first  appeared  in  the  north 
of  England  about  the  year  1644  and  received  from  the 
derision  of  the  world  the  title  which  they  afterwards 
adopted  as  their  sectarian  denomination.  .  .  .  When  the 
doctrines  of  Quakerism  were  first  promulgated,  the  effects 
which  they  produced  on  many  of  their  votaries  far  ex- 
ceeded the  influence  to  which  modern  history  restricts 
them,  or  which  the  experience  of  a  rational  and  calcu- 
lating age  finds  it  easy  to  conceive.  In  England,  at  that 
time,  the  minds  of  men  were  in  a  state  of  feverish  agita- 
tion and  excitement,  inflamed  with  the  rage  of  innovation, 
strongly  imbued  with  religious  sentiment,  and  yet  strongly 
averse  to  restraint.  The  bands  that  so  long  repressed 
liberty  of  speech  being  suddenly  broken,  many  crude 
thoughts  were  eagerly  broached,  and  many  fantastic 
notions  that  had  been  vegetating  in  the  unwholesome 
shade  of  locked  bosoms  were  abruptly  brought  to  light : 
and  all  these  were  presented  to  the  souls  of  men  roused 
and  whetted  by  civil  war,  kindled  by  great  alarms  or  by 
vast  and  indeterminate  designs,  and  latterly  so  accustomed 
to  partake  or  contemplate  the  most  surprising  changes, 
that  with  them  the  distinction  between  speculation  and 
certainty  was  considerably  effaced.  .  .  . 

It  was  the  wildest  and  most  enthusiastic  visionaries  of 


GKAHAME]    THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE   QUAKERS.     219 

the  age  whom  Quakerism  counted  among  its  earliest  vota- 
ries, and  to  whom  it  afforded  a  sanction  and  stimulus  to 
the  boldest  excursions  of  unregulated  thought,  and  a 
principle  that  was  adduced  to  consecrate  the  rankest 
absurdity  of  conduct.  .  .  .  The  unfavorable  impression 
which  these  actions  created  long  survived  the  extinction 
of  the  frenzy  and  folly  that  produced  them. 

While,  in  pursuance  of  their  determination  to  prosely- 
tize the  whole  world,  some  of  the  Quakers  travelled  to 
Rome,  in  order  to  illuminate  the  Pope,  and  others  to  Con- 
stantinople, for  the  purpose  of  converting  the  Grand  Turk, 
a  party  of  them  embarked  for  America  and  established 
themselves  in  Ehode  Island,  where  persons  of  every  re- 
ligious (Protestant)  denomination  were  permitted  to  settle 
in  peace,  and  no  one  gave  heed  to  the  sentiments  or  prac- 
tices of  his  neighbors.  From  hence  they  soon  made  their 
way  into  the  Plymouth  territory,  where  they  succeeded 
in  persuading  some  of  its  inhabitants  to  embrace  the  doc- 
trine that  a  sensible  experience  of  inward  light  and  spirit- 
ual impression  was  the  meaning  and  end  of  Christianity 
and  the  essential  characteristic  of  its  votaries,  and  to  op- 
pose all  regulated  order,  forms,  and  discipline,  whether 
civil  or  ecclesiastical,  as  a  vain  and  Judaizing  substitution 
of  the  kingdom  of  the  flesh  for  the  kingdom  of  the  spirit. 

On  their  first  appearance  in  Massachusetts  (July,  1656), 
where  two  male  and  six  female  Quakers  arrived  from 
Rhode  Island  and  Barbadoes,  they  found  that  the  reproach 
entailed  on  their  sect  by  the  insane  extravagance  of  some 
of  its  members  in  England  had  preceded  their  arrival,  and 
that  they  were  regarded  with  the  utmost  terror  and  dis- 
like by  the  great  bulk  of  the  people.  They  were  instantly 
arrested  by  the  magistrates,  and  diligently  examined  for 
what  were  considered  bodily  marks  of  witchcraft.  No 
such  indications  having  been  found,  they  were  sent  back 


220  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [&KAHAME 

to  the  places  whence  they  came,  by  the  same  vessels  that 
had  brought  them,  and  prohibited  with  threats  of  severe 
punishment  from  ever  again  returning  to  the  colony.  A 
law  was  passed  at  the  same  time,  subjecting  every  ship- 
master importing  Quakers  or  Quaker  writings  to  a  heavy 
fine;  adjudging  all  Quakers  who  should  intrude  into  the 
colony  to  stripes  and  labor  in  the  house  of  correction,  and 
all  defenders  of  their  tenets  to  fine,  imprisonment,  or 
exile.  .  .  . 

The  penal  enactments  resorted  to  by  the  other  settle- 
ments [than  Ehode  Island]  served  only  to  inflame  the 
impatience  of  the  Quaker  zealots  to  carry  their  ministry 
into  places  that  seemed  to  them  to  stand  so  greatly  in 
need  of  it;  and  the  persons  who  had  been  disappointed  in 
their  first  attempt  returned  almost  immediately  to  Massa- 
chusetts, and,  dispersing  themselves  through  the  colony, 
began  to  proclaim  their  mystical  notions,  and  succeeded  in 
communicating  them  to  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Salem. 
They  were  soon  joined  by  Mary  Clarke,  the  wife  of  a 
tailor  in  London,  who  announced  that  she  had  forsaken 
her  husband  and  six  children  in  order  to  convey  a  message 
from  heaven,  which  she  was  commissioned  to  deliver  to 
New  England.  Instead  of  joining  with  the  provincial 
missionaries  in  attempts  to  reclaim  the  neighboring  sav- 
ages from  their  barbarous  superstition  and  profligate  im- 
moralities, or  themselves  prosecuting  separate  missions 
with  a  like  intent,  the  apostles  of  Quakerism  raised  their 
voices  in  vilification  of  everything  that  was  most  highly 
approved  and  revered  in  the  doctrine  and  practice  of  the 
provincial  churches.  Seized,  imprisoned,  and  flogged,  they 
were  again  dismissed  with  severer  threats  from  the  colony, 
and  again  they  returned  by  the  first  vessels  they  could 
procure.  The  government  and  a  great  majority  of  the 
colonists  were  incensed  at  their  stubborn  pertinacity,  and 


GRAHAME]    THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  QUAKERS.     221 

shocked  at  the  impression  which  they  had  already  pro- 
duced on  some  minds,  and  which  threatened  to  corrupt 
and  subvert  a  system  of  piety  Avhose  establishment,  fru- 
ition, and  perpetuation  supplied  their  fondest  recollections, 
their  noblest  enjoyment,  and  most  energetic  desire.  New 
punishments  were  introduced  into  the  legislative  enact- 
ments against  the  intrusion  of  Quakers  and  the  profession 
of  Quakerism  (1657) ;  and  in  particular  the  abscission  of 
an  ear  was  added  to  the  former  ineffectual  severities. 
Three  male  Quaker  preachers  endured  the  rigor  of  this 
cruel  law. 

But  all  the  exertions  of  the  provincial  authorities  proved 
unavailing,  and  seemed  rather  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  the 
obnoxious  sectaries  to  brave  the  danger  and  court  the 
glory  of  persecution  (1658).  Swarms  of  Quakers  descended 
upon  the  colony ;  and,  violent  and  impetuous  in  provoking 
persecution,  calm,  resolute,  and  inflexible  in  sustaining 
it,  they  opposed  their  power  of  enduring  cruelty  to  their 
adversaries'  power  of  inflicting  it,  and  not  only  multiplied 
their  converts,  but  excited  a  considerable  degree  of  favor 
and  pity  in  the  minds  of  men  who,  detesting  the  Quaker 
tenets,  yet  derived  from  their  own  experience  a  peculiar 
sympathy  with  the  virtues  of  heroic  patience,  constancy, 
and  contempt  of  danger.  ...  It  was  by  no  slight  provo- 
cations that  the  Quakers  attracted  these  and  additional 
severities  upon  themselves.  ...  In  public  assemblies  and 
in  crowded  streets,  it  was  the  practice  of  some  of  the 
Quakers  to  denounce  the  most  tremendous  manifestations 
of  divine  wrath  on  the  people,  unless  they  forsook  their 
carnal  system.  One  of  them,  named  Faubord,  conceiving 
that  he  experienced  a  celestial  encouragement  to  rival  the 
faith  and  imitate  the  sacrifice  of  Abraham,  was  proceed- 
ing with  his  own  hands  to  shed  the  blood  of  his  son,  when 
his  neighbors,  alarmed  by  the  cries  of  the  lad,  broke  into 
i.  19* 


222  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAMB 

the  house  and  prevented  the  consummation  of  this  blas- 
phemous atrocity.  Others  interrupted  divine  service  in 
the  churches  by  loudly  protesting  that  these  were  not 
the  sacrifices  that  God  would  accept ;  and  one  of  them  il- 
lustrated his  assurance  by  breaking  two  bottles  in  the 
face  of  the  congregation,  exclaiming,  "  Thus  will  the  Lord 
break  you  in  pieces!"  They  declared  that  the  Scriptures 
were  replete  with  allegory,  that'  the  inward  light  was  the 
only  infallible  guide  to  religious  truth,  and  that  all  were 
blind  beasts  and  liars  who  denied  it. 

The  female  preachers  far  exceeded  their  male  associates 
in  folly,  frenzy,  and  indecency.  One  of  them  presented 
herself  to  a  congregation  with  her  face  begrimed  with 
coal-dust,  announcing  it  as  a  pictorial  illustration  of  the 
black  pox,  which  Heaven  had  commissioned  her  to  predict 
as  an  approaching  judgment  on  all  carnal  worshippers. 
Some  of  them  in  rueful  attire  perambulated  the  streets, 
proclaiming  the  speedy  arrival  of  an  angel  with  a  drawn 
sword  to  plead  with  the  people  ;  and  some  attempted  feats 
that  may  seem  to  verify  the  legend  of  Godiva  of  Coventry. 
One  woman,  in  particular,  entered  stark  naked  into  a 
church  in  the  middle  of  divine  service,  and  desired  the 
people  to  take  heed  to  her  as  a  sign  of  the  times,  and 
an  emblem  of  the  unclothed  state  of  their  own  souls  ;  and 
her  associates  highly  extolled  her  submission  to  the  inward 
light,  that  had  revealed  to  her  the  duty  of  illustrating  the 
spiritual  nakedness  of  her  neighbors  by  the  indecent  ex- 
hibition of  her  own  person.  Another  Quakeress  was  ar- 
rested as  she  was  making  a  similar  display  in  the  streets 
of  Salem.  The  horror  justly  inspired  by  these  insane 
enormities  was  inflamed  into  the  most  vehement  indigna- 
tion by  the  deliberate  manner  in  which  they  were  defended, 
and  the  disgusting  profanity  with  which  Scripture  was 
linked  in  impure  association  with  notions  and  behavior  at 


GBAHAME]    THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE   QUAKERS.     223 

once  ridiculous  and  contemptible.  Among  other  singulari- 
ties, the  Quakers  exemplified  and  inculcated  the  forbear- 
ance of  even  the  slightest  demonstration  of  respect  to 
courts  and  magistrates ;  they  declared  that  governors, 
judges,  lawyers,  and  constables  were  trees  that  cumbered 
the  ground,  and  presently  must  be  cut  down,  in  order  that 
the  true  light  might  have  leave  to  shine  and  space  to  rule 
alone ;  and  they  freely  indulged  every  sally  of  distempered 
fancy  which  they  could  connect,  however  absurdly,  with 
the  language  of  the  Bible.  .  .  . 

It  has  been  asserted  by  some  of  the  modern  apologists 
of  the  Quakers  that  these  frantic  excesses,  which  excited 
so  much  attention  and  produced  such  tragical  consequences, 
were  committed,  not  by  genuine  Quakers,  but  by  the  Rant- 
ers, or  wild  separatists  from  the  Quaker  body.  Of  these 
Banters,  indeed,  a  very  large  proportion  certainly  betook 
themselves  to  America.  ...  It  is  certain,  however,  that 
the  persons  whose  conduct  we  have  particularized  assumed 
the  name  of  Quakers,  and  traced  all  their  absurdities  to 
the  peculiar  Quaker  principle  of  searching  their  own 
bosoms  for  sensible  admonitions  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  inde- 
pendent of  the  scriptural  revelation  of  divine  will.  And 
many  scandalous  outrages  were  committed  by  persons 
whose  profession  of  Quaker  principles  was  recognized  by 
the  Quaker  body,  and  whose  sufferings  are  related,  and 
their  frenzy  applauded,  by  the  pens  of  Quaker  writers. 

Exasperated  by  the  repetition  of  these  enormities,  and 
the  extent  to  which  the  contagion  of  their  radical  princi- 
ple was  spreading  in  the  colony,  the  magistrates  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, in  the  close  of  this  year  (1658),  introduced 
into  the  Assembly  a  law  denouncing  the  punishment  of 
death  upon  all  Quakers  returning  from  banishment.  This 
legislative  proposition  was  opposed  by  a  considerable 
party  of  the  colonists ;  and  various  individuals,  who 


224  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GKAHAME 

would  have  hazarded  their  own  lives  to  extirpate  the 
heresy  of  the  Quakers,  solemnly  protested  against  the 
cruelty  and  iniquity  of  shedding  their  blood.  It  was  at 
first  rejected  by  the  Assembly,  but  finally  adopted  by  the 
narrow  majority  of  a  single  voice.  In  the  course  of  the 
two  following  years  (1659,  1660)  this  barbarous  law  was 
carried  into  execution  on  three  separate  occasions, — when 
four  Quakers,  three  men  and  a  woman,  were  put  to  death 
at  Boston.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  these  unfor- 
tunate persons  were  guilty  of  the  outrages  which  the 
conduct  of  their  brethren  in  general  had  associated  with 
the  profession  of  Quakerism.  Oppressed  by  the  preju- 
.dice  created  by  the  frantic  conduct  of  others,  they  were 
adjudged  to  die  for  returning  from  banishment  and  con- 
tinuing to  preach  the  Quaker  doctrines.  In  vain  the 
court  entreated  them  to  accept  a  pardon  on  condition 
of  abandoning  forever  the  colony  from  which  they  had 
been  repeatedly  banished.  They  answered  by  reciting  the 
heavenly  call  to  continue  there,  which  on  various  occa- 
sions, they  affirmed,  had  sounded  in  their  ears,  in  the 
fields  and  in  their  dwellings,  distinctly  syllabling  their 
names  and  whispering  their  prophetic  office  and  the  scene 
of  its  exercise.  When  they  were  conducted  to  the  scaf- 
fold, their  demeanor  expressed  unquenchable  zeal  and 
courage,  and  their  dying  declarations  breathed  in  general 
a  warm  and  affecting  piety. 

These  executions  excited  much  clamor  against  the  gov- 
ernment; many  persons  were  offended  by  the  exhibition 
of  severities  against  which  the  establishment  of  the  colony 
itself  seemed  intended  to  bear  a  perpetual  testimony  ; 
and  many  wei*e  touched  with  an  indignant  compassion  for 
the  sufferings  of  the  Quakers,  that  effaced  all  recollection 
of  the  indignant  disgust  which  the  principles  of  these  sec- 
taries had  previously  inspired.  The  people  began  to  flock 


CHURCH]          THE  DEATH  OF  KING  PHILIP.  225 

in  crowds  to  the  prisons  and  load  the  unfortunate  Quakers 
with  demonstrations  of  kindness  and  pity. 

[This  feeling  finally  became  so  strong  that  the  magistrates  dared 
no  longer  oppose  it.  After  the  condemnation  of  Wenlock  Christison, 
who  had  defended  himself  with  marked  ability,  the  magistrates  felt  it 
necessary  to  change  the  sentences  of  the  condemned  Quakers  to  flog- 
ging and  banishment.  As  the  demeanor  of  the  Quakers  grew  more 
quiet  and  orderly,  the  toleration  of  them  increased,  and  the  flogging 
of  Quakers  was  soon  after  prohibited  by  Charles  II.] 

The  persecution  thus  happily  closed  was  not  equally 
severe  in  all  the  New  England  States :  the  Quakers  suf- 
fered most  in  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  and  compara- 
tively little  in  Connecticut  and  New  Haven.  It  was  only 
in  Massachusetts  that  the  inhuman  law  inflicting  capital 
punishment  upon  them  was  ever  carried  into  effect.  At 
a  subsequent  period,  the  laws  relating  to  vagabond  Quakers 
were  so  far  revived  that  Quakers  disturbing  religious  as- 
semblies, or  violating  public  decorum,  were  subjected  to 
corporal  chastisement.  But  little  occasion  ever  again  oc- 
curred of  executing  these  severities,  the  wild  excursions 
of  the  Quaker  spirit  having  generally  ceased,  and  the 
Quakers  gradually  subsiding  into  a  decent  and  orderly 
submission  to  all  the  laws,  except  such  as  related  to  the 
militia  and  the  support  of  the  clergy, — in  their  scruples 
as  to  which  the  provincial  legislature,  with  reciprocal 
moderation,  consented  to  indulge  them. 


THE  DEATH  OF  KING  PHILIP. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

[After  the  defeat  of  the  Pequots  the  New  England  colonies  escaped 
the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare  for  a  period  of  nearly  forty  years.     This 
era  of  peace  was  destined  to  be  followed  by  an  era  of  terror  and 
i.—p 


226  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CHURCH 

massacre,  beginning  with  the  celebrated  King  Philip's  War,  and  con- 
tinuing through  the  successive  wars  between  the  French  and  English, 
known  as  King  William's  and  Queen  Anne's  Wars,  and  at  a  later 
period  King  George's  and  the  French  and  Indian  Wars,  in  which  all 
the  barbarity  of  savage  warfare  was  let  loose  upon  the  devoted  colonies 
of  New  England.  During  the  life  of  Massasoit,  the  sachem  of  the 
Wampanoags,  the  treaty  of  peace  which  he  had  early  made  with  the 
Plymouth  colony  continued  unbroken.  After  his  death  his  sons, 
Alexander  and  Philip,  were  suspected  of  hostile  intentions.  Alex- 
ander soon  died,  and  Philip  became  sachem  of  the  tribe.  According 
to  the  early  New  England  writers,  he  for  several  years  occupied  him- 
self in  organizing  a  secret  confederacy  of  the  Indian  tribes  against  the 
whites,  of  whose  growing  power  he  was  jealous.  Later  historians 
doubt  this,  and  are  inclined  to  believe  that  he  was  driven  into  hos- 
tility by  outrages  committed  by  the  whites,  and  impulsive  reprisals  by 
Indians.  However  that  be,  the  existence  of  a  plot,  real  or  spurious, 
was  declared  by  an  Indian  missionary,  who  was  soon  after  murdered. 
Three  Indians  were  arrested  and  hung  for  the  crime.  Philip  now,  by 
his  own  inclination,  or  by  the  determination  of  his  tribe,  prepared  for 
war.  The  women  and  children  of  the  tribe  were  sent  to  the  Narra- 
gansetts  for  protection,  and  in  July,  1675,  an  attack  was  made  011  the 
village  of  Swanzey,  in  Massachusetts,  and  several  persons  were  killed. 
The  whole  country  quickly  took  the  alarm,  and  troops  from  Plym- 
outh and  Boston  marched  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  long  interval  of  peace  had  greatly  changed 
the  conditions  of  both  parties  to  the  war.  On  the  one  hand,  the  whites 
of  New  England  had  greatly  grown  in  strength,  and  now  numbered 
about  sixty  thousand  souls,  while  numerous  settlements  had  been 
founded.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Indians  no  longer  looked  upon 
powder  and  ball  as  "  bad  medicine,"  which  it  was  dangerous  to  touch. 
On  the  contrary,  they  had  adopted  the  European  methods  of  fight- 
ing, and  exchanged  the  bow  and  arrow  for  the  musket  and  bullet. 
We  may  briefly  relate  the  events  of  the  war.  The  pursuing  troops 
made  their  way  to  Mount  Hope,  the  residence  of  Philip,  but  he  fled, 
with  his  warriors,  at  their  approach.  He  was  shortly  afterwards 
attacked  in  a  swamp  at  Pocasset,  but  after  a  thirteen  days'  siege 
managed  to  escape.  Other  tribes  were  now  brought  into  the  war,  and 
a  party  of  twenty  whites  were  ambushed  and  most  of  them  killed. 
The  remainder  intrenched  themselves  in  a  house  at  Brookfield,  where 
they  sustained  a  siege  for  two  days,  until  relieved. 


CHTTRCH]          THE  DEATH  OF  KING  PHILIP.  227 

On  September  5  the  Indians  were  attacked  and  defeated  at  Deer- 
field,  and  on  the  llth  they  burned  the  town.  On  the  same  day  they 
attacked  the  town  of  Hadley.  The  tradition  goes  that  during  the 
fight  a  venerable  stranger  suddenly  appeared,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  townsmen,  and  drove  back  the  foe.  This  is  said  to  have 
been  General  Goflfe,  one  of  the  judges  of  Charles  I.,  then  concealed 
in  that  town.  The  story  is  entirely  traditional,  and  has  been  called  in 
question.  On  the  28th  a  party  of  eighty  teamsters  were  assailed  by 
a  large  body  of  Indians,  and  nearly  all  killed.  The  Indians  were  sub- 
sequently repulsed  by  a  reinforcement  of  soldiers.  Philip's  next  attack 
was  upon  Hatfield,  where  he  met  with  a  defeat. 

By  this  time  the  hostility  to  the  whites  had  extended  widely  among 
the  Indians.  The  Narragansetts  had  as  yet  kept  the  treaty  of  peace 
which  had  been  made  with  them,  but  they  were  suspected  of  favoring 
Philip  and  of  intending  to  break  out  into  hostilities  in  the  spring.  It 
was  therefore  determined  to  crush  them  during  the  winter.  A  force 
of  fifteen  hundred  men  marched  against  their  stronghold, — a  fort 
in  the  midst  of  a  great  swamp,  surrounded  with  high  palisades,  and 
having  but  a  single  entrance,  over  a  fallen  tree,  which  but  one  man  at 
a  time  could  cross.  Here  three  thousand  Indians  had  collected,  with 
provisions,  intending  to  pass  the  winter.  They  were  attacked  with 
fury,  on  December  29,  by  the  English,  but  the  latter  were  driven  back 
with  heavy  loss.  Another  party  of  the  invaders  waded  the  swamp, 
and  found  a  place  destitute  of  palisades.  They  broke  through  this, 
with  considerable  loss,  while  others  forced  their  way  over  the  tree.  A 
desperate  conflict  ensued,  ending  in  a  defeat  of  the  Indians.  The  wig- 
wams were  then  set  on  fire,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  the  officers,  and 
hundreds  of  women  and  children,  and  old,  wounded,  and  infirm  men, 
perished  in  the  flames.  Of  the  Narragansett  warriors  a  thousand  were 
killed  or  mortally  wounded,  and  several  hundreds  taken  prisoners. 
Cold  and  famine  during  the  winter  killed  many  more,  but  the  weak 
remnant  of  the  tribe  joined  Philip  and  became  bitterly  hostile.  The 
war  now  extended  to  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  whose  settlements 
were  exposed  to  the  fury  of  Indian  attack.  The  power  of  the  Indians 
rapidly  diminished,  however,  before  the  energy  and  discipline  of  the 
whites,  and  Philip  found  himself  steadily  growing  weaker.  It  is  said 
that  he  endeavored  to  persuade  the  Mohawks  to  join  him,  but  in  vain. 
In  August,  1676,  he  returned,  with  a  small  party  of  warriors,  to  Poka- 
noket,  or  Mount  Hope,  the  seat  of  his  tribe.  Tidings  of  this  fact  were 
brought  to  Captain  Church,  one  of  the  most  active  of  his  adversaries, 


228  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CHURCH 

who  repaired  with  a  small  party  to  the  spot.  Captain  Church  has  left 
on  record  the  story  of  his  connection  with  this  war.  It  is  the  artless 
and  prolix  narrative  of  one  better  acquainted  with  the  sword  than  with 
the  pen,  yet  has  the  merit  of  being  an  exact  relation  of  the  facts,  and 
of  showing  clearly  the  spirit  of  the  Indian-fighters  of  that  day.  We 
therefore  extract  from  the  "  History  of  the  Great  Indian  War  of  1675 
and  1676,"  by  this  grim  old  Indian-fighter,  an  account  of  the  death  of 
King  Philip.  This  history  was  written  by  the  son  of  Captain  Church, 
from  the  notes  of  his  father.] 

CAPTAIN  CHURCH  being  now  at  Plymouth  again,  weary 
and  worn,  would  have  gone  home  to  his  wife  and  family, 
but  the  government  being  solicitous  to  engage  him  in  the 
service  until  Philip  was  slain,  and  promising  him  satisfac- 
tion and  redress  for  some  mistreatment  that  he  had  met 
with,  he  fixes  for  another  expedition. 

He  had  soon  volunteers  enough  to  make  up  the  company 
he  desired,  and  marched  through  the  woods  until  he  came 
to  Pocasset.  And  not  seeing  or  hearing  of  any  of  the 
enemy,  they  went  over  the  ferry  to  Ehode  Island,  to  re- 
fresh themselves.  The  captain,  with  about  half  a  dozen 
in  his  company,  took  horses  and  rode  about  eight  miles 
down  the  island,  to  Mr.  Sanford's,  where  he  had  left  his 
wife.  [She]  *  no  sooner  saw  him,  but  fainted  with  surprise ; 
and  by  that  time  she  was  a  little  revived,  they  spied  two 
horsemen  coming  a  great  pace.  Captain  Church  told  his 
company  that  "  those  men  (by  their  riding)  come  with 
tidings."  When  they  came  up,  they  proved  to  be  Major 
Sanford  and  Captain  Golding.  [They]*  immediately  asked 
Captain  Church,  what  he  would  give  to  hear  some  news 
of  Philip  ?  He  replied,  that  was  what  he  wanted.  They 
told  him  they  had  rode  hard  with  some  hopes  of  over- 
taking him,  and  were  now  come  on  purpose  to  inform  him 
that  there  were  just  now  tidings  from  Mount  Hope.  An 

*  "  Who,"  in  the  original  text. 


CHURCH]          THE  DEATH  OF  KING  PHILIP.  229 

Indian  came  down  from  thence  (where  Philip's  camp  now 
was)  to  Sandy  Point,  over  against  Trip's,  and  hallooed,  and 
made  signs  to  be  brought  over.  And  being  fetched  over, 
he  reported  that  he  was  fled  from  Philip,  "who  (said  he) 
has  killed  my  brother  just  before  I  came  away,  for  giving 
some  advice  that  displeased  him."  And  said  he  was  fled 
for  fear  of  meeting  with  the  same  his  brother  had  met 
with.  Told  them,  also,  that  Philip  was  now  in  Mount 
Hope  neck.  Captain  Church  thanked  them  for  their  good 
news,  and  said  he  hoped  by  to-morrow  morning  to  have 
the  rogue's  head.  The  horses  that  he  and  his  company 
came  on,  standing  at  the  door  (for  they  had  not  been  un- 
saddled), his  wife  must  content  herself  with  a  short  visit, 
when  such  game  was  ahead.  They  immediately  mounted, 
set  spurs  to  their  horses,  and  away. 

The  two  gentlemen  that  brought  him  the  tidings  told 
him  they  would  gladly  wait  on  him  to  see  the  event  of 
the  expedition.  He  thanked  them,  and  told  them  he 
should  be  as  fond  of  their  company  as  any  men's ;  and 
(in  short)  they  went  with  him.  And  they  were  soon  at 
Trip's  ferry  (with  Captain  Church's  company),  where  the 
deserter  was,  who  was  a  fellow  of  good  sense,  and  told 
his  story  handsomely.  He  offered  Captain  Church  to  pilot 
him  to  Philip,  and  to  help  to  kill  him,  that  he  might  re- 
venge his  brother's  death.  Told  him  that  Philip  was  now 
upon  a  little  spot  of  upland,  that  was  in  the  south  end  of 
the  miry  swamp,  just  at  the  foot  of  the  mount,  which  was 
a  spot  of  ground  that  Captain  Church  was  well  acquainted 
with. 

By  that  time  they  were  over  the  ferry,  and  came 
near  the  ground,  half  the  night  was  spent.  The  captain 
commands  a  halt,  and  bringing  the  company  together, 
he  asked  Major  Sanford's  and  Captain  Gelding's  advice, 
what  method  was  best  to  take  in  making  the  onset ;  but 
i.  20 


230  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CHURCH 

they  declined  giving  him  any  advice,  telling  him  that  his 
great  experience  and  success  forbid  their  taking  upon  them 
to  give  advice.  Then  Captain  Church  offered  Captain 
Golding  the  honor  (if  he  would  please  accept  of  it)  to 
beat  up  Philip's  head-quarters. 

[He  designed  to  place  the  remainder  of  his  men  in  ambush,  and  fire 
upon  the  Indians  when  they  should  endeavor  to  escape  through  the 
swamp.] 

Captain  Church,  knowing  that  it  was  Philip's  custom 
to  be  foremost  in  the  flight,  went  down  to  the  swamp, 
and  gave  Captain  Williams  of  Scituate  the  command  of 
the  right  wing  of  the  ambush,  and  placed  an  Englishman 
and  an  Indian  together  behind  such  shelters  of  trees,  etc., 
that  he  could  find,  and  took  care  to  place  them  at  such 
distance  that  none  might  pass  undiscovered  between  them  ; 
charged  them  to  be  careful  of  themselves,  and  of  hurting 
their  friends,  and  to  fire  at  any  that  should  come  silently 
through  the  swamp.  But,  [it]  being  somewhat  farther 
through  the  swamp  than  he  was  aware  of,  he  wanted  men 
to  make  up  his  ambuscade. 

Having  placed  what  men  he  had,  he  took  Major  Sanford 
by  the  hand,  [and]  said,  "  Sir,  I  have  so  placed  them  that 
it  is  scarce  possible  Philip  should  escape  them."  The  same 
moment  a  shot  whistled  over  their  heads,  and  then  the 
noise  of  a  gun  towards  Philip's  camp.  Captain  Church, 
at  first,  thought  it  might  be  some  gun  discharged  by  ac- 
cident ;  but  before  he  could  speak,  a  whole  volley  followed, 
which  was  earlier  than  he  expected. 

[Captain  Golding  had  fired  at  a  single  Indian  whom  he  perceived.] 

And  upon  his  firing,  the  whole  company  that  were  with 
him  fired  upon  the  enemy's  shelter;  before  the  Indians  had 
time  to  rise  from  their  sleep,  and  so  overshot  them.  But 


CHURCH]          THE  DEATH  OF  KING  PHILIP.  231 

their  shelter  was  open  on  that  side  next  the  swamp,  built 
so  on  purpose  for  the  convenience  of  flight  on  occasion. 
They  were  soon  in  the  swamp,  but  Philip  the  foremost, 
who  started  at  the  first  gun,  threw  his  petunk  and  powder- 
horn  over  his  head,  catched  up  his  gun,  and  ran  as  fast  as 
he  could  scamper,  without  any  more  clothes  than  his  small 
breeches  and  stockings ;  and  ran  directly  on  two  of  Cap- 
tain Church's  ambush.  They  let  him  come  fair  within 
shot,  and  the  Englishman's  gun  missing  fire,  he  bid  the 
Indian  fire  away,  and  he  did  so  to  purpose ;  sent  one 
musket-ball  through  his  heart,  and  another  not  above  two 
inches  from  it.  He  fell  upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and 
water,  with  his  gun  under  him. 

[This  event  occurred  on  the  12th  of  August,  1676.] 

By  this  time  the  enemy  perceived  they  were  waylaid 
on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  [and]  tacked  short  about. 
One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be  a  great,  surly  old 
fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  often  called  out, 
"Jootash,  Jootash."  Captain  Church  called  to  his  Indian, 
Peter,  and  asked  him,  who  that  was  that  called  so  ?  He 
answered  that  it  was  old  Annawon,  Philip's  great  captain, 
calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight  stoutly. 
Now  the  enemy  finding  that  place  of  the  swamp  which 
was  not  ambushed,  many  of  them  made  their  escape  in 
the  English  tracks. 

The  man  that  had  shot  down  Philip  ran  with  all  speed 
to  Captain  Church,  and  informed  him  of  his  exploit,  who 
commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it  and  let  no  man  more 
know  it,  until  they  had  driven  the  swamp  clean.  But 
when  they  had  driven  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the 
enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the  most  of  them,  and  the 
sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew  gone,  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  the  whole  company  met  together  at  the 


232  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CHURCH 

place  where  the  enemy's  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Cap- 
tain Church  gave  them  the  news  of  Philip's  death.  Upon 
which  the  whole  army  gave  three  loud  huzzas. 

Captain  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of 
the  mire  to  the  upland.  So  some  of  Captain  Church's 
Indians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings,  and  some  by 
his  small  breeches  (being  otherwise  naked),  and  drew  him 
through  the  mud  to  the  upland;  and  a  doleful,  great, 
naked,  dirty  beast  he  looked  like.  Captain  Church  then 
said  that  forasmuch  as  he  had  caused  many  an  English- 
man's body  to  be  unburied,  and  to  rot  above  ground,  that 
not  one  of  his  bones  should  be  buried.  And  calling  his 
old  Indian  executioner,  bid  him  behead  and  quarter  him. 
Accordingly  he  came  with  his  hatchet  and  stood  over  him, 
but  before  he  struck  he  made  a  small  speech,  directing  it 
to  Philip,  and  said  "  he  had  been  a  very  great  man,  and 
had  made  many  a  man  afraid  of  him,  but  so  big  as  he  was, 
he  would  now  chop  him  in  pieces."  And  so  he  went  to 
work  and  did  as  he  was  ordered. 

Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being  much 
scarred,  occasioned  by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  for- 
merly, Captain  Church  gave  the  head  and  that  hand  to 
Alderman,  the  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to  such 
gentlemen  as  would  bestow  gratuities  upon  him ;  and  ac- 
cordingly he  got  many  a  penny  by  it. 

[All  this  is  brutal  enough  to  have  been  the  action  of  Indians  in- 
stead of  whites,  and  shows  that  disposition  to  insult  a  fallen  foe 
which  is  a  characteristic  of  the  warfare  of  barbarous  peoples,  but  has 
happily  died  out  in  civilized  nations.  There  was  a  strong  spice  of 
savagery  in  the  Indian-fighters  of  the  pioneer  days  of  America,  who 
looked  upon  the  Indians  as  little  better  than  wild  beasts.  The  fall  of 
Philip  ended  the  war  in  southern  New  England,  the  tribes  suing  for 
peace.  But  hostilities  were  continued  in  Maine  and  New  Hampshire 
till  1678,  when  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  with  the  tribes  of  this 
locality.  The  forces  of  the  Indians,  and  the  results  of  the  war,  are 


BANCROFT]  THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT.  233 

summarized  by  Trumbull  in  the  following  statement :  "  When  Philip 
began  the  war,  he  and  his  kinswoman,  Wetamoe,  had  about  five  hun- 
dred warriors,  and  the  Narragansetts  nearly  two  thousand.  The  Nip- 
muck,  Nashawa,  Pocomtock,  Hadley,  and  Springfield  Indians  were  con- 
siderably numerous.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  there  were  about 
three  thousand  warriors  combined  for  the  destruction  of  the  New 
England  colonies,  exclusive  of  the  eastern  Indians.  The  war  termi- 
nated in  their  entire  conquest  and  almost  total  extinction.  At  the  same 
time,  it  opened  a  wide  door  for  extensive  settlement  and  population. 
This,  however,  in  its  connection  with  the  war  with  the  eastern  Indians, 
was  the  most  impoverishing  and  distressing  of  any  that  New  England 
has  ever  experienced  from  its  first  settlement  to  the  present  time.  .  .  . 
About  six  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  the  greatest 
part  of  whom  were  the  flower  and  strength  of  the  country,  either  fell 
in  battle  or  were  murdered  by  the  enemy.  A  great  part  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  were  in  deep  mourning.  There  were  few 
families  or  individuals  who  had  not  lost  some  near  relative  or  friend. 
Twelve  or  thirteen  towns,  in  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Khode 
Island,  were  utterly  destroyed,  and  others  greatly  damaged.  About 
six  hundred  buildings,  chiefly  dwelling-houses,  were  consumed  with 
fire.  An  almost  insuperable  debt  was  contracted  by  the  colonies, 
when  their  numbers,  dwellings,  goods,  cattle,  and  all  their  resources 
were  greatly  diminished."] 


THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT. 

GEORGE   BANCROFT. 

[King  Philip's  War  was  followed  in  New  England  by  a  series  of 
interesting  events,  embracing  the  actions  of  Andros,  the  tyrannical  gov- 
ernor, and  the  effort  to  abrogate  the  colonial  charters,  the  wars  with 
the  French  and  Indians  known  as  King  "William's  and  Queen  Anne's 
Wars,  and  the  remarkable  witchcraft  delusion,  the  only  striking  in- 
stance in  this  country  of  a  peculiar  form  of  persecution  of  which  the 
preceding  history  of  Europe  is  full.  We  cannot  better  present  the 
last-named  subject  than  by  an  extract  from  Bancroft's  "  History  of  the 
I.  20* 


234  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

United  States,"  in  which  it  is  handled  with  his  usual  picturesque 
ability.] 

IN  the  last  year  of  the  administration  of  Andros,  who, 
as  the  servant  of  arbitrary  power,  had  no  motive  to  dispel, 
superstition,  the  daughter  of  John  Goodwin,  a  child  of 
thirteen  years,  charged  a  laundress  with  having  stolen 
linen  from  the  family.  Glover,  the  mother  of  the  laun- 
dress, a  friendless  emigrant,  almost  ignorant  of  English, 
like  a  true  woman  with  a  mother's  heart,  rebuked  the 
false  accusation.  Immediately  the  girl,  to  secure  revenge, 
became  bewitched.  The  infection  spread.  Three  others 
of  the  family,  the  youngest  a  boy  of  less  than  five  years 
old,  soon  succeeded  in  equally  arresting  public  attention. 
They  would  affect  to  be  deaf,  then  dumb,  then  blind,  or  all 
three  at  once ;  they  would  bark  like  dogs,  or  purr  like  so 
many  cats ;  but  they  ate  well  and  slept  well.  Cotton 
Mather  went  to  prayer  by  the  side  of  one  of  them,  and, 
lo !  the  child  lost  her  hearing  till  prayer  was  over.  What 
was  to  be  done  ?  The  four  ministers  of  Boston  and  the 
one  of  Charlestown  assembled  in  Goodwin's  house,  and 
spent  a  whole  day  of  fasting  in  prayer.  In  consequence, 
the  youngest  child,  the  little  one  of  four  years  old,  was 
"delivered."  But  if  the  ministers  could  thus  by  prayer 
deliver  a  possessed  child,  then  there  must  have  been  a 
witch  ;  the  honor  of  the  magistrates  required  a  prosecu- 
tion of  the  affair ;  and  the  magistrates,  William  Stoughton 
being  one  of  the  judges,  and  all  holding  commissions  ex- 
clusively from  the  English  king,  and  being  irresponsible 
to  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  with  a  "  vigor"  which  the 
united  ministers  commended  as  "just,"  made  "a  discovery 
of  the  wicked  instrument  of  the  devil."  The  culprit  was 
evidently  a  wild  Irish  woman,  of  a  strange  tongue.  Good- 
win, who  made  the  complaint,  "  had  no  proof  that  could 
have  done  her  any  hurt;"  but  "the  scandalous  old  hag," 


BANCROFT]  THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT.  235 

whom  some  thought  "crazed  in  her  intellectuals,"  was 
bewildered,  and  made  strange  answers,  which  were  taken 
as  confessions  ;  sometimes,  in  excitement,  using  her  native 
dialect.  One  Hughes  testified  that,  six  years  before,  she 
had  heard  one  Howen  say  she  had  seen  Glover  come  down 
her  chimney.  It  was  plain  the  prisoner  was  a  Roman 
Catholic;  she  had  never  learned  the  Lord's  prayer  in 
English ;  she  could  repeat  the  paternoster  fluently  enough, 
but  not  quite  correctly ;  so  the  ministers  and  Goodwin's 
family  had  the  satisfaction  of  getting  her  condemned  as  a 
witch,  and  executed. 

[Boston  had  its  sceptics  as  to  the  reality  of  this  tale  of  witchcraft, 
but  the  ministers,  and  Cotton  Mather  in  particular,  did  their  utmost 
to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  public  on  this  subject.  The  Goodwin  girl 
continued  bewitched,  and  Cotton  Mather  invited  her  to  his  house,  and 
made  an  investigation  of  the  arts  of  the  devil,  who  proved  well  skilled 
in  languages,  though  there  was  one  Indian  language  which  he  did  not 
understand,  and  who  could  read  men's  thoughts,  though  it  appeared 
that  "  all  devils  are  not  alike  sagacious."  Cotton  Mather  published  a 
"Discourse"  on  this  subject,  and  resolved  to  regard  "the  denial  of 
devils,  or  of  witches,."  as  an  evidence  "of  ignorance,  incivility,  and 
dishonest  impudence." 

The  next  prosecution  for  witchcraft  took  place  in  1692,  three  years 
later.  Samuel  Parris,  a  minister  of  Salem  village,  who  had  had  bitter 
controversies  with  a'part  of  his  congregation,  produced  a  bewitched 
daughter  and  niece.  He  flogged  Tituba,  a  half  Indian,  half  negro, 
servant,  into  confessing  herself  a  witch.  Then  he  accused  Sarah  Good, 
a  poor,  melancholy  woman,  who  was  put  on  trial  for  witchcraft  ] 

Yet  the  delusion,  but  for  Parris,  would  have  languished. 
Of  his  own  niece,  the  girl  of  eleven  years  of  age,  he  de- 
manded the  names  of  the  devil's  instruments  who  bewitched 
the  band  of  "  the  afflicted,"  and  then  became  at  once  in- 
former and  witness.  In  those  days  there  was  no  prosecut- 
ing officer ;  and  Parris  was  at  hand  to  question  his  Indian 
servants  and  others,  himself  prompting  their  answers  and 


236  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

acting  as  recorder  to  the  magistrates.  The  recollection  of 
the  old  controversy  in  the  parish  could  not  be  forgotten  ; 
and  Parris,  moved  by  personal  malice  as  well  as  by  blind 
zeal,  "  stifled  the  accusations  of  some," — such  is  the  testi- 
mony of  the  people  of  his  own  village, — and,  at  the  same 
time  "  vigilantly  promoting  the  accusations  of  others,"  was 
"  the  beginner  and  procurer  of  the  sore  afflictions  to  Salem 
village  and  the  country."  Martha  Cory,  who  in  her  ex- 
amination in  the  meeting-house  before  a  throng,  with  a 
firm  spirit,  alone,  against  them  all,  denied  the  presence  of 
witchcraft,  was  committed  to  prison.  RebeccaJSTurse,  like- 
wise, a  woman  of  purest  life,  an  object  of  the  special  hatred 
of  Parris,  resisted  the  company  of  accusers,  and  was  com- 
mitted. And  Parris,  filling  his  prayers  with  the  theme, 
made  the  pulpit  ring  with  it.  "  Have  not  I  chosen  you 
twelve,"  such  was  his  text, — "and  one  of  you  is  a  devil?" 
At  this,  Sarah  Cloyce,  sister  to  Rebecca  Nurse,  rose  up 
and  left  the  meeting-house;  and  she,  too,  was  cried  out 
upon,  and  sent  to  prison. 

The  subject  grew  interesting;  and,  to  examine  Sarah 
Cloyce  and  Elizabeth  Procter,  the  deputy  governor  and 
five  other  magistrates  went  to  Salem.  It  was  a  great  day ; 
several  ministers  were  present.  Parris  officiated  ;  and,  by 
his  own  record,  it  is  plain  that  he  himself  elicited  every 
accusation.  His  first  witness,  John,  the  Indian  servant, 
husband  to  Tituba,  was  rebuked  by  Sarah  Cloyce,  as  a 
grievous  liar.  Abigail  Williams,  the  niece  to  Parris,  was 
also  at  hand  with  her  tales ;  the  prisoner  had  been  at  the 
witches'  sacrament.  Struck  with  horror,  Sarah  Cloyce 
asked  for  water,  and  sank  down  "  in  a  dying  fainting  fit." 
"  Her  spirit,"  shouted  the  band  of  the  afflicted,  "  is  gone 
to  prison  to  her  sister  Nurse."  Against  Elizabeth  Procter 
the  niece  of  Parris  told  stories  yet  more  foolish  than  false  : 
the  prisoner  had  invited  her  to  sign  the  devil's  book.  "  Dear 


BANCROFT]  THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT.  237 

child,"  exclaimed  the  accused  in  her  agony,  "it  is  not  so. 
There  is  another  judgment,  dear  child  ;"  and  her  accusers, 
turning  towards  her  husband,  declared  that  he,  too,  was  a 
wizard.  All  three  were  committed.  Examinations  and 
commitments  multiplied.  GilesjCory,  a  stubborn  old  man 
of- more  than  fourscore  years,  could  not  escape  the  malice 
of  his  minister  and  his  angry  neighbors,  with  whom  he 
had  quarrelled.  Edward  Bishop,  a  farmer,  cured  the  In- 
dian servant  of  a  fit  by  flogging  him ;  he  declared,  more- 
over, his  belief  that  he  could,  in  like  manner,  cure  the 
whole  company  of  the  afflicted,  and,  for  his  scepticism, 
found  himself  and  his  wife  in  prison.  Mary  Easty,  of 
Topsfield,  another  sister  to  Rebecca  Nurse, — a  woman  of 
singular  gentleness  and  force  of  character,  deeply  religious, 
yet  uninfected  by  superstition, — was  torn  from  her  children 
and  sent  to  jail.  Parris  had  had  a  rival  in  George  Bur- 
roughs, a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  who,  having  for- 
merly preached  in  Salem  village,  had  had  friends  there 
desirous  of  his  settlement.  He,  too,  a  sceptic  in  witch- 
craft, was  accused  and  committed.  Thus  far,  there  had 
been  no  success  in  obtaining  confessions,  though  earnestly 
solicited.  It  had  been  hinted,  also,  that  confessing  was 
the  avenue  to  safety.  At  last,  Deliverance  Hobbs  owned 
everything  that  was  asked  of  her,  and  was  left  unharmed. 
The  gallows  were  to  be  set  up  not  for  those  who  professed 
themselves  witches,  but  for  those  who  rebuked  the  delusion. 

[A  court  of  magistrates,  appointed  under  the  royal  charter,  with 
Stoughton,  a  positive,  overbearing  man,  for  its  chief  judge,  was  now 
instituted  for  the  trial  of  these  cases.  Bridget  Bishop,  a  poor  and 
friendless  old  woman,  was  the  first  to  he  tried.  She  had  remarkable 
powers.  "  She  gave  a  look  towards  the  great  and  spacious  meeting- 
house of  Salem,"  says  Cotton  Mather,  "and  immediately  a  daemon, 
invisibly  entering  the  house,  tore  down  a  part  of  it."  She  was  a 
witch  by  all  the  rules  and  precedents,  and  was  duly  hanged.  At  the 
next  session  of  the  court  five  women  were  condemned.  Kebecca  Nurse 


238  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

was  at  first  acquitted,  then  condemned,  and  afterwards  reprieved.  But 
the  influence  of  Parris  secured  her  condemnation,  and  she  was  hanged 
with  the  rest.] 

Confessions  rose  in  importance.  "  Some,  not  afflicted 
before  confession,  were  so  presently  after  it."  The  jails 
were  filled  ;  for  fresh  accusations  were  needed  to  confirm 
the  confessions.  "Some,  by  these  their  accusations  of 
others," — I  quote  the  cautious  apologist  Hall, — "  hoped  to 
gain  time,  and  get  favor  from  the  rulers.".  .  .  If  the  con- 
fessions were  contradictory,  if  witnesses  uttered  apparent 
falsehoods,  "  the  devil,"  the  judges  would  say,  "  takes  away 
their  memory,  and  imposes  on  their  brain."  And  who 
would  now  dare  to  be  sceptical  ?  Who  would  disbelieve 
confessors?  Besides,  there  were  other  evidences.  A  cal- 
lous spot  was  the  mark  of  the  devil :  did  age  or  amaze- 
ment refuse  to  shed  tears;  were  threats  after  a  quarrel 
followed  by  the  death  of  cattle  or  other  harm ;  did  an 
error  occur  in  repeating  the  Lord's  prayer  ;  were  deeds 
of  great  physical  strength  performed, — these  were  all 
signs  of  witchcraft.  In  spine  instances,  phenomena  of 
somnambulism  would  appear  to  have  been  exhibited ;  and 
"  the  afflicted,  out  of  their  fits,  knew  nothing  of  what  they 
did  or  said  in  them." 

Again,  on  a  new  session,  six  were  arraigned,  and  all  were 
convicted.  John  Willard  had,  as  an  officer,  been  employed 
to  arrest  the  suspected  witches.  Perceiving  the  hypoc- 
risy, he  declined  the  service.  The  afflicted  immediately 
denounced  him,  and  he  was  seized,  convicted,  and  hanged. 

At  the  trial  of  George  Burroughs,  the  bewitched  per- 
sons pretended  to  be  dumb.  "  Whp  hinders  these  wit- 
nesses," said  Stoughton,  "  from  giving  their  testimonies  ?" 
"  I  suppose  the  devil,"  answered  Burroughs.  "  How  oomes 
the  devil,"  retorted  the  chief  judge,  "  so  loath  to  have  any 
testimony  borne  against  you?"  and  the  question  was  effec- 


BANCROFT]  THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT.  239 

tive.  Besides,  he  had  given  proofs  of  great,  if  not  preter- 
natural, muscular  strength.  Cotton  Mather  calls  the  evi- 
dence "  enough  :"  the  jury  gave  a  verdict  of  guilty. 

John  Procter,  who  foresaw  his  doom,  and  knew  from 
whom  the  danger  came,  sent  an  earnest  petition,  not  to 
the  governor  and  council,  but  to  Cotton  Mather  and  the 
ministers.  Among  the  witnesses  against  him  were  some 
who  had  made  no  confessions  till  after  torture.  "They 
have  already  undone  us  in  our  estates,  and  that  will  not 
serve  their  turns  without  our  innocent  blood ;"  and  he 
begged  for  a  trial  in  Boston,  or,  at  least,  for  a  change  of 
magistrates.  His  entreaties  were  vain,  as  also  his  prayers, 
after  condemnation,  for  a  respite. 

Among  the  witnesses  against  Martha  Carrier  the  mother 
saw  her  own  children.  Her  two  sons  refused  to  perjure 
themselves  till  they  had  been  tied  neck  and  heels  so  long 
that  the  blood  was  ready  to  gush  from  them.  The  con- 
fession of  her  daughter,  a  child  of  seven  years  old,  is  still 
preserved. 

The  aged  Jacobs  was  condemned,  in  part,  by  the  evi- 
dence of  Margaret  Jacobs,  his  grand-daughter.  [She  re- 
tracted her  confession,  but]  the  magistrates  refused  their 
belief,  and,  confining  her  for  trial,  proceeded  to  hang  her 
grandfather. 

These  five  were  condemned  on  the  third  and  hanged  on 
the  nineteenth  of  August ;  pregnancy  reprieved  Elizabeth 
Procter.  To  hang  a  minister  as  a  witch  was  a  novelty ; 
but  Burroughs  denied  absolutely  that  there  was,  or  could 
be,  such  a  thing  as  witchcraft,  in  the  current  sense.  This 
opinion  wounded  the  self-love  of  the  judges,  for  it  made 
them  the  accusers  and  judicial  murderers  of  the  innocent. 
On  the  ladder  Burroughs  cleared  his  innocence  by  an  ear- 
nest speech,  repeating  the  Lord's  prayer  composedly  and 
exactly,  and  with  a  fervency  that  astonished.  Tears  flowed 


240  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

to  the  eyes  of  many ;  it  seemed  as  if  the  spectators  would 
rise  up  to  hinder  the  execution.  Cotton  Mather,  on  horse- 
back among  the  crowd,  addressed  the  people,  cavilling  at 
the  ordination  of  Burroughs,  as  though  he  had  been  no 
true  minister;  insisting  on  his  guilt,  and  hinting  that  the 
devil  could  sometimes  assume  the  appearance  of  an  angel 
of  light ;  and  the  hanging  proceeded. 

Meantime,  the  confessions  of  the  witches  began  to  be  di- 
rected against  the  Anabaptists.  Mary  Osgood  was  dipped 
by  the  devil.  The  court  still  had  work  to  do.  On  the 
ninth,  six  women  were  condemned ;  and  more  convictions 
followed.  Giles  Cory,  the  octogenarian,  seeing  that  all 
who  denied  guilt  were  convicted,  refused  to  plead,  and  was 
condemned  to  be  pressed  to  death.  The  horrid  sentence, 
a  barbarous  usage  of  English  law,  never  again  followed  in 
the  colonies,  was  executed  forthwith. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  September  eight  persons  were 
led  to  the  gallows.  Of  these  Samuel  Wardwell  had  con- 
fessed, and  was  safe;  but,  from  shame  and  penitence,  he 
retracted  his  confession,  and,  speaking  the  truth  boldly, 
he  was  hanged,  not  for  witchcraft,  but  for  denying  witch- 
craft. .  .  .  The  chief  judge  was  positive  that  all  had  been 
done  rightly,  and  "was  very  impatient  in  hearing  anything 
that  looked  another  way."  "  There  hang  eight  firebrands 
of  hell,"  said  Noyes,  the  minister  of  Salem,  pointing  to 
the  bodies  swinging  on  the  gallows. 

Already  twenty  persons  had  been  put  to  death  for 
witchcraft;  fifty-five  had  been  tortured  or  terrified  into 
penitent  confessions.  With  accusations,  confessions  in- 
creased ;  with  confessions,  new  accusations.  Even  "  the 
generation'  of  the  children  of  God"  were  in  danger  of 
"  falling  under  that  condemnation."  The  jails  were  full. 
One  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  awaited  trial;  two 
hundred  more  were  accused  or  suspected.  It  was  also 


BANCROFT]  THE  SALEM  WITCHCRAFT.  241 

observed  that  no  one  of  the  condemned  confessing  witch- 
craft had  been  hanged.  No  one  that  confessed,  and  re- 
tracted a  confession,  had  escaped  either  hanging  or  im- 
prisonment for  trial.  No  one  of  the  condemned  who 
asserted  innocence,  even  if  one  of  the  witnesses  confessed 
perjury,  or  the  foreman  of  the  jury  acknowledged  the  error 
of  the  verdict,  escaped  the  gallows.  Favoritism  was  shown 
in  listening  to  accusations,  which  were  turned  aside  from 
friends  and  partisans.  If  a  man  began  a  career  as  a  witch- 
hunter,  and,  becoming  convinced  of  the  imposture,  declined 
the  service,  he  was  accused  and  hanged.  Persons  accused, 
who  had  escaped  from  the  jurisdiction  in  Massachusetts, 
were  not  demanded,  as  would  have  been  done  in  case  of 
acknowledged  crime;  so  that  the  magistrates  acted  as 
if  witch-law  did  not  extend  beyond  their  jurisdiction. 
Witnesses  convict'ed  of  perjury  were  cautioned,  and  per- 
mitted still  to  swear  away  the  lives  of  others.  It  was 
certain  that  people  had  been  tempted  to  become  accusers 
by  promise  of  favor.  Yet  the  zeal  of  Stoughton  was  un- 
abated, and  the  arbitrary  court  adjourned  to  the  first 
Tuesday  in  November. 

[In  the  interval  the  colonial  Assembly  met.  Eemonstrances  were 
presented  against  the  doings  of  the  witch  tribunal.  There  is  no  record 
of  the  discussions,  but  a  convocation  of  ministers  was  ordered,  the 
special  court  was  abrogated,  and  a  legal  tribunal  established.  The 
meeting  of  th-is  court  was  delayed  till  January  of  the  following  year. 
This  interval  of  three  months  gave  the  people  time  to  think.] 

When  the  court  met  at  Salem,  six  women  of  Andover, 
at  once  renouncing  their  confessions,  treated  the  witch- 
craft but  as  something  so  called,  the  bewildered  but  as 
"seemingly  afflicted."  A  memorial  of  like  tenor  came 
from  the  inhabitants  of  Andover. 

Of  the  presentments,  the  grand  jury  dismissed  more 
than  half;  and,  if  it  found  bills  against  twenty-six,  the 
i.— L  q  21 


242  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BANCROFT 

trials  did  but  show  the  feebleness  of  the  testimony  on 
which  others  had  been  condemned.  The  minds  of  the 
juries  became  enlightened  before  those  of  the  judges. 
The  same  testimony  was  produced,  and  there,  at  Salern, 
with  Stoughton  on  the  bench,  verdicts  of  acquittal  fol- 
lowed :  "  Error  died  among  its  worshippers."  Three  had, 
for  special  reasons,  been  convicted :  one  was  a  wife,  whose 
testimony  had  sent  her  husband  to  the  gallows,  and  whose 
confession  was  now  used  against  herself.  All  were  re- 
prieved, and  soon  set  free.  Eeluctant  to  yield,  the  party 
of  superstition  were  resolved  on  one  conviction.  The 
victim  selected  was  Sarah  Daston,  a  woman  of  eighty 
years  old,  who  for  twenty  years  had  enjo}7ed  the  undis- 
puted reputation  of  a  witch;  if  ever  there  were  a  witch 
in  the  world,  she,  it  was  said,  was  one.  In  the  presence 
of  a  throng  the  trial  went  forward  at  Charlestown  :  there 
was  more  evidence  against  her  than  against  any  at  Salem  ; 
but  the  common  mind  was  disenthralled,  and  asserted 
itself,  through  the  jury,  by  a  verdict  of  acquittal. 

[Cotton  Mather  endeavored  to  cover  his  confusion  by  getting  up  a 
case  of  witchcraft  in  his  own  parish,  the  imposture  of  which  was  ex- 
posed to  ridicule  by  Robert  Calef,  an  unlettered  but  intelligent  man. 
Parris  was  indignantly  driven  from  Salem.  Others  begged  forgiveness.] 

Stoughton  and  Cotton  Mather  never  repented.  The 
former  lived  proud,  unsatisfied,  and  unbeloved  ;  the  latter 
attempted  to  persuade  others  and  himself  that  he  had  not 
been  specially  active  in  the  tragedy.  His  diary  proves 
that  he  did  not  wholly  escape  the  rising  impeachment 
from  the  monitor  within  ;  and  Cotton  Mather,  who  had 
sought  the  foundation  of  faith  in  tales  of  wonders,  him- 
self "  had  temptations  to  atheism,  and  to  the  abandon- 
ment of  all  religion  as  a  mere  delusion." 

The  common  mind  of  New  England  was  more  wise. 
It  never  wavered  in  its  faith  ;  more  ready  to  receive  every 


TRUMBULL]     THE   TYRANT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  243 

tale  from  the  invisible  world  than  to  gaze  on  the  universe 
without  acknowledging  an  Infinite  Intelligence.  But, 
employing  a  cautious  spirit  of  search,  eliminating  error, 
rejecting  superstition  as  tending  to  cowardice  and  sub- 
mission, cherishing  religion  as  the  source  of  courage  and 
the  fountain  of  freedom,  it  refused  henceforward  to  sepa- 
rate belief  and  reason. 


THE  TYRANT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL. 

[The  English  colonies  in  America,  with  the  exception  of  those  of 
Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  were  instituted  under  conditions  of  marked 
liberality,  and  enjoyed  a  degree  of  religious  and  political  freedom  un- 
known in  Europe  at  that  day.  Small  groups  of  colonists,  far  removed 
from  European  institutions,  and  struggling  with  the  difficulties  of  an 
untamed  nature,  could  not  be  expected  to  conform  to  the  intricate 
regulations  of  the  old  nationalities  which  they  had  left,  and  they  at 
once  began  to  govern  themselves  on  the  republican  principle,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  simplicity  of  their  conditions.  Monarchy  made 
itself  felt  most  fully  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  jret  even  here 
provincial  Assemblies  were  quickly  established,  and  the  rigidity  of 
the  earlier  systems  abated.  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  were  organ- 
ized under  highly-liberal  constitutions,  while  the  New  England  QO!O- 
nies  began  their  existence  as  provincial  republics. 

This  state  of  affairs  long  continued  with  but  spasmodic  interferences 
from  England,  and  the  spirit  of  republicanism  had  greatly  developed 
in  the  American  colonies  ere  any  serious  effort  was  made  to  deprive 
them  of  their  liberties.  The  growth  of  free  institutions  had  been 
much  favored  by  the  strong  republican  sentiment  then  prevailing  in 
England,  which  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  monarchy  and  the  for- 
mation of  the  Commonwealth.  After  the  death  of  Cromwell,  and 
the  re-establishment  of  the  monarchy,  indications  of  a  desire  to  restrict 
the  liberties  of  the  colonies,  now  flourishing  and  important,  became 


244  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRUMBULL 

manifest.  Charles  II.  granted  to  his  brother  James,  the  Duke  of 
York,  the  whole  territory  from  the  Connecticut  Elver  to  the  shores  of 
the  Delaware,  which  grant  was  quickly  followed  by  the  illegal  seizure 
of  New  Amsterdam,  which  received  the  name  of  New  York. 

The  Dutch  rule  over  this  province  had  been  to  a  considerable  extent 
autocratic,  and  this  was  continued  by  the  English  governors,  despite 
the  protests  of  the  people.  In  1672,  during  a  war  between  England 
and  Holland,  the  city  was  recaptured  by  the  Dutch,  but  was  returned 
to  the  English  on  the  conclusion  of  peace.  The  Duke  of  York  now 
obtained  a  new  patent  to  confirm  his  title,  and  made  Edmund  Andros 
governor  of  the  province.  The  rule  of  this  governor  was  tyrannical. 
He  levied  taxes  without  asking  the  consent  of  the  people,  and  refused 
them  a  representative  Assembly.  He  attempted  to  extend  his  jurisdic- 
tion over  New  Jersey,  and  as  far  east  as  the  Connecticut  Kiver,  but 
failed  in  this.  Under  Thomas  Dongan,  the  succeeding  governor,  a 
representative  government  was  established  in  New  York,  through  the 
advice  of  William  Penn. 

With  the  accession  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  the  throne,  under  the 
title  of  James  II.,  a  vigorous  effort  to  overthrow  the  liberties  of  the 
colonists  was  made.  A  direct  tax  was  decreed,  printing-presses  were 
forbidden,  and  many  arbitrary  edicts  passed.  In  1686  the  late  tyran- 
nical governor  of  New  York,  now  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  was  sent  to 
Massachusetts,  with  a  commission  as  governor  of  all  the  New  England 
provinces.  In  1688  his  rule  was  extended  over  New  York.  He  at 
once  displayed  the  intention  to  act  the  tyrant,  and  immediately  on  his 
arrival  in  Boston,  in  December,  1686,  demanded  a  surrender  of  all  the 
charters  of  the  colonies,  while  publishing  edicts  which  annulled  the 
existing  liberties  of  the  people.  Of  the  several  colonies,  Connecticut 
alone  refused  to  surrender  its  charter.  To  enforce  his  demand  Andros 
marched  to  Hartford  with  a  body  of  soldiers  in  October,  1687.  The 
story  of  these  events  we  quote  from  the  antique  "  History  of  Con- 
necticut," by  Benjamin  Trumbull.] 

MR.  DUDLEY,  while  president  of  the  commissioners,  had 
written  to  the  governor  and  company,  advising  them  to 
resign  the  charter  into  the  hands  of  his  majesty,  and 
promising  to  use  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  colony.  Mr. 
Dudley's  commission  was  superseded  by  a  commission  to 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  to  be  governor  of  New  England.  He 


TRTTMBULL]     THE   TYRANT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  245 

arrived  at  Boston  on  the  19th  of  December,  1686.  The 
next  day  his  commission  was  published,  and  he  took  on 
him  the  administration  of  government.  Soon  after  his 
arrival  he  wrote  to  the  governor  and  company  that  he 
had  a  commission  from  his  majesty  to  receive  their  charter, 
if  they  would  resign  it ;  and  he  pressed  them,  in  obedience 
to  the  king,  and  as  they  would  give  him  an  opportunity 
to  serve  them,  to  resign  it  to  his  pleasure.  .  .  .  But  the 
colony  [of  Connecticut]  insisted  on  their  charter  rights, 
and  on  the  promise  of  King  James,  as  well  as  of  his  royal 
brother,  to  defend  and  secure  them  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  privileges  and  estates,  and  would  not  surrender  their 
charter  to  either.  .  .  . 

The  Assembly  met,  as  usual,  in  October,  and  the  govern- 
ment continued  according  to  charter  until  the  last  of  the 
month.  About  this  time,  Sir  Edmund,  with  his  suite,  and 
more  than  sixty  regular  troops,  came  to  Hartford,  when 
the  Assembly  were  sitting,  demanded  the  charter,  and  de- 
clared the  government  under  it  to  be  dissolved.  The  As- 
sembly were  extremely  reluctant  and  slow  with  respect  to 
any  resolve  to  surrender  the  charter,  or  with  respect  to 
any  motion  to  bring  it  forth.  The  tradition  is  that  Gov- 
ernor Treat  strongly  represented  the  great  expense  and 
hardships  of  the  colonists  in  planting  the  country,  the 
blood  and  treasure  which  they  had  expended  in  defending 
it,  both  against  the  savages  and  foreigners ;  to  what  hard- 
ships and  dangers  he  himself  had  been  exposed  for  that 
purpose ;  and  that  it  was  like  giving  up  his  life,  now  to 
surrender  the  patent  and  privileges  so  dearly  bought  and 
so  long  enjoyed.  The  important  affair  was  debated  and 
kept  in  suspense  until  the  evening,  when  the  charter  was 
brought  and  laid  upon  the  table,  whei'e  the  Assembly  were 
sitting.  By  this  time,  gi'eat  numbers  of  people  were  as- 
sembled, and  men  sufficiently  bold  to  enterprise  whatever 
i.  21* 


246  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRTJMBITLL 

might  be  necessary  or  expedient.  The  lights  were  in- 
stantly extinguished,  and  one  Captain  Wadsworth,  of  Hart- 
ford, in  the  most  silent  and  secret  manner,  carried  off  the 
charter,  and  secreted  it  in  a  large  hollow  tree,  fronting  the 
house  of  the  Honorable  Samuel  Wyllys,  then  one  of  the 
magistrates  of  the  colony.  The  people  appeared  all  peace- 
able and  orderly.  The  candles  were  officiously  relighted, 
but  the  patent  was  gone,  and  no  discovery  could  be  made 
of  it,  or  of  the  person  who  had  conveyed  it  away. 

[This  stirring  scene,  which  is  told  with  more  dramatic  additions  by 
later  authors,  unfortunately  rests  upon  traditional  evidence  only,  and 
is  entirely  unsupported  by  documentary  testimony.  While  it  may 
have  actually  occurred,  there  is  no  positive  proof  that  it  did.  The 
documents  simply  tell  us  that  Sir  Edmund  assumed  the  government, 
and  closed  the  colonial  records  with  a  statement  of  this  fact,  and  the 
ominous  word  "Finis."  It  was,  for  the  time  being,  "the  end"  of 
American  liberty.] 

Sir  Edmund  began  his  government  with  the  most  flat- 
tering protestations  of  his  regard  to  the  public  safety  and 
happiness.  He  instructed  the  judges  to  administer  justice, 
as  far  as  might  be  consistent  with  the  new  regulations, 
according  to  the  former  laws  and  customs.  It  is,  how- 
ever, well  obser-ved  by  Governor  Hutchinson,  that  "  Nero 
concealed  his  tyrannical  disposition  more  years  than  Sir 
Edmund  and  his  creatures  did  months."  He  soon  laid  a 
restraint  upon  the  liberty  of  the  press ;  and  then  one  far 
more  grievous  upon  marriage.  .  .  .  Magistrates  only  .were 
allowed  to  join  people  in  the  bands  of  wedlock.  The 
governor  not  only  deprived  the  clergy  of  the  perquisite 
from  marriages,  but  soon  suspended  the  laws  for  their 
support,  and  would  not  suffer  any  person  to  be  obliged  to 
pay  anything  to  his  minister.  Nay,  he  menaced  the 
people  that,  if  they  resisted  his  will,  their  meeting-houses 
should  be  taken  from  them,  and  that  any  person  who 


TRUMBULL]     THE  TYRANT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  247 

should  give  twopence  to  a  non-conformist  minister  should 
be  punished. 

The  fees  of  all  officers,  under  this  new  administra- 
tion, were  exorbitant.  .  .  .  Sir  Edmund,  without  an  As- 
sembly, nay,  without  a  major-it}''  of  his  council,  taxed  the 
people  at  pleasure.  He  and  Eandolph,  with  four  or  five 
others  of  his  creatures,  who  were  sufficiently  wicked  to 
join  with  him  in  all  his  oppressive  designs,  managed  the 
affairs  of  government  as  they  pleased.  But  these  were 
but  the  beginnings  of  oppression  and  sorrow.  They  were 
soon  greatly  increased  and  more  extensively  spread.  .  .  . 

As  the  charters  were  now  either  vacated,  surrendered, 
or  the  government  under  them  suspended,  it  was  declared 
that  the  titles  of  the  colonists  to  their  lands  were  of  no 
value.  Sir  Edmund  declared  that  Indian  deeds  were  no 
better  than  "the  scratch  of  a  bear's  paw."  Not  the 
fairest  purchases  and  most  ample  conveyances  from  the 
natives,  no  dangers,  disbursements,  nor  labors  in  cultivat- 
ing a  wilderness  and  turning  it  into  orchards,  gardens,  and 
pleasant  fields,  no  grants  by  charter,  nor  by  legislatures 
constituted  by  them,  no  declarations  of  preceding  kings, 
nor  of  his  then  present  majesty,  promising  them  the  quiet 
enjoyment  of  their  houses  and  lands,  nor  fifty  or  sixty 
years'  undisturbed  possession,  were  pleas  of  any  validity 
or  consideration  with  Sir  Edmund  and  his  minions.  The 
purchasers  and  cultivators,  after  fifty  and  sixty  years' 
improvement,  were  obliged  to  take  out  patents  for  their 
estates.  For  these,  in  some  instances,  a  fee  of  fifty  pounds 
was  demanded.  .  .  . 

The  governor,  and  a  small  number  of  his  council,  in  the 
most  arbitrary  manner,  fined  and  imprisoned  numbers  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  and  denied  them  the 
benefit  of  the  act  of  habeas  corpus.  All  town  meetings 
were  prohibited,  except  one  in  the  month  of  May,  for  the 


248  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRUMBULL 

election  of  town  officers.  .  .  .  No  person  was  suffered  to 
go  out  of  the  country  without  leave  from  the  governor, 
lest  complaints  should  be  carried  to  England  against  his 
administration.  At  the  same  time,  he  so  well  knew  the 
temper  and  views  of  his  royal  master  that  he  feared  little 
from  him,  even  though  complaints  should  be  carried  over 
against  him.  Hence  he  and  his  dependants  oppressed  the 
people,  and  enriched  themselves  without  restraint. 

[Despite  his  efforts,  complaints  and  petitions  made  their  way  to 
England ;  yet  they  proved  of  little  effect  upon  the  king.] 

In  the  reign  of  James  II.,  petitions  so  reasonable  and 
just  could  not  be  heard.  The  prince  at  home,  and  his 
officers  abroad,  like  greedy  harpies,  preyed  upon  the  people 
without  control.  Eandolph  was  not  ashamed  to  make  his 
boast,  in  his  letters,  with  respect  to  Governor  Andros  and 
his  council,  "that  they  were  as  arbitrary  as  the  Great 
Turk."  All  New  England  groaned  under  their  oppression. 
The  heaviest  share  of  it,  however,  fell  upon  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Massachusetts  and  New  Plymouth.  Connecticut 
had  been  less  obnoxious  to  government  than  Massachu- 
setts, and,  as  it  was  further  removed  from  the  seat  of 
government,  was  less  under  the  notice  and  influence  of 
those  oppressors.  .  .  . 

All  the  motives  to  great  actions,  to  industry,  economy, 
enterprise,  wealth,  and  population,  were  in  a  manner  anni- 
hilated. A  general  inactivity  and  languishment  pervaded 
the  whole  public  body.  Liberty,  property,  and  everything 
which  ought  to  be  dear  to  men,  every  day  grew  more 
and  more  insecure.  The  colonies  were  in  a  state  of  gen- 
eral despondency  with  respect  to  the  restoration  of  their 
privileges,  and  the  truth  of  that  divine  maxim,  "  When 
the  wicked  beareth  rule  the  people  mourn,"  was,  in  a 
striking  manner,  everywhere  exemplified. 


TRUMBULL]     THE  TYRANT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  249 

[Fortunately,  this  grinding  tyranny  was  not  of  long  continuance. 
Early  in  1689  tidings  reached  Boston  that  James  II.  was  no  longer 
king :  in  November,  1688,  William  of  Orange  had  landed  in  Eng- 
land and  driven  the  tyrant  from  his  throne.  The  Bostonians  at  once 
rebelled  against  Andros.  His  tyranny  was  denounced  by  the  magis- 
trates, and  he,  with  several  of  his  creatures,  was  seized  and  imprisoned. 
Andros  twice  attempted  to  escape  from  confinement,  and  once  got  as 
far  as  Khode  Island,  but  was  captured  and  brought  back.  In  July  he 
was  sent  to  England,  where  he  was  acquitted  without  trial.  And  so 
ended  the  most  prominent  early  effort  to  take  away  the  liberties  of  the 
American  people.  Andros  was  subsequently  (in  1692)  made  governor 
of  Virginia.  Here,  however,  his  rule  was  less  arbitrary,  and  he  be- 
came popular  with  the  planters. 

The  traditions  of  early  Connecticut  present  one  more  scene  of  great 
dramatic  interest,  in  which  the  spirit  of  liberty  of  the  people,  and  the 
energy  of  Captain  Wadsworth,  were  manifested  in  the  same  deter- 
mined manner  as  in  the  incident  described.  This  occurred  in  1693, 
during  King  William's  War.  An  account  of  it  may  be  quoted  from 
Trumbull.] 

Colonel  Benjamin  Fletcher,  governor  of  New  York, 
who  had  arrived  at  the  seat  of  his  government  August 
29,  1692,  had  received  a  commission  entirely  inconsistent 
with  the  charter  rights  and  safety  of  the  colonies.  He 
was  vested  with  plenary  powers  of  commanding  the  whole 
militia  of  Connecticut  and  the  neighboring  provinces.  He 
insisted  on  the  command  of  the  militia-  of  Connecticut. 
As  this  was  expressly  given  to  the  colony,  by  charter,  the 
legislature  would  not  submit  to  his  requisition. 

[A  special  Assembly  met,  and  drew  up  a  petition  to  the  king,  rep- 
resenting the  true  state  of  affairs  in  the  colony,  and  the  disadvan- 
tage and  danger  which  might  result  from  giving  the  command  of  the 
militia  to  the  governor  of  another  province.] 

The  colony  wished  to  serve  his  majesty's  interest,  and 
as  far  as  possible,  consistently  with  their  chartered  rights, 
to  maintain  a  good  understanding  with  Governor  Fletcher. 


250  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRXJMBXILL 

William  Pitkin,  Esquire,  was  therefore  sent  to  New  York, 
to  treat  and  make  terms  with  him  respecting  the  militia, 
until  his  majesty's  pleasui-e  should  be  further  known. 
But  no  terms  could  be  made  with  him  short  of  an  explicit 
submission  of  the  militia  to  his  command. 

On  the  26th  of  October  he  came  to  Hartford,  while  the 
Assembly  were  sitting,  and,  in  his  majesty's  name,  de- 
manded their  submission  of  the  militia  to  his  command,  as 
they  would  answer  it  to  his  majesty,  and  that  they  would 
give  him  a  speedy  answer  in  two  words,  Yes,  or  No.  .  .  . 
He  ordered  the  militia  of  Hartford  under  arms,  that  he 
might  beat  up  for  volunteers.  It  was  judged  expedient  to 
call  the  train-bands  of  Hartford  together ;  but  the  Assem- 
bly insisted  that  the  command  of  the  militia  was  expressly 
vested,  by  charter,  in  the  governor  and  company,  and  that 
they  could  by  no  means,  consistently  with  their  just  rights 
and  the  common  safety,  resign  it  into  any  other  hands. 

[In  response  Governor  Fletcher  made  the  declaration  that  he  had  no 
design  upon  the  civil  rights  of  the  colonists,  and  offered  the  command 
of  the  militia  to  Governor  Treat,  under  his  commission.] 

The  Assembly,  nevertheless,  would  not  give  up  the  com- 
mand of  the  militia;  nor  would  Governor  Treat  receive  a 
commission  from.  Colonel  Fletcher. 

The  train-bands  of  Hartford  assembled,  and,  as  the  tra- 
dition is,  while  Captain  Wadsworth,  the  senior  officer,  was 
walking  in  front  of  the  companies  and  exercising  the  sol- 
diers. Colonel  Fletcher  ordered  his  commission  and  instruc- 
tions to  be  read.  Captain  Wadsworth  instantly  commanded, 
"  Beat  the  drums ;"  and  there  was  such  a  roaring  of  them 
that  nothing  else  could  be  heard.  Colonel  Fletcher  com- 
manded silence.  But  no  sooner  had  Bayard  made  an  at- 
tempt to  read  again,  than  Wadsworth  commands,  "  Drum, 
drum,  I  say."  The  drummers  understood  their  business, 


SMITH]      THE  LEISLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK.  251 

and  instantly  beat  up  with  all  the  art  and  life  of  which 
they  were  masters.  "  Silence,  silence,"  says  the  colonel. 
No  sooner  was  there  a  pause,  than  Wadsworth  speaks  with 
great  earnestness,  "  Drum,  drum,  I  say ;"  and,  turning  to 
his  excellency,  said,  "If  I  am  interrupted  again  I  will 
make  the  sun  shine  through  you  in  a  moment."  He  spoke 
with  such  energy  in  his  voice  and  meaning  in  his  counte- 
nance that  no  further  attempts  were  made  to  read  or 
enlist  men.  Such  numbers  of  people  collected  together, 
and  their  spirits  appeared  so  high,  that  the  governor  and 
his  suite  judged  it  expedient  soon  to  leave  the  town  and 
return  to  New  York. 


THE  LEISLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK. 

WILLIAM  SMITH. 

[The  news  of  the  accession  of  William  of  Orange  to  the  English 
throne  produced  in  New  York  an  effect  very  similar  to  that  which  it 
produced  in  New  England,. — an  uprising  of  the  people  against  their 
tyrannical  governor.  But  the  revolt  here  against  the  lieutenant  of 
Andros  grew  into  a  rebellion  against  the  constituted  authorities,  of 
sufficient  interest  to  demand  special  consideration.  Another  impor- 
tant event  of  the  same  period  was  the  massacre  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Schenectady  by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians, — a  far-off  result  of  the 
war  then  raging  in  Europe  between  the  French  and  English.  We 
extract  a  description  of  these  events  from  William  Smith's  "  History 
of  New  York,"  one  of  the  oldest  of  American  historical  works,  as  it 
was  originally  published  in  1756.] 

WHILE  these  things  were  transacting  in  Canada  [the 
massacre  of  the  French  on  the  island  of  Montreal  by  the 
Iroquois],  a  scene  of  the  greatest  importance  was  opening 
at  New  York.  A  general  dissatisfaction  to  the  govern- 
ment prevailed  among  the  people.  Papists  began  to  settle 


252  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SMITH 

in  the  colony  under  the  smiles  of  the  governor.  The  col- 
lector of  the  revenues,  and  several  principal  officers,  threw 
off  the  mask,  and  openly  avowed  their  attachment  to  the 
doctrines  of  Rome.  A  Latin  school  was  set  up,  and  the 
teacher  strongly  suspected  for  a  Jesuit.  The  people  of 
Long  Island,  who  were  disappointed  in  their  expectation 
of  mighty  boons,  promised  by  the  governor  on  his  arrival, 
were  become  his  personal  enemies ;  and,  in  a  word,  the 
whole  body  of  the  people  trembled  for  the  Protestant 
cause.  Here  the  leaven  of  opposition  first  began  to  work. 
Their  intelligence  from  England,  of  the  designs  there  in 
favor  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  blew  up  the  coals  of  dis- 
content, and  elevated  the  hopes  of  the  disaffected.  But 
no  man  dared  to  spring  in  action  till  after  the  rupture  in 
Boston.  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  who  was  perfectly  devoted 
to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  King  James,  by  his  tyranny 
in  New  England  had  drawn  upon  himself  the  universal 
odium  of  the  people,  animated  with  the  love  of  liberty  and 
in  the  defence  of  it  resolute  and  courageous ;  and,  there- 
fore, when  they  could  no  longer  endure  his  despotic  rule, 
they  seized  and  imprisoned  him,  and  afterwards  sent  him 
to  England.  The  government,  in  the  mean  time,  was 
vested  in  the  hands  of  a  committee  for  the  safety  of  the 
people,  of  which  Mr.  Bradstreet  was  chosen  president. 
Upon  t'he  news  of  this  event,  several  captains  of  our 
militia  convened  themselves  to  concert  measures  in  favor 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Among  these,  Jacob  Leisler  was 
the  most  active.  He  was  a  man  in  tolerable  esteem  among 
the  people,  and  of  a  moderate  fortune,  but  destitute  of 
every  qualification  necessary  for  the  enterprise.  Milborne, 
his  son-in-law,  an  Englishman,  directed  all  his  councils, 
while  Leisler  as  absolutely  influenced  the  other  officers. 

The  first  thing  they  contrived  was  to  seize  the  garrison 
in  New  York ;  and  the  custom,  at  that  time,  of  guarding 


SMITH]      THE  LEISLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK.  253 

it  every  night  by  the  militia,  gave  Leisler  a  fine  opportu- 
nity of  executing  the  design.  He  entered  it  with  forty- 
nine  men,  and  determined  to  hold  it  till  the  whole  militia 
should  join  him.  Colonel  Dongan,  who  was  about  to  leave 
the  province,  then  lay  embarked  in  the  bay,  having  a 
little  before  resigned  the  government  to  Francis  Nichol- 
son, the  lieutenant-governor.  The  council,  civil  officers, 
and  magistrates  of  the  city  were  against  Leisler,  and 
therefore  many  of  his  friends  were  at  first  fearful  of 
openly  espousing  a  cause  disapproved  by  the  gentlemen 
of  figure.  For  this  reason,  Leisler's  first  declaration  in 
favor  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  subscribed  only  by 
a  few,  among  several  companies  of  the  trained  bands. 
While  the  people  for  four  days  successively  were  in 
the  utmost  perplexity  to  determine  what  part  to  choose, 
being  solicited  by  Leisler  on  the  one  hand  and  threatened 
by  the  lieutenant-governor  on  the  other,  the  town  was 
alarmed  with  a  report  that  three  ships  were  coming  up 
with  orders  from  the  Prince  of  Orange.  This  falsehood 
was  very  seasonably  propagated  to  serve  the  interest  of 
Leisler ;  for  on  that  day,  the  3d  of  June,  1689,  his  party 
was  augmented  by  the  addition  of  six  captains  and  four 
hundred  men  in  New  York,  and  a  company  of  seventy 
men  from  East  Chester,  who  all  subscribed  a  second  dec- 
laration, mutually  covenanting  to  hold  the  fort  for  the 
prince.  Colonel  Dongan  continued  till  this  time  in  the 
harbor,  waiting  the  issue  of  these  commotions ;  and  Nich- 
olson's party,  being  now  unable  to  contend  with  their 
opponents,  were  totally  dispersed,  the  lieutenant-governor 
himself  absconding,  the  very  night  after  the  last  declara- 
tion was  signed. 

[Leisler  at  once  sent  to  King  William  an  account  of  his  proceed- 
ings,  but    Lieutenant-Governor    Nicholson   had   previously  reached 
England,  and  had  falsely  represented  the  late  actions  to  Leisler's 
I.  22 


254  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SMITH 

prejudice.      The  authorities  of  the  city,  being  opposed  to  the  new 
party  in  power,  retired  to  Albany.] 

Except  the  eastern  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  all  the 
southern  part  of  the  colony  cheerfully  submitted  to  Leis- 
ler's  command.  The  principal  freeholders,  however,  by 
their  respectful  letters,  gave  him  hopes  of  their  submis- 
sion, and  thereby  prevented  his  betaking  himself  to  arms, 
while  they  were  privately  soliciting  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut to  take  them  under  its  jurisdiction.  They  had 
indeed  no  aversion  to  Leisler's  authority  in  favor  of  any 
other  party  in  the  province,  but  were  willing  to  be  incor- 
porated with  a  people  from  whence  they  had  originally 
colonized ;  and,  therefore,  as  soon  as  Connecticut  declined 
their  request,  they  openly  appeared  to  be  advocates  for 
Leisler.  .  .  .  The  people  of  Albany,  in  the  mean  time, 
wrere  determined  to  hold  the  garrison  and  city  for  King 
"William,  independent  of  Leisler,  and  on  the  26th  of  Oc- 
tober, which  was  before  the  packet  arrived  from  Lord 
Nottingham,  formed  themselves  into  a  convention  for  that 
purpose.  .  .  . 

Taking  it  for  granted  that  Leisler  at  New  York,  and 
the  convention  at  Albany,  were  equally  affected  to  the 
revolution,  nothing  could  be  more  egregiously  foolish 
than  the  conduct  of  both  parties,  who,  by  their  intestine 
divisions,  threw  the  province  into  convulsions  and  sowed 
the  seeds  of  mutual  hatred  and  animosity,  which,  for  a 
long  time  after,  greatly  embarrassed  the  public  affairs 
of  the  colony.  When  Albany  declared  for  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  there  was  nothing  else  that  Leisler  could  properly 
require ;  and,  rather  than  sacrifice  the  public  peace  of  the 
province  to  the  trifling  honor  of  resisting  a  man  who  had 
no  evil  designs,  Albany  ought  in  prudence  to  have  deliv- 
ered the  garrison  into  his  hands,  till  the  king's  definitive 
orders  should  arrive.  But  while  Leisler,  on  the  one  hand, 


SMITH]      THE  LEJSLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK.  255 

was  inebriated  with  his  new-gotten  power,  so,  on  the 
other,  Bayard,  Courtland,  Schuyler,  and  others,  could  not 
brook  a  submission  to  the  authority  of  a  man  mean  in  his 
abilities  and  inferior  in  his  degree.  Animated  by  these 
principles,  both  parties  prepared,  the  one  to  reduce,  if  I 
may  use  the  expression,  the  other  to  retain,  the  garrison 
of  Albany.  .  .  . 

Jacob  Milborne  was  commissioned  for  the  reduction  of 
Albany.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  a  great  number  of  the  in- 
habitants armed  themselves  and  repaired  to  the  fort,  then 
commanded  by  Mr.  Schuyler,  while  many  others  followed 
the  other  members  of  the  convention  to  a  conference  with 
him  at  the  city  hall.  Milborne,  to  proselyte  the  crowd, 
declaimed  much  against  King  James,  Popery,  and  arbi- 
trary power;  but  his  oratory  was  lost  upon  the  hearers, 
who,  after  several  meetings,  still  adhered  to  the  conven- 
tion. Milborne  then  advanced  with  a  few  men  up  to  the 
fort,  and  Mr.  Schuyler  had  the  utmost  difficulty  to  prevent 
both  his  own  men  and  the  Mohawks,  who  were  then  in 
Albany,  and  perfectly  devoted  to  his  service,  from  firing 
upon  Milborne's  party,  which  consisted  of  an  inconsid- 
erable number.  In  these  circumstances,  he  [Milborne] 
thought  proper  to  retreat,  and  soon  after  departed  from 
Albany.  In  the  spring  he  commanded  another  party  upon 
the  same  errand,  and  the  distress  of  the  country  upon 
an  Indian  irruption  gave  him  all  the  desired  success.  No 
sooner  was  he  possessed  of  the  garrison  than  most  of 
the  principal  members  of  the  convention  absconded.  Upon 
which  their  effects  were  arbitrarily  seized  and  confiscated, 
which  so  highly  exasperated  the  sufferers  that  their  pos- 
terity, to  this  day,  cannot  speak  of  these  troubles  with- 
out the  bitterest  invectives  against  Leisler  and  all  his 
adherents. 

[During  these  proceedings  war  broke  out  between  the  French  and 


256  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SMITH 

the  English.  A  French  fleet  was  sent  over,  with  the  design  of  taking 
New  York ;  but  the  distressed  condition  of  the  colony  in  Canada  de- 
feated this  project.  Efforts  were  then  made  to  bring  over  the  Iroquois 
Indians  to  the  French  side.] 

Among  other  measures 'to  detach  the  Five  Nations 
from  the  British  interest  and  raise  the  depressed  spirit  of 
the  Canadians,  the  Count  de  Frontenac  thought  proper 
to  send  out  several  parties  against  the  English  colonies. 
D'Aillebout,  De  Mantel,  and  Le  Moyne  commanded  that 
against  New  York,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred  French 
and  some  Caghnuaga  Indians,  who,  being  proselytes  from 
the  Mohawks,  were  perfectly  acquainted  with  that  country. 
Their  orders  were,  in  general,  to  attack  New  York ;  but, 
pursuing  the  advice  of  the  Indians,  they  resolved,  instead 
of  Albany,  to  surprise  Schenectady,  a  village  seventeen 
miles  northwest  from  it,  and  about  the  same  distance 
from  the  Mohawks.  The  people  of  Schenectady,  though 
they  had  been  informed  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  were 
in  the  greatest  security,  judging  it  impracticable  for  any 
men  to  inarch  several  hundred  miles,  in  the  depth  of 
winter,  through  the  snow,  bearing  their  provisions  on  their 
backs.  Besides,  the  village  was  in  as  much  confusion  as 
the  rest  of  the  province,  the  officers  who  were  posted 
there  being  unable  to  preserve  a  regular  watch,  or  any 
kind  of  military  order.  .  .  . 

After  two-and-twenty  days'  march,  the  enemy  fell  in 
with  Schenectady  on  the  8th  of  February  [1690],  and 
were  reduced  to  such  straits  that  they  had  thoughts  of 
surrendering  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  But  their 
scouts,  who  were  a  day  or  two  in  the  village  entirely  un- 
suspected, returned  with  such  encouraging  accounts  of  the 
absolute  security  of  the  people  that  the  enemy  determined 
on  the  attack.  They  entered  on  Saturday  night  about 
eleven  o'clock,  at  the  gates,  which  were  found  unshut,  and, 


SMITH]      THE  LEISLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK.  257 

that  every  house  might  be  invested  at  the  same  time, 
divided  into  small  parties  of  six  or  seven  men.  The  in- 
habitants were  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  unalarmed,  till 
their  doors  were  broken  open.  Never  were  people  in  a 
more  wretched  consternation.  Before  they  were  risen 
from  their  beds,  the  enemy  entered  their  houses  and  began 
the  perpetration  of  the  most  inhuman  barbarities.  No 
tongue,  says  Colonel  Schuyler,  can  express  the  cruelties 
that  were  committed.  The  whole  village  was  instantly  in 
a  blaze.  Women  with  child  were  ripped  open,  and  their 
infants  cast  into  the  flames,  or  dashed  against  the  posts  of 
the  doors.  Sixty  persons  perished  in  the  massacre,  and 
twenty-seven  were  carried  into  captivity.  The  rest  fled 
naked  towards  Albany,  through  a  deep  snow  that  fell  that 
very  night  in  a  terrible  storm ;  and  twenty-five  of  these 
fugitives  lost  their  limbs  in  the  flight,  through  the  severity 
of  the  frost.  The  news  of  this  dreadful  tragedy  reached 
Albany  about  break  of  day,  and  universal  dread  seized  the 
inhabitants  of  that  city,  the  enemy  being  reported  to  be 
one  thousand. four  hundred  strong.  A  party  of  horse  was 
immediately  despatched  to  Schenectady,  and  a  few  Mo- 
hawks, then  in  the  town,  feai-ful  of  being  intercepted,  were 
with  difficulty  sent  to  apprise  their  own  castles. 

The  Mohawks  were  unacquainted  with  this  bloody  scene 
till  two  days  after  it  happened,  our  messengers  being 
scarce  able  to  travel  through  the  great  depth  of  snow. 
The  enemy,  in  the  mean  time,  pillaged  the  town  of  Sche- 
nectady till  noon  the  next  day,  and  then  went  off  with 
their  plunder  and  about  forty  of  their  best  horses.  The 
rest,  with  all  the  cattle  they  could  find,  lay  slaughtered 
in  the  streets. 

[This  outrage  was  to  some  extent  revenged  by  the  Mohawks,  who 
pursued  and  killed  a  number  of  the  enemy,  while  during  the  year  the 
Canadians  met  with  other  losses  at  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois.     During 
I.— r  22* 


258  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SMITH 

this  year,  also,  Sir  William  Phipps  made  an  expedition  against  Que- 
bec, with  a  fleet  of  thirty-two  sail.  His  demand  for  a  surrender  was 
contemned  by  De  Frontenac,  and  he  was  quickly  repulsed,  with  loss. 
Shortly  afterwards,  Colonel  Henry  Sloughter,  the  newly-appointed 
governor  of  the  province,  arrived  at  New  York.] 

If  Leisler  had  delivered  the  garrison  to  Colonel  Slough- 
ter, as  he  ought  to  have  done,  upon  his  first  landing, 
besides  extinguishing,  in  a  degree,  the  animosities  then 
subsisting,  he  would,  doubtless,  have  attracted  the  favor- 
able notice  both  of  the  governor  and  the  crown.  But, 
being  a  weak  man,  he  was  so  intoxicated  with  the  love  of 
power  that,  though  he  had  been  well  informed  of  Slough- 
ter's  appointment  to  the  government,  he  not  only  shut 
himself  up  in  the  fort  with  Bayard  and  Nichols,  whom  he 
had,  before  that  time,  imprisoned,  but  refused  to  deliver 
them  up  or  to  surrender  the  garrison.  From  this  moment 
he  lost  all  credit  with  the  governor,  who  joined  the  other 
party  against  him.  On  the  second  demand  of  the  fort, 
Milborne  and  De  Lanoy  came  out,  under  pretence  of  con- 
ferring with  his  excellency,  but  in  reality  to  discover  his 
designs.  Sloughter,  who  considered  them  as  rebels,  threw 
them  both  into  jail.  Leisler,  upon  this  event,  thought 
proper  to  abandon  the  fort,  which  Colonel  Sloughter  im- 
mediately entered.  Bayard  and  Nichols  were  now  re- 
leased from  their  confinement,  and  sworn  of  the  privy 
council.  Leisler,  having  thus  ruined  his  cause,  was  appre- 
hended, with  many  of  his  adherents,  and  a  commission  of 
oyer  and  terminer  issued  to  Sir  Thomas  Kobinson,  Colonel 
Smith,  and  others,  for  their  trials.. 

In  vain  did  they  plead  the  merit  of  their  zeal  for  King 
"William,  since  they  had  so  lately  opposed  his  governor. 
Leisler,  in  particular,  endeavored  to  justify  his  conduct, 
insisting  that  Lord  Nottingham's  letter  entitled  him  to 
act  in  the  quality  of  lieutenant-governor.  Whether  it 


SMITH]      THE  LEISLER  REVOLT  IN  NEW  YORK.  259 

was  through  ignorance  or  sycophancy,  I  know  not,  but 
the  judges,  instead  of  pronouncing  their  own  sentiments 
upon  this  part  of  the  prisoner's  defence,  referred  it  to  the 
governor  and  council,  praying  their  opinion  whether  that 
letter,  "  or  any  other  letters,  or  papers,  in  the  packet  from 
Whitehall,  can  be  understood  or  interpreted  to  be  and 
contain  any  power  or  direction  to  Captain  Leisler  to  take 
the  government  of  this  province  upon  himself,  or  that  the 
administration  thereof  be  holden  good  in  law."  The  an- 
swer was,  as  might  have  been  expected,  in  the  negative ; 
and  Leisler  and  his  son  [-in-law]  were  condemned  to  death 
for  high  treason. 

[Many  of  Leisler's  adherents  immediately  fled  to  the  other  prov- 
inces, in  fear  of  being  apprehended.  It  may  be  remarked  here  that 
later  historians  relate  that  the  first  demand  on  Leisler  to  surrender 
was  made  by  Kichard  Ingoldsby,  who  arrived  before  Colonel  Slough- 
ter,  and  announced  his  appointment.  His  demand  was  peremptorily 
made,  and  was  refused.  On  Sloughter's  arrival  Ingoldsby  was  again 
sent  to  demand  a  surrender,  Leisler's  messengers  to  the  governor  being 
detained.  Leisler  hesitated  for  a  while,  but  the  next  day  personally 
surrendered  the  fort.] 

Colonel  Sloughter  proposed,  immediately  after  the  ses- 
sion [of  the  Assembly],  to  set  out  to  Albany;  but,  as 
Leisler's  party  were  enraged  at  his  imprisonment  and 
the  late  sentence  against  him,  his  enemies  were  afraid 
new  troubles  would  spring  up  in  the  absence  of  the  gov- 
ernor: for  this  reason,  both  the  Assembly  and  council 
advised  that  the  prisoners  should  be  immediately  exe- 
cuted. Sloughter,  who  had  no  inclination  to  favor  them 
in  this  request,  chose  rather  to  delay  such  a  violent  step, 
being  fearful  of  cutting  off  two  men  who  had  vigorously 
appeared  for  the  king,  and  so  signally  contributed  to  the 
revolution.  Nothing  could  be  more  disagreeable  to  their 
enemies,  whose  interest  was  deeply  concerned  in  their 


260  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

destruction.  And,  therefore,  when  no  other  measures 
could  prevail  with  the  governor,  tradition  informs  us 
that  a  sumptuous  feast  was  prepared,  to  which  Colonel 
Sloughter  was  invited.  When  his  excellency's  reason 
was  drowned  in  his  cups,  the  entreaties  of  the  company 
prevailed  with  him  to  sign  the  death-warrant,  and  before 
he  recovered  his  senses  the  prisoners  were  executed. 

[Sloughter  died  suddenly  shortly  afterwards.  Leisler's  son  made 
complaint  to  the  king,  but  the  execution  was  sustained  by  the  author- 
ities in  England.  Afterwards  the  attainder  of  treason  was  removed, 
and  the  estates  of  Leisler  and  Milborne  were  restored  to  their  families. 
The  bodies  of  the  victims  were  taken  up,  and  interred  with  great 
pomp  in  the  old  Dutch  church  of  New  York  city.] 


THE  BACON  REBELLION. 

CHARLES   CAMPBELL. 

[The  tyranny  that  was  instituted  by  Andros  in  New  England  was 
paralleled  by  despotic  proceedings  in  some  of  the  other  colonies.  In 
Virginia  these  led  to  a  rebellion  which  was  for  a  time  successful.  Un- 
like the  inhabitants  of  the  more  northerly  colonies,  the  Virginians 
were  stanch  advocates  of  the  Church  of  England  and  partisans  of 
the  king,  and  were  intolerant  alike  of  religious  and  democratic  here- 
sies. When  Charles  I.  was  executed  the  planters  of  Virginia  declared 
for  his  son,  and  only  submitted  under  show  of  force  to  the  Common- 
wealth. They  gladly  welcomed  Charles  II.  to  the  throne,  and  accepted 
with  acclamation  a  royal  governor,  Sir  William  Berkley.  It  was  not 
long,  however,  ere  they  found  reason  for  a  change  of  opinion.  Des- 
potic measures  were  put  in  force,  the  Assembly,  instead  of  being  re- 
elected  every  two  years,  was  kept  permanently  in  session,  and  the 
inhabitants  became  the  prey  of  venal  office-holders.  Commercial  laws 
were  instituted  which  bore  severely  upon  the  planters.  Tobacco  could 
be  sent  to  none  but  English  ports,  and  every  tobacco-laden  ship  had  to 
pay  a  heavy  duty  before  leaving  Virginia,  and  another  on  reaching 


CAMPBELL]  THE  BACON  REBELLION.  261 

England.  Berkley  had  the  true  composition  of  a  tyrant,  as  is  shown 
in  his  memorable  utterance,  "  I  thank  God  there  are  no  free  schools, 
nor  printing,  and  I  hope  we  shall  not  have  these  hundred  years ;  for 
learning  has  brought  disobedience  into  the  world,  and  printing  has 
divulged  them  and  libels  against  the  best  governments.  God  keep  us 
from  both !" 

To  the  evils  above  mentioned  were  added  a  series  of  Indian  depreda- 
tions, which  grew  in  extent  till  more  than  three  hundred  of  the  set- 
tlers had  beejn  killed.  The  government  showed  little  disposition  to 
repress  these  savage  outrages,  and  the  people  grew  exasperated.  At 
this  juncture  a  young  man  named  Nathaniel  Bacon  came  forward  as  a 
leader,  and  the  people  readily  supported  him  in  what  soon  assumed  the 
proportions  of  a  rebellion  against  the  constituted  authorities.  The 
story  of  this  outbreak  is  well  told  in  Campbell's  "  History  of  Virginia," 
from  which  we  select  its  leading  particulars.] 

"  ABOUT  the  year  1675,"  says  an  old  writer,  "  appeared 
three  prodigies  in  that  country,  which,  from  the  attending 
disasters,  were  looked  upon  as  ominous  presages.  The  one 
was  a  large  comet,  every  evening  for  a  week  or  more  at 
southwest,  thirty-five  degrees  high,  streaming  like  a  horse- 
tail westward,  until  it  reached  (almost)  the  horizon,  and 
setting  toward  the  northwest.  Another  was  flights  of 
wild  pigeons,  in  breadth  nigh  a  quarter  of  the  mid-hemi- 
sphere, and  of  their  length  was  no  visible  end ;  whose 
weights  broke  down  the  limbs  of  large  trees  whereon 
these  rested  at  nights,  of  which  the  fowlers  shot  abun- 
dance, and  ate  them ;  this  sight  put  the  old  planters  under 
the  more  portentous  apprehensions  because  the  like  was 
seen  (as  they  said)  in  the  year  1644,  when  the  Indians 
committed  the  last  massacre;  but'not  after,  until  that 
present  year,  1675.  The  third  strange  phenomenon  was 
swarms  of  flies  about  an  inch  long,  and  big  as  the  top  of 
a  man's  little  finger,  rising  out  of  spigot-holes  in  the  earth, 
which  ate  the  new-sprouted  leaves  from  the  tops  of  the 
trees,  without  other  harm,  and  in  a  month  left  us." 


262  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

[These  prodigies  undoubtedly  appeared  to  the  superstitious  inhab- 
itants as  omens  of  the  disasters  which  at  this  time  fell  upon  them  in 
murdering  incursions  of  the  Indians.  A  large  body  of  men  proceeded 
against  the  Susquehannocks,  whom  they  charged  with  these  outrages. 
But  the  violent  measures  which  they  adopted  only  inflamed  the  pas- 
sions of  the  savages,  who  at  once  broke  into  open  hostilities.] 

At  the  falls  of  the  James  the  savages  had  slain  a  ser- 
vant of  Nathaniel  Bacon,  Jr.,  and  his  overseer,  to  whom 
he  was  much  attached.  This  was  not  the  place  of  Bacon's 
residence :  Bacon  Quarter  Branch,  in  the  suburbs  of  Eich- 
mond,  probably  indicates  the  scene  of  the  murder.  Bacon 
himself  resided  at  Curies,  in  Henrico  County,  on  the  lower 
James  Eiver.  It  is  said  that  when  he  heard  of  the  catas- 
trophe he  vowed  vengeance.  In  that  time  of  panic,  the 
more  exposed  and  defenceless  families,  abandoning  their 
homes,  took  shelter  together  in  houses,  where  they  forti- 
fied themselves  with  palisades  and  redoubts.  Neighbors, 
banding  together,  passed  in  co-operating  parties  from  plan- 
tation to  plantation,  taking  arms  with  them  into  the  fields 
where  they  labored,  and  posting  sentinels  to  give  warning 
of  the  approach  of  the  insidious  foe.  No  man  ventured 
out  of  doors  unarmed.  Even  Jamestown  was  in  danger. 
The  red  men,  stealing  with  furtive  glance  through  the  shade 
of  the  forest,  the  noiseless  tread  of  the  moccasin  scarce 
stirring  a  leaf,  prowled  around  like  panthers  in  quest  of 
prey.  At  length  the  people  at  the  head  of  the  James 
and  the  York,  having  in  vain  petitioned  the  governor  for 
protection,  alarmed  at  the  slaughter  of  their  neighbors, 
often  murdered  with  every  circumstance  of  barbarity,  rose 
tumultuously  in  self-defence,  to  the  number  of  three  hun- 
dred men,  including  most,  if  not  all  the  officers,  civil  and 
military,  and  chose  Nathaniel  Bacon,  Jr.,  for  their  leader. 
According  to  another  authority,  Bacon,  before  the  murder 
of  his  overseer  and  servant,  had  been  refused  the  commis- 


CAMPBELL]  THE  BACON  REBELLION.  263 

sion,  and  had  sworn  that  upon  the  next  murder  he  should 
hear  of  he  would  march  against  the  Indians,  "  commission 
or  no  commission."  .  .  . 

Bacon  had  been  living  in  the  colony  somewhat  less  than 
three  years,  having  settled  at  Curies,  on  the  lower  James, 
in  the  midst  of  those  people  who  were  the  greatest  suffer- 
ers from  the  depredations  of  the  Indians,  and  he  himself 
had  frequently  felt  the  effects  of  their  inroads.  ...  At  the 
breaking  out  of  these  disturbances  he  was  a  member  of 
the  council.  He  was  gifted  with  a  graceful  person,  great 
abilities,  and  a  powerful  elocution,  and  was  the  most  ac- 
complished man  in  Virginia;  his  courage  and  resolution 
were  not  to  be  daunted,  and  his  affability,  hospitality,  and 
benevolence  commanded  a  wide  popularity  throughout  the 
colony. 

The  men  who  had  put  themselves  under  Bacon's  com- 
mand made  preparations  for  marching  against  the  Indians, 
but  in  the  mean  time  sent  again  to  obtain  from  the  gov- 
ernor a  commission  of  general  for  Bacon,  with  authority 
to  lead  out  his  followers,  at  their  own  expense,  against  the 
enemy.  He  then  stood  so  high  in  the  council,  and  the  ex- 
igency of  the  case  was  so  pressing,  that  Sir  William  Berk- 
ley, thinking  it  imprudent  to  return  an  absolute  refusal, 
concluded  to  temporize.  Some  of  the  leading  men  about 
him,  it  was  believed,  took  occasion  to  foment  the  differ- 
ence between  him  and  Bacon,  envying  a  rising  luminary 
that  threatened  to  eclipse  them.  This  conduct  is  like  that 
of  some  of  the  leading  men  in  Virginia  who,  one  hundred 
years  later,  compelled  Patrick  Henry  to  resign  his  post  in 
the  army. 

Sir  William  Berkley  sent  his  evasive  reply  to  the  ap- 
plication for  a  commission,  by  some  of  his  friends,  and 
instructed  them  to  persuade  Bacon  to  disband  his  forces. 
He  refused  to  comply  with  this  request,  and,  having  in 


264  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

twenty  days  mustered  five  hundred  men,  marched  to  the 
falls  of  the  James.  Thereupon  the  governor,  on  the  2Uth 
day  of  Ma}7,  1676,  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  all  such 
as  should  fail  to  return  within  a  certain  time  rebels. 
Bacon  likewise  issued  a  declaration,  setting  forth  the 
public  dangers  and  grievances,  but  taking  no  notice  of 
the  governor's  proclamation.  Upon  this  the  men  of 
property,  fearful  of  a  confiscation,  deserted  Bacon  and 
returned  home ;  but  he  proceeded  with  fifty-seven  men. 
.  .  .  The  movement  was  revolutionary, — a  miniature  proto- 
type of  the  revolution  of  1688  in  England,  and  of  1776  in 
America.  But  Bacon,  as  before  mentioned,  with  a  small 
body  of  men  proceeded  into  the  wilderness,  up  the  river, 
his  provisions  being  nearly  exhausted  before  he  discovered 
the  Indians.  At  length  a  tribe  of  friendly  Mannakins  were 
found  intrenched  within  a  palisaded  fort  on  the  further 
side  of  a  branch  of  the  James.  Bacon  endeavoring  to 
procure  provisions  from  them  and  offering  compensation, 
they  put  him  off  with  delusive  promises  till  the  third  day, 
when  the  whites  had  eaten  their  last  morsel.  They  now 
waded  up  to  the  shoulder  across  the  branch  to  the  fort, 
again  soliciting  provisions  and  tendering  payment.  In 
the  evening  one  of  Bacon's  men  was  killed  by  a  shot  from 
that  side  of  the  branch  which  they  had  left,  and,  this 
giving  rise  to  a  suspicion  of  collusion  with  Sir  William 
Berkley  and  treachery,  Bacon  stormed  the  fort,  burnt  it 
and  the  cabins,  blew  up  their  magazine  of  arms  and  gun- 
powder, and,  with  a  loss  of  only  three  of  his  own  party, 
put  to  death  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians.  It  is  difficult 
to  credit,  impossible  to  justify,  this  massacre.  .  .  .  Bacon 
with  his  followers  returned  to  their  homes,  and  he  was 
shortly  after  elected  one  of  the  burgesses  for  the  County 
of  Henrico.  .  .  .  Bacon,  upon  being  elected,  going  down 
the  James  Eiver  with  a  party  of  his  friends,  was  met  by 


CAMPBELL]  THE  BACON  REBELLION.  265 

an  armed  vessel,  ordered  on  board  of  her,  and  arrested  by 
Major  Howe,  High  Sheriff  of  James  City,  who  conveyed 
him  to  the  governor  at  that  place,  by  whom  he  was  ac- 
costed thus :  "  Mr.  Bacon,  you  have  forgot  to  be  a  gentle- 
man." He  replied,  "No,  may  it  please  your  honor."  The 
governor  said,  "  Then  I'll  take  your  parole ;"  which  he  ac- 
cordingly did,  and  gave  him  his  liberty ;  but  a  number 
of  his  companions,  who  had  been  arrested  with  him,  were 
still  kept  in  irons. 

On  the  5th  day  of  June,  1676,  the  members  of  the  new 
Assembly,  whose  names  are  not  recorded,  met  in  the 
chamber  over  the  general  court,  and,  having  chosen  a 
speaker,  the  governor  sent  for  them  down,  and  addressed 
them  in  a  brief  abrupt  speech  on  the  Indian  disturbances, 
and,  in  allusion  to  the  chiefs  who  had  been  slain,  exclaimed, 
"  If  they  had  killed  my  grandfather  and  my  grandmother, 
my  father  and  mother,  and  all  my  friends,  yet  if  they  had 
come  to  treat  of  peace  they  ought  to  have  gone  in  peace." 
After  a  short  interval,  he  again  rose,  and  said,  "  If  there  be 
joy  in  the  presence  of  the  angels  over  one  sinner  that  re- 
penteth,  there  is  joy  now,  for  we  have  a  penitent  sinner 
come  before  us.  Call  Mr.  Bacon."  Bacon,  appearing,  was 
compelled  upon  one  knee,  at  the  bar  of  the  house,  to  con- 
fess his  offence,  and  beg  pardon  of  God,  the  king,  and 
governor. 

.  .  .  When  Bacon  had  made  his  acknowledgment,  the 
governor  exclaimed,  "  God  forgive  you,  I  forgive  you ;" 
repeating  the  words  thrice.  Colonel  Cole,  of  the  council, 
added,  "  and  all  that  were  with  him."  "  Yea,"  echoed  the 
governor,  "and  all  that  were  with  him."  Sir  William 
Berkley,  starting  up  from  his  chair  for  the  third  time,  ex- 
claimed, "  Mr.  Bacon,  if  you  will  live  civilly  but  till  next 
quarter  court,  I'll  promise  to  restore  you  again  to  your 
place  there"  (pointing  with  his  hand  to  Mr.  Bacon's  seat), 
i.— M  23 


266  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

he  having,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  been  of  the 
council  before  those  troubles,  and  having  been  deposed  by 
the  governor's  proclamation.  But,  instead  of  being  obliged 
to  wait  till  the  quarter  court,  Bacon  was  restored  to  his 
seat  on  that  very  day ;  and  intelligence  of  it  was  hailed 
with  joyful  acclamations  by  the  people  in  Jamestown. 
This  took  place  on  Saturday.  Bacon  was  also  promised  a 
commission  to  go  out  against  the  Indians,  to  be  delivered 
to  him  on  the  Monday  following.  But,  being  delayed  or 
disappointed,  a  few  days  after  (the  Assembly  being  en- 
gaged in  devising  measures  against  the  Indians)  he  escaped 
from  Jamestown.  He  conceived  the  governor's  pretended 
generosity  to  be  only  a  lure  to  keep  him  out  of  his  seat 
in  the  house  of  burgesses,  and  to  quiet  the  people  of  the 
upper  country,  who  were  hastening  down  to  Jamestown 
to  avenge  all  wrongs  done  him  or  his  friends.  .  .  . 

In  a  short  time  the  governor,  seeing  all  quiet,  issued 
secret  warrants  to  seize  him  again,  intending  probably  to 
raise  the  militia,  and  thus  prevent  a  rescue. 

Within  three  or  four  days  after  Bacon's  escape,  news 
reached  James  City  that  he  was  some  thirty  miles  above, 
on  the  James  Eiver,  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  men. 
Sir  William  Berkley  summoned  the  York  train-bands  to 
defend  Jamestown,  but  only  one  hundred  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons, and  they  arrived  too  late,  and  one-half  of  them  were 
favorable  to  Bacon.  Expresses  almost  hourly  brought 
tidings  of  his  approach,  and  in  less  than  four  days  he 
marched  into  Jamestown  unresisted,  at  two  o'clock  P.M., 
and  drew  up  his  force  (now  amounting  to  six  hundred 
men),  horse  and  foot,  in  battle-array  on  the  green  in  front 
of  the  state-house,  and  within  gunshot.  In  half  an  hour 
the  drum  beat,  as  was  the  custom,  for  the  Assembly  to 
meet,  and  in  less  than  thirty  minutes  Bacon  advanced, 
with  a  file  of  fusileers  on  either  hand,  near  to  the  corner 


CAMPBELL]  THE  BACON  REBELLION.  267 

of  the  state-house,  where  he  was  met  by  the  governor  and 
council.  Sir  William  Berkley,  dramatically  baring  his 
breast,  cried  out,  "  Here !  shoot  me — 'fore  God,  fair  mark ; 
shoot!"  frequently  repeating  the  words.  Bacon  replied, 
"  No,  may  it  please  your  honor,  we  will  not  hurt  a  hair  of 
your  head,  nor  of  any  other  man's;  we  are  come  for  a 
commission  to  save  our  lives  from  the  Indians,  which  you 
have  so  often  promised,  and  now  we  will  have  it  before  we 
go."  Bacon  was  walking  to  and  fro  between  the  files  of 
his  men,  holding  his  left  arm  akimbo,  and  gesticulating 
violently  with  his  right,  he  and  the  governor  both  like 
men  distracted.  In  a  few  moments  Sir  William  withdrew 
to  his  private  apartment  at  the  other  end  of  the  state- 
house,  the  council  accompanying  him.  Bacon  followed, 
frequently  hurrying  his  hand  from  his  sword-hilt  to  his 
hat ;  and  after  him  came  a  detachment  of  fusileers,  who, 
with  their  guns  cocked  and  presented  at  a  window  of  the 
Assembly  chamber,  filled  with  faces,  repeated  in  menacing 
tone,  "  We  will  have  it,  we  will  have  it,"  for  half  a  minute, 
when  a  well-known  burgess,  waving  his  handkerchief  out 
at  the  window,  exclaimed,  three  or  four  times,  "  You  shall 
have  it,  you  shall  have  it ;"  when,  uncocking  their  guns, 
they  rested  them  on  the  ground,  and  stood  still,  till  Bacon 
returning,  they  rejoined  the  main  body.  It  was  said  that 
Bacon  had  beforehand  directed  his  men  to  fire  in  case  he 
should  draw  his  sword.  In  about  an  hour  after  Bacon  re- 
entered  the  Assembly  chamber  and  demanded  a  commis- 
sion authorizing  him  to  march  out  against  the  Indians. 

$  $  $  4c  4  4  4 

The  Assembly  went  on  to  provide  for  the  Indian  war, 
and  made  Nathaniel  Bacon,  Jr.,  general  and  commander- 
in-chief,  which  was  ratified  by  the  governor  and  council. 
An  act  was  also  passed  indemnifying  Bacon  and  his  party 
for  their  violent  acts ;  and  a  highly-applausive  letter  was 


268  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

prepared,  justifjnng  Bacon's  designs  and  proceedings,  ad- 
dressed to  the  king  and  subscribed  by  the  governor,  council, 
and  Assembly.  Sir  William  Berkley  at  the  same  time  com- 
municated to  the  house  a  letter  addressed  to  his  majesty, 
saying,  "  I  have  above  thirty  years  governed  the  most 
flourishing  country  the  sun  ever  shone  over,  but  am  now 
encompassed  with  rebellion  like  waters,  in  every  respect 
like  that  of  Masaniello,  except  their  leader."  . 

[The  new  general,  who  found  himself  strongly  supported  by  the 
Assembly  and  the  colonists,  at  once  proceeded  with  energy  to  fulfil 
the  duties  of  his  position.] 

His  vigorous  measures  at  once  restored  confidence  to  the 
planters,  and  they  resumed  their  occupations.  Bacon,  at 
the  head  of  a  thousand  men,  marched  against  the  Pamun- 
kies,  killing  many  and  destroying  their  towns.  Mean- 
while the  people  of  Gloucester,  the  most  populous  and 
loyal  county,  having  been  disarmed  by  Bacon,  petitioned 
the  governor  for  protection  against  the  savages.  Eeani- 
mated  by  this  petition,  he  again  proclaimed  Bacon  a  rebel 
and  a  traitor,  and  hastened  over  to  Gloucester.  Summon- 
ing the  train-bands  of  that  county  and  Middlesex,  to  the 
number  of  twelve  hundred  men,  he  proposed  to  them  to 
pursue  and  put  down  the  rebel  Bacon, — when  the  whole 
assembly  unanimously  shouted,  "  Bacon  !  Bacon !  Bacon !" 
and  withdrew  from  the  field,  still  repeating  the  name  of 
that  popular  leader,  the  Patrick  Henry  of  his  day,  and 
leaving  the  aged  cavalier  governor  and  his  attendants  to 
themselves.  The  issue  was  now  fairly  joined  between  the 
people  and  the  governor.  .  .  . 

Bacon,  before  he  reached  the  head  of  York  Eiver,  hear- 
ing from  Lawrence  and  Drummond  of  the  governor's 
movements,  exclaimed,  that  "  it  vexed  him  to  the  heart 
that,  while  he  was  hunting  wolves  which  were  destroying 
innocent  lambs,  the  governor  and  those  with  him  should 


CAMPBELL]  THE  B4CON  REBELLION.  269 

pursue  him  in  the  rear  with  full  cry ;  and  that  he  was 
like  corn  between  two  millstones,  which  would  grind  him 
to  powder  if  he  didn't  look  to  it."  He  marched  imme- 
diately back  against  the  governor,  who,  finding  himself 
abandoned,  again,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  proclaimed 
Bacon  a  rebel,  and  made  his  escape,  with  a  few  friends, 
down  York  Eiver  and  across  the  Chesapeake  Bay  to 
Accomac,  on  the  Eastern  Shore. 

[A  series  of  events  of  secondary  importance  succeeded,  which  we 
cannot  particularize.  It  will  suffice  to  say  that  the  movement  was 
diverted  more  and  more  from  an  expedition  against  the  Indians  to  a 
civil  war,  in  which  the  adherents  of  Bacon  took  strong  ground  against 
Berkley  and  advised  his  forcible  deposal.  A  successful  operation 
against  the  Baconites  induced  the  governor  to  return  to  Jamestown, 
from  which  the  friends  of  Bacon  retired.] 

During  these  events  Bacon  was  executing  his  designs 
against  the  Indians.  As  soon  as  he  had  despatched  Bland 
to  Accomac,  he  crossed  the  James  River  at  his  own  house, 
at  Curies,  and  surprising  the  Appomattox  Indians,  who  lived 
on  both  sides  of  the  river  of  that  name,  a  little  below 
the  falls  (now  Petersburg),  he  burnt  their  town,  killed  a 
large  number  of  the  tribe,  and  dispersed  the  rest.  .  .  . 

From  the  falls  of  the  Appomattox,  Bacon  traversed  the 
country  to  the  southward,  destroying  many  towns  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nottoway,  the  Meherrin,  and  the  Roanoke. 
His  name  had  become  so  formidable  that  the  natives  fled 
everywhere  before  him,  and,  having  nothing  to  subsist 
upon,  save  the  spontaneous  productions  of  the  country, 
several  tribes  perished,  and  they  who  survived  were  so 
reduced  as  to  be  never  afterwards  able  to  make  any  firm 
stand  against  the  Long-knives,  and  gradually  became  tribu- 
tary to  them. 

Bacon,  having  exhausted  his  provisions,  had  dismissed 
i.  23* 


270  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

the  greater  part  of  his  forces  before  Lawrence,  Drum- 
mond,  Hansford,  and  the  other  fugitives  from  Jamestown 
joined  him.  Upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  govern- 
or's return,  Bacon,  collecting  a  force  variously  estimated  at 
one  hundred  and  fifty,  three  hundred,  and  eight  hundred, 
harangued  them  on  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  marched 
back  upon  Jamestown,  leading  his  Indian  captives  in  tri- 
umph before  him.  The  contending  parties  came  now  to 
be  distinguished  by  the  names  of  Eebels  and  Eoyalists. 
Finding  the  town  defended  by  a  palisade  ten  paces  in 
width,  running  across  the  neck  of  the  peninsula,  he  rode 
along  the  work  and  reconnoitred  the  governor's  position. 
Then,  dismounting  from  his  horse,  he  animated  his  fatigued 
men  to  advance  at  once,  and,  leading  them  close  to  the 
palisade,  sounded  a  defiance  with  the  trumpet,  and  fired 
upon  the  garrison.  The  governor  remained  quiet,  hoping 
that  want  of  provisions  would  soon  force  Bacon  to  retire ; 
but  he  supplied  his  troops  from  Sir  William  Berkley's 
seat,  at  Greenspring,  three  miles  distant.  He  afterwards 
complained  that  "  his  dwelling-house  at  Greenspring  was 
almost  ruined  ;  his  household  goods,  arid  others  of  great 
value,  totally  plundered ;  that  he  had  not  a  bed  to  lie  on  ; 
two  great  beasts,  three  hundred  sheep,  seventy  horses  and 
mares,  all  his  corn  and  provisions,  taken  away." 

Bacon  adopted  a  singular  stratagem,  and  one  hardly 
compatible  with  the  rules  of  chivalry.  Sending  out  small 
parties  of  horse,  he  captured  the  wives  of  several  of  the 
principal  loyalists  then  with  the  governor,  and  among 
them  the  lady  of  Colonel  Bacon,  Sr.,  Madame  Bray,  Ma- 
dame Page,  and  Madame  Ballard.  Upon  their  being 
brought  into  the  camp,  Bacon  sends  one  of  them  into 
Jamestown  to  carry  word  to  their  husbands  that  his  pur- 
pose was  to  place  their  wives  in  front  of  his  men  in  case 
of  a  sally.  Colonel  Ludwell  reproaches  the  rebels  with 


CAMPBKLL]  THE  BACON  REBELLION.  271 

"ravishing  of  women  from  their  homes,  and  hurrying 
them  about  the  country  in  their  rude  camps,  often  threat- 
ening them  with  death."  But,  according  to  another  and 
mor3  impartial  authority,  Bacon  made  use  of  the  ladies 
only  to  complete  his  battery,  and  removed  them  out  of 
harm's  way  at  the  time  of  the  sortie.  He  raised  by  moon- 
light a  circumvallation  of  trees,  earth,  and  brushwood 
around  the  governor's  outworks.  At  daybreak  next  morn- 
ing the  governor's  troops,  being  fired  upon,  made  a  sortie ; 
but  they  were  di'iven  back,  leaving  their  drum  and  their 
dead  behind  them.  Upon  the  top  of  the  work  which  he 
had  thrown  up,  and  where  alone  a  sally  could  be  made, 
Bacon  exhibited  the  captive  ladies  to  the  views  of  their 
husbands  and  friends  in  the  town,  and  kept  them  there 
until  he  completed  his  works. 

[As  a  result  of  these  active  proceedings,  the  followers  of  Berkley, 
though  superior  in  numbers  to  those  of  Bacon,  and  well  intrenched, 
hastily  retired,  leaving  their  antagonist  master  of  the  situation.  Bacon 
at  once  determined  to  burn  the  town,  so  that  the  "rogues  should 
harbor  there  no  more."  It  was  accordingly  set  on  fire  and  laid  in 
ashes.  Jamestown,  at  this  period,  consisted  of  a  church  and  some  six- 
teen or  eighteen  well-built  brick  houses.  Its  population  was  about  a 
dozen  families,  since  all  the  houses  were  not  inhabited.] 

Bacon  now  marched  to  York  Eiver,  and  crossed  at  Tin- 
dall's  (Gloucester)  Point,  in  order  to  encounter  Colonel 
Brent,  who  was  marching  against  him  from  the  Potomac 
with  twelve  hundred  men.  But  the  greater  part  of  his 
men.  hearing  of  Bacon's  success,  deserting  their  colors 
declared  for  him,  "  resolving,  with  the  Persians,  to  go  and 
worship  the  rising  sun."  Bacon,  making  his  head-quarters 
at  Colonel  Warmer's,  called  a  convention  in  Gloucester, 
and  administered  the  oath  to  the  people  of  that  county, 
and  began  to  plan  another  expedition  against  the  Indians, 
or,  as  some  report,  against  Accomac,  when  he  fell  sick  of  a 


272  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CAMPBELL 

dysentery  brought  on  by  exposure.  Retiring  to  the  house 
of  a  Dr.  Pate,  and  lingering  for  some  weeks,  he  died. 
Some  of  the  loyalists  afterwards  reported  that  he  died  of 
a  loathsome  disease,  and  by  a  visitation  of  God ;  which  is 
disproven  by  T.  M.'s  Account,  by  that  published  in  the 
Virginia  Gazette,  and  by  the  Eeport  of  the  King's  Com- 
missioners. Some  of  Bacon's  friends  suspected  that  he 
was  taken  off  by  poison ;  but  of  this  there  is  no  proof.  .  .  . 
The  place  of  Bacon's  interment  has  never  been  dis- 
covered, it  having  been  concealed  by  his  friends,  lest  his 
remains  should  be  insulted  by  the  vindictive  Berkley,  in 
whom  old  age  appears  not  to  have  mitigated  the  fury  of 
the  passions.  According  to  one  tradition,  in  order  to  screen 
Bacon's  body  from  indignity,  stones  were  laid  on  his  coffin 
by  his  friend  Lawrence,  as  was  supposed;  according  to 
others,  it  was  conjectured  that  his  bod}7  had  been  buried 
in  the  bosom  of  the  majestic  York,  where  the  winds  and 
the  waves  might  still  repeat  his  requiem. 

[The  death  of  Bacon  ended  the  rebellion,  though  disastrous  conse- 
quences to  his  adherents  followed.  Berkley  sated  his  revengeful  spirit 
upon  those  who  fell  into  his  hands,  many  of  whom  were  executed. 
The  governor  had  sent  to  England  for  troops,  and  employed  them  in 
executing  his  schemes  of  revenge.  The  Assembly  at  last  insisted  that 
these  executions  should  cease.  Nothing  decisive  was  gained  by  the 
rebellion,  yet  it  clearly  showed  the  spirit  of  resistance  to  tyranny  in 
the  Virginians. 

The  determination  not  to  submit  to  tyranny,  of  which  we  have  par- 
ticularized several  instances  in  the  colonies,  declared  itself  in  the  Caro- 
linas  at  the  same  period.  Several  open  revolts  there  took  place,  which 
mav  be  briefly  described.  Many  of  the  adherents  of  Bacon  had  taken 
refuge  in  North  Carolina,  where  they  were  welcomed,  and  it  is  proba- 
ble that  their  influence  intensified  the  democratic  sentiment  of  the 
people,  who  soon  after  broke  out  into  rebellion  against  the  arbitrary 
revenue  laws.  A  vessel  from  New  England  was  seized  as  a  smuggler, 
upon  •yb.ich  the  people  flew  to  arms,  and  imprisoned  the  president  of 
the  colony  and  six  of  his  council.  The  people  chose  their  own  gov- 


GARHEAU]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  273 

ernors  for  several  years  thereafter.  In  1688  another  revolt  occurred 
against  Seth  Sothel,  one  of  the  proprietors,  and  governor  of  the  prov- 
ince. He  was  tried  for  oppressing  the  people,  and  banished  from  the 
colony.  Revolts  of  a  like  character  took  place  in  South  Carolina. 
Governor  Colleton,  who  sought  to  carry  out  Locke's  system  of  govern- 
ment, and  to  collect  the  rents  claimed  by  the  proprietors,  drove  the 
people  into  a  rebellion.  They  took  possession  of  the  public  records, 
and  held  an  Assembly  despite  the  governor,  who  thereupon  called  out 
the  militia  and  proclaimed  martial  law.  This  increased  the  exaspera- 
tion of  the  colonists,  and  the  governor  was  impeached  and  banished. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Seth  Sothel,  who  had  been  banished  from  North 
Carolina.  In  1692,  after  two  years  of  tyranny,  this  governor  was  also 
deposed  and  banished.  The  "  Grand  Model"  of  government  of  Locke 
had  by  this  time  very  effectually  lost  its  potency.] 


COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES. 

F.   X.   GARNEAU. 

[In  previous  articles  we  have  briefly  reviewed  the  history  of  the 
French  in  Canada,  down  to  the  futile  expedition  of  Denonville  against 
the  Iroquois  in  1687,  and  the  severe  reprisal  of  the  Indians,  in  which 
they  massacred  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Montreal  and  endan- 
gered the  very  existence  of  the  colony.  At  this  juncture  Denonville 
was  recalled,  and  Count  de  Frontenac  sent  out.  The  succeeding  his- 
tory of  the  colony  is  largely  one  of  war  with  the  English  colonists,  in 
which  the  Indian  allies  of  the  hostile  whites  took  active  part.  On  the 
English  side  were  the  Iroquois,  the  most  warlike  and  powerful  of  all 
the  aborigines,  of  whom  the  French  had  made  enemies  upon  their 
first  entrance  into  the  country.  The  French  were  supported  by  the 
Hurons  and  other  Indians  of  Canada,  and  by  the  tribes  of  northern 
New  England,  while  the  southern  New  England  tribes  were  allies  of 
the  English. 

The  several  wars  which  raged  in  Europe  between  France  and  Eng- 
land roused  the  colonies  to  invasions  of  one  another's  territory,  in 
which  the  Indians  gave  full  vent  to  their  savage  instincts  in  murder- 
ing the  helpless  settlers.  King  William's  War,  which  continued  from 


274  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GARNEATT 

1689  to  1697,  was  marked  by  several  such  atrocities.  At  the  very 
opening  of  the  war,  Dover,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  attacked,  and 
revenge  taken  upon  Major  Waldron,  who  had  acted  treacherously 
towards  the  Indians  during  King  Philip's  "War.  During  the  succeed- 
ing year  occurred  the  massacre  at  Schenectady,  which  we  have  already 
described.  Other  settlements  were  assailed,  and  several  of  the  English 
forts  taken.  In  reprisal,  an  expedition  under  Sir  William  Phipps 
captured  Port  Royal,  and  essayed  to  conquer  Quebec,  but  was  driven 
oft'.  At  the  same  time  a  fruitless  land-expedition  was  sent  from  New 
York  against  Montreal.  The  Indian  depredations  upon  the  English 
frontiers  continued,  the  latest  being  an  attack  on  Haverhill,  Massachu- 
setts, in  1697,  in  which  forty  persons  were  killed  or  taken  captive. 
Among  these  latter  were  a  Mrs.  Duston,  her  nurse,  and  a  boy,  who  on 
their  way  to  Canada  attacked  their  captors  while  sleeping,  killed  ten 
out  of  twelve  of  them,  and  returned  in  safety  to  their  friends:  During 
this  war  the  French  attempted  to  punish  the  hostile  Iroquois,  and 
Frontenac  marched  into  their  territory,  where  he  committed  much 
damage.  On  his  return,  however,  he  was  severely  harassed  by  the 
Indians. 

In  1702  another  war  broke  out  between  France  and  England,  which 
continued  till  1713.  In  America  it  was  marked  by  the  same  atrocities 
as  the  previous  war.  The  Iroquois  were  neutrals  during  most  of 
this  war,  and  New  York  was  preserved  from  danger,  the  weight  of 
the  war  falling  on  the  New  England  colonies.  In  1704  the  town 
of  Deerfield  was  captured  by  a  French  and  Indian  force,  forty  of  the 
inhabitants  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  twelve  captured,  who  were 
marched  through  the  winter  snows  to  Canada.  Throughout  the  war 
the  frontier  settlements  were  continually  harassed  by  the  savage  foe. 
In  1707  the  English  attacked  Port  Royal,  but  were  repulsed.  In  1710 
it  was  again  assailed,  and  captured,  its  name  being  changed  to  An- 
napolis, in  honor  of  Queen  Anne,  and  the  province  of  Acadia,  or 
Nova  Scotia,  was  permanently  added  to  the  English  possessions.  In 
the  succeeding  year  an  extensive  invasion  of  Canada  was  projected, 
which  met  with  an  unfortunate  termination.  The  story  of  this 
expedition  we  select  from  Andrew  Bell's  translation  of  Garneau's 
"  L'Histoire  du  Canada."] 

IN  spring,  1711,  an  expedition  was  got  up  to  act  in  con- 
junction with  such  forces  as  the  plantations  could  supply 


GARNEAU]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  275 

for  the  invasion  of  Canada.  The  fleet,  under  the  orders 
of  Admiral  Sir  Hovenden  Walker,  had  companies  of  seven 
regiments  of  regulars  on  board,  drafted  from  the  army 
Marl  borough  was  leading  from  victory  to  victory.  The 
force  was  put  under  the  charge  of  Brigadier-General  Hill. 

Walker  arrived  in  Boston  harbor,  June  25,  where  his 
presence  was  impatiently  expected.  The  land-force  was 
now  augmented  by  the  junction  of  the  militias  of  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Connecticut,  etc.,  which  raised  it  to  a 
total  of  six  thousand  five  hundred  infantry.  The  fleet  now 
consisted  of  eighty -eight  ships  and  transports.  The  army 
which  was  intended  to  act  simultaneously  with  the  ascent 
to  Quebec  by  an  advance  on  Montreal,  and  was  now  re- 
constituted, got  ready  to  act,  under  the  orders  of  General 
Nicholson.  It  was  composed  of  four  thousand  Massachu- 
setts and  other  militia-men,  and  six  hundred  Iroquois. 
Having  moved  his  corps  to  the  banks  of  Lake  George, 
Nicholson  there  awaited  the  event  of  the  attack  on  Que- 
bec. Meantime,  the  invading  fleet  sailed  from  Boston, 
July  30. 

The  opposing  force  of  the  Canadians  was  proportionally 
small,  in  number  at  least.  It  did  not  exceed  five  thousand 
men  of  all  ages  between  fifteen  and  seventy,  and  included 
at  the  most  five  hundred  savages.  But  Quebec  was  now 
in  a  better  state  for  defence  than  ever  it  had  been  before, 
there  being  more  than  one  hundred  cannons  mounted  upon 
the  works.  The  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  immediately 
below  the  city  were  so  well  guarded  that  it  would  have 
been  perilous  to  an  enemy  to  land  anywhere ;  above  it 
the  invaders  would  hardly  adventure.  The  garrison  was 
carefully  marshalled,  and  every  man  assigned  to  an  ap- 
pointed place,  with  orders  to  repair  to  it  as  soon  as  the 
enemy's  fleet  appeared. 

But  the  elements  were  now  the  best  defenders  of  Can- 


276  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GAKNEAU 

ada,  which  Providence  seemed  to  have  taken  under  his 
special  protection.  During  the  night  of  August  22,  a 
storm  from  the  southwest  arose,  accompanied  by  a  dense 
fog,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence ;  and  the  hostile  fleet 
was  put  in  imminent  jeopardy  for  a  time.  The  admiral's 
ship  barely  escaped  wreck  upon  breakers.  Eight  of  the 
transports  were  driven  ashore  on  the  Ile-aux-CEufs,  one 
of  the  Seven  Islands,  and  nine  hundred  out  of  seventeen 
hundred  persons  on  board  perished  in  the  waves.  Among 
the  corpses  strewed  on  the  beach  afterwards  were  found 
the  bodies  of  a  number  of  emigrants  from  Scotland,  in- 
tended colonists  for  Anglicized  Canada ;  and  among  other 
waifs  found  at  the  same  time  were  copies  of  a  proclama- 
tion to  the  Canadians,  in  Queen  Anne's  name,  asserting 
the  suzerainty  of  Britain,  in  right  of  the  discovery  of 
their  country  by  Cabot. 

Admiral  Walker  now  altered  his  course,  and  rendez- 
voused with  his  scattered  fleet,  as  soon  as  it  could  be  col- 
lected, at  Cape  Breton,  where  he  called  a  council  of  war, 
in  which  it  was  decided  to  renounce  the  enterprise.  The 
British  division  of  the  fleet  left  for  England,  and  the  colo- 
nial vessels  returned  to  Boston.  But  disasters  ceased  not 
to  attend  this  ill-starred  expedition;  for  the  Feversham, 
an  English  frigate  of  thirty-six  guns,  and  three  trans- 
ports, were  lost  when  still  in  the  Laurentian  gulf;  while 
the  Edgar,  of  seventy  guns,  Walker's  flag-ship,  was  blown 
up  at  Portsmouth,  October  15,  with  four  hundred  men  on 
board. 

[A  strong  Canadian  force  was  now  collected  at  Montreal,  in  prepa- 
ration for  Nicholson's  advance.  No  advance  was  made,  however, 
though  the  militia  were  kept  under  arms,  on  guard  against  a  Canadian 
invasion.  But  the  Canadians,  just  now,  had  work  enough  at  home. 
The  Outagamis,  a  warlike  tribe  from  beyond  Lake  Michigan,  had 
moved  eastward  to  the  locality  of  Detroit,  under  British  instigation. 


GARNEATJ]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  277 

It  was  their  purpose  to  burn  the  settlement  and  kill  all  the  French. 
In  this  they  were  joined  by  the  Mascoutins.  On  the  other  hand,  some 
six  hundred  warriors  of  friendly  tribes  were  banded  in  defence  of  the 
French,  and  forced  the  hostiles  to  take  a  defensive  attitude.] 

The  Outagamis  and  Mascoutins  took  refuge  in  an  in- 
trenched camp  they  had  formed  near  the  French  fort. 
M.  Dubuisson,  the  governor,  finding  that  they  presented 
so  imposing  a  front,  was  willing  that  they  should  retire 
peacefully  to  their  villages  on  seeing  that  their  hostile 
intents  were  anticipated  and  provided  against;  but  his 
native  allies  would  not  allow  of  this,  and  proceeded  to 
invest  their  fastness.  This  was  so  well  defended,  how- 
ever, that  the  assailants  became  dispirited,  and  wished  to 
retire  from  the  contest ;  but  Dubuisson,  now  encouraging 
them  to  remain,  turned  the  siege  into  a  blockade.  In  a 
short  time  provisions,  even  water,  failed  the  besieged  ;  and 
when  any  of  them  issued  from  the  enclosure  to  procure 
the  latter,  they  were  set  on  by  their  foes,  killed  on  the 
spot,  or  burnt  alive  to  make  a  savage  holiday. 

The  beleaguered  tried,  by  every  means,  to  detach  the 
native  auxiliaries  present  from  the  French  interest ;  but 
all  in  vain.  They  then  sent  envoys  to  the  governor  to 
crave  a  truce  of  two  days,  to  enable  their  foragers  to  pro- 
cure food.  This  singular  request  was  refused,  but  had 
better  been  accorded ;  for  in  revenge  the  Outagamis  shot 
fire-arrows  against  the  straw-roofed  houses  of  the  village, 
which  were  thereby  entirely  consumed.  The  cannon  of 
the  fort  avenged  this  act  of  desperation.  Already  from 
three  to  four  score  of  the  besieged  were  dead  of  hunger 
and  thirst,  and  the  air  was  tainted  with  putrefaction.  A 
thii'd  deputation  came  to  implore  quarter.  Pemousa,  a 
chief,  who  brought  with  him  his  wife  and  children  as  hos- 
tages, adjured  the  governor  to  "  take  pity  on  his  flesh" 
and  on  the  other  women  and  children  about  to  be  put  at 
i.'  24 


278  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GARNEAU 

French  discretion.  Some  of  the  allied  chiefs  present  at 
this  piteous  scene,  instead  of  being  moved  by  it,  coolly 
proposed  to  Dubuisson  to  cut  down  four  of  the  envoys, 
who,  they  alleged,  were  the  chief  defenders  of  the  place. 
This  much,  at  least,  was  refused. 

The  besieged,  despairing  of  success,  and  hopeless  of 
quarter  if  they  surrendered,  prepared  to  take  advantage 
of  any  moment  of  relaxed  vigilance  in  their  besiegers,  and 
try  to  escape.  One  stormy  night  they  succeeded  in  this 
attempt,  but,  exhausted  by  the  privations  they  had  under- 
gone, halted  on  peninsular  ground  near  St.  Clair,  whither 
they  were  soon  followed.  They  intrenched  themselves 
again,  stood  a  siege  of  four  days  more,  and  then  gave  in. 
Not  one  of  the  men  escaped,  and  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  any  of  the  women  were  spared  ;  but  the  con- 
temporary reports  of  what  passed  at  the  time  are  in  dis- 
accord on  this  point. 

[The  remnant  of  the  Outagami  or  Fox  nation,  however,  long  car- 
ried on  a  harassing  warfare  with  the  French,  and  rendered  the  routes 
between  the  posts  in  Canada  and  those  on  the  Mississippi  so  dangerous 
as  to  he  almost  impassable.  The  peace  of  Utrecht,  in  1713,  put  an  end 
to  this  desolating  war.  During  the  succeeding  thirty  years  but  few 
events  of  importance  occurred  in  the  English  colonies  or  in  Canada. 
It  was  a  much-needed  era  of  tranquillity,  during  which  the  colonies 
grew  rapidly  in  population  and  importance.  The  Canadian  settlements 
were  principally  confined  to  the  St.  Lawrence  region,  from  Quebec  to 
Montreal.  Farther  west  there  were  detached  foils  and  stations,  with 
a  weak  settlement  at  Detroit,  but  nothing  which  could  properly  be 
called  a  colony.  Yet  the  spirit  of  exploration  of  the  French  continued. 
In  1731  an  effort  was  made  to  reach  the  Pacific  overland.  M.  Veren- 
drye,  a  trader  with  the  Indians,  who  had  learned  much  from  the  West- 
ern tribes  of  the  country  that  lay  beyond,  undertook  an  exploring  ex- 
pedition westward.  He  proceeded  to  Lake  Superior,  where  his  trading 
interests  kept  him  till  1733.  Meanwhile,  some  of  his  people  made 
their  way  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  and  thence  to  Lake  Winnipeg, 
extending  their  journey  to  the  point  of  branching  of  the  river  Sas- 


GARNEAU]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  279 

katchewan.  In  1738  the  explorers  reached  the  country  of  the  Man- 
dans,  and  in  1742  followed  the  upper  Missouri  as  far  as  the  Yellow- 
stone. Finally,  on  January  1,  1743,  two  of  the  sons  of  M.  Verendrye 
found  themselves  in  front  of  the  great  range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
sixty  years  in  advance  of  the  discovery  of  this  mighty  mountain- 
system  by  the  American  explorers  Lewis  and  Clarke. 

In  1744  another  war,  known  in  America  as  "  King  George's  "War," 
broke  out  between  France  and  England,  and  at  once  brought  the 
colonists  into  hostile  relations.  The  most  important  event  of  this  war 
was  the  capture  of  Louisburg,  a  powerful  stronghold  founded  by  the 
French  in  1720  on  the  island  of  Cape  Breton  and  intended  to  be  made 
impregnable.  The  town  grew  until  it  contained  several  thousand  in- 
habitants and  was  a  mile  in  length.  We  extract  from  Garneau  an 
account  of  its  siege  and  capture.] 

France  and  Britain  were  now  on  the  eve  of  war,  chiefly 
for  the  good  pleasure  of  the  German  king  of  the  latter, 
as  the  chief  of  a  petty  Continental  principality,  who  set 
about  trimming  what  was  called  the  "  balance  of  power 
in  Europe."  This  had  been  deranged,  it  appeared,  by  the 
part  which  the  French  king  had  taken  against  the  empress 
Theresa  when  a  coalition  was  formed  against  her  by  Prus- 
sia, Bavaria,  Saxony,  etc.,  in  Germany,  with  Spain  and  Sar- 
dinia. In  January,  1745,  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed 
between  the  empress  (already  at  war  with  the  French), 
the  King  of  Great  Britain,  the  King  of  Poland,  the  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  and  the  United  States  of  Holland,  against 
France. 

As  on  former  occasions,  the  colonial  dependencies  of  the 
two  great  nations  had  perforce  to  go  to  war  also,  whether 
they  understood  the  points  in  dispute  which  led  to  hos- 
tilities between  their  mother-countries  or  not.  There  was 
also  a  "  balance  of  power"  between  New  France  and  New 
England,  getting  more  and  more  difficult  every  year  satis- 
factorily to  adjust.  Canada,  however,  like  the  snorting 
war-horse,  seemed  to  scent  the  coming  hostilities  while 


280  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GARNEATT 

yet  distant;  for  her  administrators  had  already  repaired 
and  munitioned  all  the  frontier  posts,  especially  Fort  St. 
Frederic  and  Fort  Niagara.  The  defensive  works  of 
Quebec,  also,  were  augmented.  Other  demonstrations 
were  made,  about  the  same  time,  by  the  Canadian  gov- 
ernment and  its  colonists,  which  showed  that  a  continued 
state  of  peace  with  the  British  plantations  was  neither 
expected  nor  desired. 

After  the  belligerents  were  in  full  tilt  in  Europe,  for 
the  king  of  Britain  and  his  favorite  son  were  battling,  not 
with  much  honor  to  either,  on  that  eternal  fighting  ground, 
Flanders,  there  was  no  appearance,  for  a  time,  of  either 
government  sending  any  expedition  against  the  North 
American  dependencies  of  the  other.  .  .  .  During  its  early 
stages  the  war  in  America  between  the  two  rival  races 
was  carried  on  almost  entirely  without  European  aid. 

In  a  few  months  after  the  declaration  of  war,  the  Amer- 
ican waters  swarmed  with  French  privateers.  Several 
were  equipped  at  Louisburg,  Cape  Breton,  with  amazing 
despatch,  and  made  a  great  number  of  prizes  before  ves- 
sels of  war  could  arrive  to  protect  the  British  colonial 
shipping.  Louisburg  became,  in  all  respects,  a  kind  of 
hornets'  nest  in  regard  to  New  England,  its  trade  and 
fisheries,  which  it  was  now  determined  to  dig  out  if  pos- 
sible. 

Meanwhile,  M.  Duquesnel,  governor  of  Cape  Breton, 
embarked  part  of  the  garrison  of  Louisburg  with  some 
militia  and  made  a  descent  upon  the  settlement  of  Canso, 
in  Acadia,  which  he  burnt,  and  made  the  garrison  and 
settlers  prisoners  of  war.  He  then  summoned  Annapolis, 
but  was  deterred  from  investing  it  by  the  arrival  of  a 
reinforcement  from  Massachusetts.  Duquesnel  returned 
to  Louisburg,  where  he  died  shortly  thereafter.  Gov- 
ernor Shirley  had  for  some  time  conceived  the  project  of 


GARNKATJ]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  281 

taking  possession  of  Cape  Breton,  now  rightly  regarded 
as  the  seaward  bulwark  of  Canada,  and  a  highly-impor- 
tant post  as  a  safeguard  to  the  French  fisheries  and  to 
American  trade.  The  fortifications  of  Louisburg,  the  capi- 
tal, even  in  their  uncompleted  state,  had  taken  twenty -five 
years  to  construct,  at  a  cost,  it  was  reported,  of  thirty 
.million  livres  (nearly  one  million  five  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling).  They  comprised  a  stone  rampart  nearly 
forty  feet  high,  with  embrasures  for  one  hundred  and 
forty-eight  cannon,  had  several  bastions,  and  strong  out- 
works; and  on  the  land-side  was  a  fosse  fully  fourscore 
feet  broad.  The  garrison,  as  reported  afterwards  by  the 
French,  was  composed  of  six  hundred  regulars  and  eight 
hundred  armed  inhabitants,  commanded  by  M.  Ducham- 
bois.  Upon  the  same  authority  we  may  mention  here 
that  at  this  time  there  were  not  more  than  one  thousand 
soldiers  in  garrison,  altogether,  from  the  lower  St.  Law- 
rence to  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 

[At  a  council  held  by  Governor  Shirley,  it  was  decided  that  an 
effort  to  take  Louisburg  would  be  too  costly  and  hazardous.  But  the 
colonists,  learning  of  the  scheme,  were  so  enthusiastic  that  the  council 
was  forced  into  it.  In  a  few  weeks  more  than  four  thousand  militia 
were  raised  in  the  several  colonies,  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
a  New  England  merchant,  named  Pepperel.  The  expedition  sailed 
about  the  last  of  March,  and  reached  Canso  on  April  5,  1745.] 

Colonel  Pepperel  having  sent  some  shallops  to  ascertain 
whether  the  coast  was  clear  of  ice,  and  the  report  being 
favorable,  the  expedition  resumed  its  voyage,  and  a  disem- 
barkation on  Cape  Breton  Island  was  begun  at  Chapeau 
Kouge  on  the  27th  of  April.  The  garrison  was,  through 
the  promptitude  of  the  invaders,  taken  completely  by  sur- 
prise. The  descent  could  not  have  been  effected  much 
earlier  with  safety ;  for  till  the  end  of  March  or  beginning 
of  April  the  ocean  in  that  region  is  covered  with  thick 
i.  24* 


282  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GARNEAU 

fogs,  while  both  the  seaboard  and  the  harbors  of  Cape 
Breton  are  choked  with  thick-ribbed  ice. 

By  this  time  Admiral  Warren  arrived  with  a  few  ships, 
and  more  were  expected.  His  seamen  assisted  during 
fourteen  days  in  dragging  a  siege-train  of  ordnance, 
through  marshy  ground,  to  the  neighborhood  of  Louis- 
burg,  which  was  thought  at  first  to  be  too  strongly  de- 
fended on  the  seaward  side  to  be  confronted  by  the  fleet. 
Meanwhile,  the  garrison  was  in  a  state  of  revolt,  having 
demurred  to  being  employed  to  put  the  works  into  a 
proper  state,  a  duty  which  had  been  too  long  postponed. 
The  men  had  other  grievances  besides,  being  ill  paid,  and 
otherwise  badly  treated ;  but,  their  feelings  of  military 
honor  being  appealed  to,  they  resumed  their  arms  and 
prepared  to  defend  the  place. 

During  the  night  of  May  13,  Mr.  Yaughan,  son  of  the 
lieutenant-governor  of  New  Hampshire,  who  knew  the 
localities  well,  having  visited  the  place  the  year  before, 
landed  with  four  hundred  men,  marched  to  the  northeast 
part  of  the  bay,  and  fired  some  buildings  filled  with  brandy, 
etc.,  and  naval  stores.  A  party  in  a  neighboring  fort, 
thinking  probably  that  the  incendiaries  were  the  van  of 
a  large  attacking  force,  quitted  their  post  and  took  refuge 
in  the  town.  Next  morning  Vaughan  was  able  to  surprise 
a  battery  and  hold  possession  of  it  until  the  arrival  of  a 
reinforcement. 

A  great  mischance  for  the  French  now  hastened  the  fall 
of  the  place.  La  Vigilante,  a  ship  of  sixty-four  guns,  with 
five  hundred  and  sixty  soldiers  and  supplies  for  the  gar- 
rison on  board,  was  captured  by  Admiral  Warren.  Had 
this  succor  reached  its  destination,  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  Pepperel  could  have  captured  the  strongest  for- 
tress in  America,  and  which  was  reported  to  be  impreg- 
nable. The  next  operation  was  not  so  favorable  to  the 


GARNEAU]  COLONIAL  HOSTILITIES.  283 

besiegers,  who,  having  tried,  with  four  hundred  men,  to 
carry  a  battery  on  the  island  of  St.  John,  which  protected 
the  entry  of  the  harbor,  were  driven  off,  leaving  sixty  dead, 
and  one  hundred  and  sixteen  of  their  men,  wounded  or 
whole,  in  the  hands  of  the  French.  But  this  gleam  of 
success  only  delayed  the  certain  capture  of  the  place,  now 
that  all  further  hope  of  succor  from  without  was  gone,  and 
its  defenders  were  as  discouraged  as  they  were  malcon- 
tent before.  In  a  word,  Duchambois  capitulated,  and  was 
allowed  to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war.  In  terms 
of  the  capitulation,  the  garrison,  and  about  two  thousand 
people,  the  entire  population  of  Louisburg,  were  embarked 
in  British  transports  and  landed  at  Brest. 

Great  was  the  exultation,  naturally  enough,  at  the  suc- 
cess of  this  expedition  thus  admirably  planned  and  spir- 
itedly executed.  Messrs.  Shirley  and  Pepperel  were  re- 
warded with  baronetcies  ;  and  the  British  Parliament  voted 
a  sum  of  money  to  repay  the  cost  incurred  by  the  colo- 
nists in  getting  up  the  enterprise.  The  discouragement 
in  New  France  for  the  loss  of  Cape  Breton  was  commen- 
surate with  the  elation  at  its  capture  in  New  England  and 
the  other  Anglo-American  provinces. 

[An  effort  was  made  by  the  French  to  recapture  the  place,  but  their 
fleet  was  scattered  by  a  storm,  while  a  deadly  epidemic  broke  out 
among  the  soldiers  and  marines.  Acadia  was  at  the  same  time  assailed 
by  the  Canadians,  with  considerable  success.  A  force  of  five  hundred 
New  England  militia,  sent  to  oppose  them,  was  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Indians,  and  nearly  half  the  men  killed  or  wounded,  and  the  rest 
forced  to  surrender.] 

Beinnnin<;  with  the  autumn  of  1745,  the  frontiers  of 

O  O  ' 

the  British  plantations  themselves  were  cruelly  ravaged 
in  twenty-seven  successive  raids  of  the  Canadians  during 
three  years.  Fort  Massachusetts,  fifteen  miles  above  Fort 
St.  Frederic,  surrendered  to  M.  Kigaud,  who,  with  seven 


284  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STEVENS 

hundred  colonists  and  savages,  devastated  the  country  for 
fifty  miles  beyond.  M.  Corne  de  St.  Luc  attacked  Fort 
Clinton,  and  signally  defeated  an  American  corps.  Sara- 
toga was  taken,  and  its  people  massacred.  Fort  Bridgman 
was  taken  by  De  Lery.  In  a  word,  the  frontier-line,  from 
Boston  to  Albany,  being  no  longer  tenable,  the  inhabitants 
fled  into  the  interior,  and  left  their  lands  at  the  discretion 
of  the  enemy. 

[A  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  October  7,  1748.  By  its  stipula- 
tions the  British  and  French  mutually  gave  up  whatever  territory  each 
had  taken,  and,  greatly  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  English  colonists, 
Cape  Breton,  with  its  fortress,  was  surrendered  to  its  old  masters,  and 
the  vigorous  effort  of  the  New-Englanders  thus  rendered  useless. 
From  that  time  peace  prevailed  in  Europe,  but  hardly  in  America, 
hostilities  scarcely  ceasing  during  the  interval  from  the  treaty  to  the 
outbreak  of  the  French  and  Indian  War.] 


THE  SPANISH  INVASION  OF  GEORGIA. 

WILLIAM    BACON   STEVENS. 

[While  the  Northern  colonies  were  at  war  with  the  French  and 
their  Indian  allies,  the  Southern  were  similarly  at  war  with  the  Span- 
iards of  Florida,  and  the  Indian  wars  of  the  North  had  their  coun- 
terparts in  the  South.  The  troubles  with  the  Indians  of  Virginia  we 
have  already  described.  Of  the  Indians  of  North  Carolina,  those  in 
contact  with  the  settlers  rapidly  disappeared,  destroyed  by  strong  drink 
and  other  accompaniments  of  civilization.  The  settlers  came  next  into 
collision  with  more  remote  tribes,  the  Tuscaroras  and  the  Corees,  who 
showed  decided  symptoms  of  hostility  and  organized  a  secret  attack. 
On  the  night  of  October  2,  1711,  they  suddenly  fell  upon  the  settle- 
ments and  massacred  one  hundred  and  thirty  persons.  A  war  ensued, 
the  whites  being  aided  by  a  large  body  of  friendly  Indians  from  the 
more  southern  tribes.  In  1713  the  Tuscaroras  were  besieged  in  their 
fort,  and  eight  hundred  taken  prisoners.  The  remainder  migrated 


STKVKNS]     THE  SPANISH  INVASION  OF  GEORGIA.        285 

north,  and  joined  their  kindred,  the  Iroquois  of  New  York.  Peace 
was  concluded  with  the  Corees  in  1715. 

South  Carolina,  when  settled,,  contained  comparatively  few  of  the 
aborigines.  A  long  and  destructive  war  between  two  tribes,  and  a 
fatal  epidemic  which  afterwards  prevailed,  had  decimated  the  Indians, 
and  left  their  lands  open  to  the  settlers.  In  1702,  during  the  war  of 
England  against  France  and  Spain  which  broke  out  that  year,  Gov- 
ernor Moore  of  Carolina  organized  an  expedition  against  the  Spanish 
settlement  of  St.  Augustine  in  Florida.  He  proceeded  by  sea,  while 
Colonel  Daniel  led  a  land-expedition  of  twelve  hundred  men,  half  of 
whom  were  Indians.  The  Spanish  fortification  proving  too  strong  for 
their  means  of  assault,  Daniel  was  sent  to  Jamaica  for  siege-guns. 
During  his  absence  two  Spanish  ships  appeared  off  the  harbor,  and 
Moore,  in  a  panic,  abandoned  his  fleet  and  hastily  retreated.  Daniel, 
on  his  return,  stood  in  towards  the  harbor,  and  narrowly  escaped  cap- 
ture. This  useless  and  expensive  expedition  gave  great  dissatisfaction 
to  the  people  of  Carolina.  It  was  followed  by  a^successful  expedition 
against  the  Appalachian  Indians,  allies  of  Spain.  They  were  com- 
pletely defeated,  their  towns  burned,  and  their  whole  province  made 
English  territory. 

In  1706  a  French  and  Spanish  fleet  appeared  before  Charleston. 
But  the  city  was  valiantly  defended,  and  the  invaders  driven  off  with 
loss.  A  general  Indian  war  broke  out  in  1715,  comprising  numerous 
tribes,  the  Yamassees  at  their  head.  For  a  while  the  colony  was  threat- 
ened with  destruction.  The  frontier  settlements  were  ruined,  Port 
Koyal  abandoned,  and  Charleston  in  serious  peril.  At  length  the  set- 
tlers made  head,  drove  back  the  enemy,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Sal- 
kehatchie  gained  a  complete  victory.  The  Yamassees  were  driven 
from  their  territory,  and  retired  to  Florida.  In  1719  a  revolution 
against  the  Proprietors  broke  out  in  South  Carolina :  the  settlers  refused 
to  pay  their  exorbitant  claims,  and  in  the  name  of  the  king  proclaimed 
James  Moore  governor.  The  difficulty  was  settled  in  1729,  when 
seven  of  the  eight  Proprietors  sold  out  to  the  king,  and  the  two  Caro- 
linas  were  separated  and  became  royal  governments. 

The  colony  of  Georgia  was  first  devised  in  1732,  by  James  Ogle- 
thorpe,  an  English  philanthropist,  as  an  asylum  for  the  poor  of  Eng- 
land and  for  the  oppressed  Protestants  of  all  countries.  He  reached 
America  in  February,  1733,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  emigrants, 
and  planted  a  settlement  on  the  site  of  Savannah.  A  treaty  of  peace 
and  friendship  was  at  once  concluded  with  the  Creek  Indians,  a  power- 


286  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STEVENS 

ful  neighboring  confederacy.  The  colony  rapidly  increased  in  num- 
bers. But  trouble  soon  arose  with  the  Spaniards  of  Florida,  who 
claimed  that  the  English  were  intruding  on  their  territory.  Hostilities 
being  threatened,  Oglethorpe  returned  to  England,  and  brought  out  a 
regiment  of  six  hundred  men  for  the  defence  of  his  frontier.  Soon 
afterwards,  in  1739,  war  broke  out  between  England  and  Spain,  and 
Oglethorpe  invaded  Florida.  He  had  with  him  five  hundred  men 
of  his  regiment,  with  other  troops,  and  Indian  allies.  Several  Span- 
ish forts  were  taken,  but  St.  Augustine  was  boldly  defended,  and,  after 
being  nearly  reduced  by  famine,  obtained  supplies  from  vessels  that 
ran  the  blockade  of  the  English  fleet.  This  destroyed  all  hopes  of 
success,  and  Oglethorpe  returned  to  Georgia.  Two  years  later,  the 
Spaniards,  in  reprisal,  invaded  Georgia  with  a  large  fleet  and  a  numer- 
ous army.  Oglethorpe,  with  a  much  smaller  force,  withdrew  to  his 
fort  at  Frederica,  on  St.  Simon's  Island,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Alta- 
maha  Kiver.  The  interesting  story  of  this  invasion  we  extract  from 
the  "  History  of  Georgia,"  by  Kev.  "William  Bacon  Stevens.] 

IN  May  [1742]  the  armament  destined  for  the  conquest 
of  Georgia,  consisting  of  fifty-six  vessels  and  about  seven 
thousand  men,  left  Havana  for  St.  Augustine.  One  of 
their  large  vessels,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  was 
lost  in  passing  the  Moro  castle ;  and  soon  after  the  fleet 
was  dispersed  hy  a  storm.  .  .  .  Of  the  arrival  of  this  force 
in  St.  Augustine,  Oglethorpe  was  informed  by  his  Indian 
spies,  deserters,  and  the  letters  of  Captain  Hamar;  and 
he  addressed  himself  at  once  to  the  task  of  preparing  for 
their  attack. 

[The  Spanish  fleet  was  unsuccessful  in  its  first  efforts  against  the 
English  forts.] 

On  the  28th  [of  June]  the  Spanish  fleet,  largely  rein- 
forced, again  appeared  off  St.  Simon's  bar,  and,  having 
taken  the  bearings  and  soundings,  lay  off  and  on,  waiting 
for  a  fair  wind,  to  run  up  to  Frederica.  All  was  now 
activity  on  St.  Simon's.  The  general  raised  another  troop 
of  rangers,  armed  the  planters,  extended  his  fortifications, 
dismantled  many  of  the  small  vessels,  and  from  them 


STEVENS]     THE  SPANISH  INVASION  OF  GEORGIA.        287 

rigged  out  a  merchant-ship,  called  the  Success,  with  an 
armament  of  twenty-two  guns,  which  he  placed  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Thompson.  .  .  . 

The  following  day  [July  5],  favored  by  a  strong  easterly 
wind  and  a  flood  tide,  the  squadron  of  thirty-  [fifty-]  six 
vessels,  comprising  one  of  twenty-four  guns,  two  ships 
of  twenty  guns,  two  large  scows  of  fourteen  guns,  four 
schooners,  four  sloops,  and  the  rest  half-galleys,  entered 
St.  Simon's  harbor.  .  .  .  For  four  hours  the  vessels  and 
two  small  batteries  of  the  English  maintained  the  unequal 
contest;  but  the  fleet  was  too  numerous,  and  they  passed 
up  the  river  with  a  leading  breeze,  sinking  one  guard 
schooner  and  disabling  several  of  the  trading-craft. 

[The  English  now  spiked  the  guns  and  destroyed  the  munitions  at 
Fort  St.  Simon's,  and  withdrew  to  Frederica.  The  Spanish  vessels 
passed  up  the  river,  and  landed  about  five  thousand  men  four  miles 
below  Frederica.  These  marched  down  and  took  possession  of  the 
dismantled  fort.] 

They  made  their  camp  at  the  fort  which  he  [Oglethorpe] 
had  abandoned,  and,  hoisting  the  bloody  flag  on  the  com- 
modore's ship,  erected  a  battery  and  planted  in  it  twenty 
eighteen-pounders.  Among  the  troops  landed  were  a 
regiment  of  artillery,  a  regiment  of  dismounted  dragoons, 
a  regiment  of  negroes,  officered  by  negroes,  in  the  style 
and  pay  of  grenadiers,  and  a  regiment  of  mulattoes,  besides 
the  Havana  battalion,  the  Havana  militia,  and  the  St. 
Augustine  forces.  On  the  seventh  a  part  of  this  force  was 
put  in  motion,  and  reached  within  a  mile  of  Frederica, 
when  they  were  discovered  by  the  rangers,  and  the  alarm 
given.  Oglethorpe  immediately  advanced  with  a  party 
of  Indians,  rangers,  and  the  Highland  company,  that  were 
then  on  parade,  ordering  the  regiment  to  follow,  being 
resolved  to  engage  them  in  the  defiles  of  the  wood  before 
they  could  get  out  and  deploy  in  the  open  savannah.  He 


288  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STEVENS 

charged  at  the  head  of  his  force  with  such  effect  that 
nearly  all  of  the  party,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  of  their  best  woodsmen,  and  forty-five  Indians, 
were  either  killed,  wounded,  or  taken  prisoners.  .  .  .  The 
pursuit  was  continued  several  miles,  to  an  open  meadow 
or  savannah,  upon  the  edge  of  which  he  posted  three 
platoons  of  the  regiment  and  a  company  of  Highland 
foot,  so  as  to  be  covered  by  the  woods  from  the  enemy, 
who  were  obliged  to  pass  through  the  meadow  under 
the  English  fire.  Hastening  back  to  Frederica,  he  got  in 
readiness  the  rangers  and  marines ;  but  scarcely  were  they 
in  marching  order  when  he  heard  firing  in  the  direction 
of  his  ambushed  troops,  and,  speeding  thither,  met  two  of 
the  platoons,  who,  in  the  smoke  and  drifting  rain,  had 
retreated  before  the  advance  of  Don  Antonio  Barba,  who, 
with  one  hundred  grenadiers  and  two  hundred  infantry, 
consisting  of  Indians  and  negroes,  had  pushed  into  the 
meadow  and  drove  out  the  ambuscade  with  loud  huzzas 
and  rolling  drums.  The  soldiers  informed  Oglethorpe  that 
all  his  force  was  routed ;  but,  finding  one  platoon  and  a 
company  of  rangers  missing,  and  still  hearing  firing  in 
the  direction  of  the  woods,  he  ordered  the  officers  to 
rally  their  men  and  follow  him. 

In  the  mean  time  this  platoon  and  company  of  rangers, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenants  Sutherland  and  Mac- 
kay,  instead  of  retreating  with  their  comrades,  no  sooner 
reached  the  wood  than  by  a  skilfully-executed  detour  they 
gained  the  rear  of  the  pursuing  enem}7,  and,  at  a  point 
where  the  road  passed  from  the  forest  to  the  open  marsh 
across  a  small  semicircular  cove,  planted  themselves  in 
ambuscade  in  the  thick  palmettoes  by  which  this  narrow 
pass  was  nearly  surrounded. 

Scarcely  had  they  secreted  themselves  near  this  defile, 
when  the  Spaniards,  on  their  return,  marched  out  of  the 


STEVENS]     THE  SPANISH  INVASION  OF  GEORGIA.        289 

wood,  and,  supposing  themselves  secure  from  attack,  pro- 
tected as  they  were  on  the  one  side  by  an  open  morass 
and  on  the  other  by  the  crescent-shaped  hedge  of  palmet- 
toes  and  underwood,  they  stacked  their  arms  and  yielded 
themselves  to  repose.  Sutherland  .and  Mackay,  who  from 
their  hiding-places  had  anxiously  watched  all  their  move- 
ments, now  raised  the  signal  of  attack, — a  Highland  cap 
upon  a  sword, — and  the  soldiers  poured  in  upon  the  un- 
suspecting enemy  a  well-delivered  and  most  deadly  fire. 
Volley  succeeded  volley,  and  the  sand  was  strewed  with 
the  dead  and  dying.  A  few  of  the  Spanish  officers  at- 
tempted, though  in  vain,  to  re-form  their  broken  ranks ; 
discipline  was  gone,  orders  were  unheeded,  safety  alone 
was  sought ;  and  when,  with  a  Highland  shout  of  triumph, 
the  platoon  burst  among  them  with  levelled  bayonet  and 
flashing  claymore,  the  panic-stricken  foe  fled  in  every  di- 
rection,— some  to  the  marsh,  where  they  mired,  and  were 
taken, — some  along  the  defile,  where  they  were  met  by 
the  tomahawk  and  the  broadsword, — and  some  into  the 
thicket,  where  they  became  entangled  and  lost ;  and  a  few 
only  escaped  to  their  camp.  Their  defeat  was  complete. 
Barba  was  taken,  after  being  mortally  wounded ;  another 
captain,  a  lieutenant,  two  sergeants,  two  drummers,  and 
one  hundred  and  sixty  privates,  were  killed,  and  a  captain 
and  nineteen  men  were  taken  prisoners.  This  was  a  feat 
of  arms  as  brilliant  as  it  was  successful,  and  won  for  the 
gallant  troops  the  highest  praise.  Oglethorpe,  with  the 
two  platoons,  did  not  reach  the  scene  of  this  action,  which 
has  ever  since  borne  the  appropriate  name  of  "Bloody 
Marsh,"  until  the  victory  was  achieved ;  and,  to  show  his 
sense  of  their  services,  he  promoted  the  brave  young  offi- 
cers who  had  gained  it,  on  the  very  field  of  their  valor. 

[The  retreating  enemy  were  pursued  into  their  camp.     On  the  next 
day  Oglethorpe  withdrew  his  forces  to  Frederica.     The  misfortunes  of 
I.— N         t  25 


290  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [STEVENS 

the  Spaniards  caused  dissensions  among  their  leaders,  learning  of  which, 
Oglethorpe  resolved  to  surprise  them  by  a  night  attack.] 

For  this  purpose  he  marched  down,  on  the  twelfth  July, 
five  hundred  men,  and,  leaving  them  within  a  mile  of  the 
Spanish  quarters,  went  forward  at  night  with  a  small  party 
to  reconnoitre,  intending  to  surprise  them,  but  was  pre- 
vented by  the  treachery  of  a  Frenchman  among  Captain 
Carr's  marines,  who,  firing  his  musket,  sounded  the  alarm, 
and,  favored  by  the  darkness,  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Find- 
ing himself  thus  discovered,  the  general  distributed  the 
drums  about  the  wood,  to  represent  a  large  force,  and 
ordered  them  to  beat  the  grenadiers'  march,  which  they 
did  for  half  an  hour,  and  then,  all  being  still,  noiselessly 
returned  to  Frederica. 

Aware  of  his  weakness,  and  fearing  that  the  disclosures 
which  the  Frenchman  might  make  would  embolden  them 
to  surround  and  destroy  him,  which  their  superior  force 
by  land  and  sea  easily  enabled  them  to  do,  he  devised  an 
ingenious  stratagem  to  defeat  his  information  and  retrieve 
the  effects  of  his  desertion.  The  next  day  he  prevailed 
with  a  prisoner,  and  gave  him  a  sum  of  money,  to  carry 
a  letter  privately  and  deliver  it  to  that  Frenchman  who 
had  deserted.  This  letter  was  written  in  French,  as  if 
from  a  friend  of  his,  telling  him  he  had  received  the  money  ; 
that  he  should  strive  to  make  the  Spaniards  believe  the 
English  were  weak ;  that  he  should  undertake  to  pilot  up 
their  boats  and  galleys,  and  then  bring  them  under  the 
woods  where  he  knew  the  hidden  batteries  were ;  and 
that  if  he  could  bring  that  about,  he  should  have  double 
the  reward  he  had  already  received ;  but  if  he  failed  in  thus 
decoying  them  under  the  guns  of  the  water-battery,  to  use 
all  his  influence  to  keep  them  at  least  three  days  more  at 
Fort  St.  Simon's,  as  within  that  time,  according  to  advices 
just  received,  he  should  be  reinforced  by  two  thousand  in- 


STEVENS]     THE  SPANISH  INVASION  OF  GEORGIA.        291 

fantry  and  six  men-of-war,  which  had  already  sailed  from 
Charleston ;  and,  by  way  of  postscript,  he  was  cautioned 
against  mentioning  that  Admiral  Vernon  was  about  to 
make  a  descent  upon  St.  Augustine.  The  Spanish  prisoner 
got  into  the  camp,  and  was  immediately  carried  before  the 
general,  Don  Manuel  de  Montiano.  He  was  asked  how 
he  escaped,  and  whether  he  had  any  letters,  but,  denying 
his  having  any,  was  strictly  searched,  and  the  letter  found 
in  his  possession.  Under  a  promise  of  pardon,  he  confessed 
that  he  had  received  money  to  deliver  it  to  the  Frenchman, 
for  the  letter  was  not  directed.  The  Frenchman  denied 
his  knowing  anj'thing  of  its  contents,  or  having  received 
any  money,  or  having  had  any  correspondence  with  Ogle- 
thorpe,  and  vehemently  protested  that  he  was  not  a  spy. 

[The  contents  of  the  captured  letter  seriously  perplexed  the  Spanish 
commander,  for  whom  the  Frenchman  had  acted  as  a  spy  among  the 
English.  Most  of  the  council  looked  on  him  as  a  double  spy,  believed 
the  information  of  the  letter,  and  advised  an  immediate  retreat.  While 
the  council  grew  warm  in  their  debate,  word  was  brought  to  the  com- 
mander that  three  vessels  had  been  seen  off  the  bar.  Supposing  this 
to  be  part  of  the  threatened  fleet,  the  council  no  longer  doubted  the  truth 
of  the  letter,  and  resolved  to  fly  before  they  should  be  hemmed  in  by 
sea  and  land.  They  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  hastily  embarked,  aban- 
doning a  quantity  of  their  military  stores  in  their  hurry  to  escape. 
Oglethorpe  followed  them  with  the  vessels  at  his  command,  and  has- 
tened the  rapidity  of  their  flight.] 

Thus  the  vigilance  of  Oglethorpe,  the  skilfulness  of  his 
plans,  the  determined  spirit  of  resistance,  the  carnage  of 
Bloody  Marsh,  the  havoc  done  to  the  enemy's  ships,  and 
his  ingenious  stratagem  to  defeat  the  designs  of  the  French 
deserter,  saved  Georgia  and  Carolina  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards.  The  force  employed  by  the  Span- 
iards in  this  invasion  comprised  .  .  .  over  five  thousand 
men,  commanded  by  Montiana,  governor  of  St.  Augustine, 
and  brought  to  Georgia  in  fifty-six  vessels.  The  command 


292  .  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BOOTH 

of  Oglethorpe  consisted  of  only  six  hundred  and  fifty-two 
men,  including  Indians  and  militia.  The  triumph  of  Ogle- 
thorpe was  complete.  For  fifteen  days,  with  only  two 
ships  and  six  hundred  men,  he  had  baffled  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral with  fifty-six  vessels  and  five  thousand  men,  and  at 
last  compelled  him  to  retreat,  with  the  loss  of  several  sail, 
scores  of  his  best  troops,  and  much  of  his  provisions,  mu- 
nitions, and  artillery.  The  repulse  of  such  a  formidable 
invasion  by  such  a  handful  of  troops  is  unparalleled  in 
colonial  history. 

[The  news  of  this  victory  was  received  with  universal  joy  in  the 
North,  and  Oglethorpe  was  warmly  congratulated  on  his  victory  by 
the  governors  of  the  other  English  provinces.  In  the  succeeding  year 
an  attack  was  made  on  St.  Augustine  hy  an  army  under  Oglethorpe. 
This  expedition  proved  unsuccessful.  There  were  no  further  move- 
ments of  invasion,  though  Georgia  experienced  annoyance  from  the 
Florida  Indians,  who  Avere  stirred  up  by  Spanish  hostility.] 


THE  NEGRO  PLOT  IN  NEW  YORK. 

MARY   L.    BOOTH. 

[The  witchcraft  delusion  of  Salem  had  its  counterpart  in  an  equally 
baseless  epidemic"  of  suspicion  and  cruelty  in  New  York,  of  suffi- 
cient importance  to  call  for  special  consideration.  The  only  other 
event  of  marked  importance  in  that  city,  between  the  Leisler  rebellion 
and  the  French  and  Indian  "War,  was  a  conflict  between  the  demo- 
cratic and  aristocratic  parties  in  1732.  These  parties  divided  the  prov- 
ince, and  were  in  violent  opposition.  The  editor  of  a  popular  journal 
was  imprisoned  and  sued  for  libel  for  an  attack  upon  the  measures  of 
the  governor  and  council.  He  was  acquitted  upon  trial,  and  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  one  of  his  defenders,  was  presented  with  an  elegant 
gold  box  by  the  magistrates,  for  his  defence  of  popular  rights  and  the 
liberty  of  the  press.  The  other  occurrence  referred  to,  the  negro  plot 


BOOTH]         THE  NEGRO  PLOT  IN  NEW  FORK.  293 

of  1741,  which  for  a  while  threw  the  city  into  an  unreasoning  panic, 
is  fully  described  in  Mary  L.  Booth's  "History  of  the  City  of  New 
York,"  from  which  we  extract  its  leading  particulars.] 

THE  negro  plot  of  the  city  of  New  York  will  long  con- 
tinue to  be  classed  in  the  foremost  rank  of  popular  delu- 
sions, even  exceeding  in  its  progress  and  its  fearful  denoue- 
ment the  celebrated  Popish  Plot  concocted  by  Titus  Gates. 
At  this  distance,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  how  many 
grains  of  truth  were  mingled  in  the  mass  of  prejudice,  or 
to  discover  the  wild  schemes  which  may  have  sprung  up 
in  the  brains  of  the  oppressed  and  excitable  negroes,  but 
certain  it  is  that  nothing  can  justify  the  wholesale  panic 
of  a  civilized  community,  or  the  indiscriminate  imprison- 
ment and  execution  of  scores  of  ignorant  beings  without 
friends  or  counsel,  on  no  other  evidence  than  the  incohe- 
rencies  of  a  few  wretches  more  degraded  than  they,  sup- 
ported by  the  horror  of  a  terror-struck  imagination.  "We 
shall  endeavor  to  follow  the  development  of  this  singular 
plot  clearly  and  simply,  leaving  the  reader  to  draw  his 
own  inference  from  the  facts  and  to  determine  how  much 
credence  should  be  given  the  testimony. 

At  this  time  New  York  contained  about  ten  thousand 
inhabitants,  nearly  one-fifth  of  whom  were  negro  slaves. 
Since  the  first  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  province  in 
the  days  of  Wilhelm  Kieft,  it  had  increased  and  flourished 
to  an  alarming  extent.  Every  householder  who  could 
afford  it  was  surrounded  by  negroes,  who  were  contemptu- 
ously designated  as  "  the  black  seed  of  Cain,"  and  deprived 
not  only  of  their  liberty,  but  also  of  the  commonest  rights 
of  humanity.  .  .  .  The  ordinances  [against  them]  were  of 
the  most  stringent  character.  "  All  blacks  were  slaves," 
says  a  late  historian,  "  and  slaves  could  not  be  witnesses 
against  a  freeman.  They  were  incapable  of  buying  any- 
thing, even  the  minutest  necessary  of  life ;  they  were  pun- 
i.  25* 


294  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BOOTH 

ishable  by  master  or  mistress  to  any  extent  short  of  life  or 
limb;  as  often  as  three  of  them  were  found  together,  they 
were  punished  with  forty  lashes  on  the  bare  back ;  and  the 
same  legal  liability  attended  the  walking  with  a  club  out- 
side the  master's  grounds  without  a  permit.  Two  justices 
might  inflict  any  punishment  short  of  death  or  amputation 
for  a  blow  or  the  smallest  assault  upon  a  Christian  or  a 
Jew."  Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  laws  of  the  times. 

It  had  been  the  constant  policy,  both  of  the  Dutch 
and  English  governments,  to  encourage  the  importation  of 
slaves  as  much  as  possible ;  the  leading  merchants  of  the 
city  were  engaged  in  the  traffic,  which  was  regarded  by  the 
public  as  strictly  honorable,  and  at  the  time  of  which  we 
speak  New  York  was  literally  swarming  with  negroes,  and 
presented  all  the  features  of  a  present*  Southern  city, 
with  its  calaboose  on  the  Commons  and  its  market-place 
at  the  foot  of  Wall  Street.  The  people  were  not  blind  to 
the  possible  danger  from  this  oppressed  yet  powerful  host 
that  was  silently  gathering  in  their  midst,  and  the  slight- 
est suspicious  movement  on  the  part  of  the  negroes  was 
sufficient  to  excite  their  distrust  and  alarm.  Since  the 
supposed  plot  of  1712,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken, 
a  growing  fear  of  the  slaves  had  pervaded  the  city,  and 
the  most  stringent  measures  had  been  adopted  to  prevent 
their  assemblages  and  to  keep  them  under  strict  surveil- 
lance. But  it  was  difficult  to  restrain  the  thieving  pro- 
pensities of  the  negroes;  petty  thefts  were  constantly 
committed,  and  it  was  one  of  these  that  first  paved  the 
way  to  the  real  or  supposed  discovery  of  a  plot  to  murder 
the  inhabitants  and  take  possession  of  the  city. 

On  the  14th  of  March,  1741,  some  goods  and  silver  were 
stolen  from  the  house  of  a  merchant  named  Robert  Hogg, 

*  1859. 


BOOTH]         THE  NEGRO  PLOT  IN  NEW  FORK.  295 

on  the  corner  of  Broad  and  Mill  or  South  William  Streets. 
The  police  immediately  set  to  work  to  discover  the  thieves, 
and,  suspicion  having  fallen  upon  John  Hughson,  the 
keeper  of  a  low  negro  tavern  on  the  shores  of  the  North 
River,  his  house  was  searched,  but  to  no  effect.  Soon  after, 
an  indentured  servant-girl  of  Hughson's,  by  the  name  of 
Mary  Burton,  told  a  neighbor  that  the  goods  were  really 
hidden  in  the  house,  but  that  Hughson  would  kill  her  if  he 
knew  she  had  said  so.  This  rumor  soon  came  to  the  ears 
of  the  authorities,  who  at  once  arrested  Mary  Burton  and 
lodged  her  in  the  city  jail,  promising  her  her  freedom  if 
she  would  confess  all  that  she  knew  about  the  matter. 

[On  a  hearing,  Mary  Burton  charged  a  negro  named  Caesar  with 
complicity  in  the  robbery,  and  he  and  another  slave,  named  Prince, 
were  arrested  and  imprisoned.  Shortly  afterwards  the  governor's 
house  at  the  fort  took  fire  and  burned  to  the  ground.  Other  fires  took 
place  in  rapid  succession,  and  there  spread  among  the  alarmed  inhab- 
itants a  rumor  that  the  negroes  had  plotted  to  burn  the  city.  This 
suspicion  soon  took  the  form  of  certainty.  Some  free  negroes  had 
recently  been  brought  into  the  port,  as  the  crew  of  a  Spanish  prize 
vessel,  and  had  been  sold  as  slaves.  They  were  exasperated  by  this 
harsh  usage,  and  indulged  in  murmurs  and  threats.  One  of  them 
being  questioned  about  a  tire,  his  answers  seemed  evasive,  and  "  Take 
up  the  Spanish  negroes  1"  became  the  instant  cry.  They  were  at  once 
arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.] 

The  magistrates  met  the  same  afternoon  to  consult 
about  the  matter,  and  while  they  were  still  in  session 
another  fire  broke  out  in  the  roof  of  Colonel  Philipse's 
storehouse.  The  alarm  became  universal;  the  negroes 
were  seized  indiscriminately  and  thrown  into  prison, — 
among 'them  many  who  had  just  helped  to  extinguish  the 
fire.  People  and  magistrates  were  alike  panic-struck,  and 
the  rumor  gained  general  credence  that  the  negroes  had 
plotted  to  burn  the  city,  massacre  the  inhabitants,  and 
effect  a  general  revolution. 


296  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BOOTH 

On  the  llth  of  April,  1741,  the  Common  Council  as- 
sembled, and  offered  a  reward  of  one  hundred  pounds 
and  a  full  pardon  to  any  conspirator  who  would  reveal  his 
knowledge  of  the  plot,  with  the  names  of  the  incendiaries. 
Many  of  the  terrified  inhabitants  removed  with  their 
household  goods  and  valuables  from  what  they  began  to 
deem  a  doomed  city,  paying  exorbitant  prices  for  vehicles 
and  assistance.  The  city  was  searched  for  strangers  and 
suspicious  persons,  but  none  were  found,  and  the  negroes 
were  examined  without  effect.  Cuff  Philipse,*  who  had 
been  among  those  arrested,  was  proved  to  have  been  among 
the  most  active  in  extinguishing  the  fire  at  his  master's 
house,  yet  he  was  held  in  prison  to  await  further  develop- 
ments. 

[Before  the  grand  jury,  which  soon  after  met,  Mary  Burton  deposed 
that  she  had  overheard  a  plot  to  burn  the  city  and  kill  the  whites. 
Hughson  was  then  to  be  governor,  and  Cuff  king.  Peggy  Carey,  an 
Irishwoman  who  lived  in  Hughson's  house,  was  charged  with  com- 
plicity in  the  plot.  She  was  convicted  of  having  received  and  secreted 
the  stolen  goods,  and  was  sentenced  to  death  along  with  Prince  and 
Caesar.] 

Terrified  at  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  death,  the  wretched 
Peggy  endeavored  to  avert  her  fate  by  grasping  the  means 
of  rescue  which  had  before  been  offered  her,  and  begged 
for  a  second  examination,  and,  this  being  granted  her, 
confessed  that  meetings  of  negroes  had  been  held  in  the 
last  December  at  the  house  of  John  Romme,  a  tavern- 
keeper  near  the  new  Battery,  of  the  same  stamp  with 
Hughson,  at  which  she  had  been  present,  and  that  Romme 
had  told  them  that  if  they  would  set  fire  to  the  city,  mas- 
sacre the  inhabitants,  and  bring  the  plunder  to  him,  he 
would  carry  them  to  a  strange  country  and  give  them  all 

*  The  negroes  were  familiarly  called  by  the  surnames  of  their 
masters. 


BOOTH]         THE  NEGRO  PLOT  IN  NEW  YORK.  297 

their  liberty.  This  confession  was  so  evidently  vamped 
up  to  save  herself  from  the  gallows  that  even  the  magis- 
trates hesitated  to  believe  it.  Yet  Cuff  Philipse,  Brash 
Jay,  Cura<joa  Dick,  Caesar  Pintard,  Patrick  English,  Jack 
Beasted,  and  Cato  Moore,  all  of  whom  she  had  named  in 
her  confession,  were  brought  before  her  and  identified  as 
conspirators.  Roinme  absconded,  but  his  wife  was  arrested 
and  committed  to  prison,  and  the  accused  were  locked  up 
for  further  examination.  Upon  this,  the  terrified  negroes 
began  to  criminate  each  other,  hoping  thereby  to  save 
themselves  from  the  fate  that  awaited  them.  But  these 
efforts  availed  them  nothing,  any  more  than  did  the  con- 
fession of  the  miserable  Peggy,  who  was  executed  at  last, 
vainly  denying  with  her  dying  breath  her  former  accu- 
sations. In  the  mean  time  several  fires  had  occurred  at 
Hackensack,  and  two  negroes,  suspected  of  being  the  in- 
cendiaries, were  condemned  and  burnt  at  the  stake,  though 
not  a  particle  of  evidence  was  found  against  them. 

On  Monday,  the  llth  of  May,  Caesar  and  Prince,  the 
first  victims  of  the  negro  plot,  were  hung  on  a  gallows 
erected  on  the  little  island  in  the  Fresh  Water  Pond,  de- 
nying to  the  last  all  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy,  though 
they  admitted  that  they  had  really  stolen  the  goods. 

Hughson  and  his  wife  were  tried  and  found  guilty,  and, 
with  Peggy  Carey,  were  hanged  on  a  gibbet  erected  on 
the  East  River  shore,  near  the  corner  of  Cherry  and 
Catharine  streets.  .  .  .  Cuff  Philipse  and  Quack  were 
next  brought  to  trial,  a  negro  boy  named  Sawney  appear- 
ing as  witness  against  them.  This  boy  was  at  first  ar- 
rested and  brought  before  the  magistrates,  when  he  denied 
all  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy.  He  was  told,  in  reply, 
that  if  he  would  tell  the  truth  he  would  not  be  hanged. 
To  tell  the  truth  had  now  come  to  be  generally  understood 
to  mean  the  confession  of  a  plot  for  burning  the  town. 


298  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BOOTH 

[The  frightened  boy  told  a  tissue  of  doubtful  tales,  on  the  strength 
of  which  the  accused  negroes  were  tried  for  their  lives.  All  the  law- 
yers of  the  city  were  on  the  side  of  the  prosecution,  leaving  the 
prisoners  without  counsel.] 

Ignorant  of  the  forms  of  law,  and  terrified  at  the  pros- 
pect of  their  impending  danger,  it  is  not  strange  that  their 
bewildered  and  contradictory  statements  were  construed 
by  their  learned  adversaries  into  evidences  of  their  guilt. 
Quack  and  Cuffee  were  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  be 
burned  at  the  stake  on  the  3d  of  June. 

On  the  day  appointed,  the  fagots  were  piled  in  a  grassy 
valley  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  present  Five  Points, 
and  the  wretched  victims  led  out  to  execution.  The  spot 
was  thronged  with  impatient  spectators,  eager  to  witness 
the  terrible  tragedy.  Terrified  and  trembling,  the  poor 
wretches  gladly  availed  themselves  of  their  last  chance 
for  life,  and,  on  being  questioned  by  their  masters,  con- 
fessed that  the  plot  had  originated  with  Hughson,  that 
Quack's  wife  was  the  person  who  had  set  fire  to  the  fort, 
he  having  been  chosen  for  the  task  by  the  confederated 
negroes,  and  that  Mary  Burton  had  spoken  the  truth  and 
could  name  many  more  conspirators  if  she  pleased.  As  a 
reward,  they  were  reprieved  until  the  further  pleasure  of 
the  governor  should  be  known.  But  the  impatient  popu- 
lace, which  had  come  out  for  a  spectacle,  would  not  so 
easily  be  balked  of  its  prey.  Ominous  mutterings  re- 
sounded round  the  pile,  with  threats  of  evil  import,  and 
the  sheriff  was  ordered  to  proceed  with  his  duty.  Terri- 
fied by  these  menaces,  he  dared  not  attempt  to  take  the 
prisoners  back  to  the  jail ;  and  the  execution  went  on. 
Despite  their  forced  confessions,  the  terrible  pile  was 
lighted,  and  the  wretched  negroes  perished  in  the  flames, 
knowing  that,  with  their  last  breath,  they  had  doomed 
their  fellows  to  share  their  fate  in  vain. 


BOOTH]         THE  NEGRO  PLOT  IN  NEW  YORK.  299 

On  the  6th  of  June,  seven  other  negroes,  named  Jack, 
Cook,  Robin,  Caesar,  Cuffee,  Cuffee,  and  Jamaica,  were  tried 
and  found  guilty  on  the  dying  evidence  of  Quack  and  Cuf- 
fee, with  the  stories  of  Mary  Burton  and  the  negro  boy 
Sawney.  All  were  executed  the  next  day,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Jack,  who  saved  his  life  by  promising  further 
disclosures.  These  disclosures  implicated  fourteen  others, 
one  of  whom,  to  save  his  life,  confessed  and  accused  still 
more. 

On  the  llth  of  June,  Francis,  one  of  the  Spanish  negroes, 
Albany,  and  Curagoa  Dick  were  sentenced  to  be  burned  at 
the  stake.  Ben  and  Quack  were  condemned  to  the  same 
fate  five  days  after.  Three  others  were  at  the  same  time 
sentenced  to  be  hanged,  and  five  of  the  Spanish  negroes 
were  also  convicted. 

[On  June  19  the  governor  proclaimed  pardon  to  all  who  should  con- 
fess and  reveal  the  names  of  their  accomplices  before  July  1.  The 
accusations  at  once  multiplied.  Mary  Burton,  who  had  declared  that 
Hughson  was  the  only  white  man  in  the  plot,  now  accused  John  Ury, 
a  schoolmaster  and  reputed  Catholic  priest.  To  the  negro  plot  were 
now  added  rumors  of  a  Popish  plot.  The  evidence  against  Ury  was 
of  the  most  improbable  character,  yet  he  was  condemned,  and  sentenced 
to  be  hanged.] 

The  arrest  of  Ury  was  the  signal  for  the  implication  of 
others  of  the  whites.  It  was  a  true  foreshadowing  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror.  Every  one  feared  his  neighbor,  and  has- 
tened to  be  the  first  to  accuse,  lest  he  himself  should  be 
accused  and  thrown  into  prison.  Fresh  victims  were  daily 
seized,  and  those  with  whom  the  jails  were  already  full  to 
overflowing  were  transported  or  hanged  with  scarcely  the 
form  of  a  trial  in  order  to  make  room  for  the  new-comers. 
So  rapid  was  the  increase  that  the  judges  feared  that  the 
numbers  might  breed  an  infection,  and  devised  short  meth- 
ods of  ridding  themselves  of  the  prisoners,  sometimes  by 


300  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [BOOTH 

pardoning,  but  as  often  by  hanging  them.  From  the  llth 
of  May  to  the  29th  of  August,  one  hundred  and  fifty -four 
negroes  were  committed  to  prison,  fourteen  of  whom  were 
burned  at  the  stake,  eighteen  hanged,  seventy-one  trans- 
ported, and  the  rest  pardoned  or  dischai'ged  for  the  want 
of  sufficient  evidence.  In  the  same  time,  twenty-four 
whites  were  committed  to  prison,  four  of  whom  were 
executed. 

The  tragedy  would  probably  have  continued  much  longer, 
had  not  Mary  Burton,  grown  bolder  by  success,  begun  to 
implicate  persons  of  consequence.  This  at  once  aroused 
the  fears  of  the  influential  citizens,  who  had  been  the  fore- 
most when  only  the  negroes  were  in  question,  and  put  a 
stop  to  all  further  proceedings.  The  fearful  catalogue  of 
victims  closed  on  the  29th  of  August  with  the  execution 
of  John  Ury.  The  24th  of  September  was  set  apart  as  a 
day  of  general  thanksgiving  for  the  escape  of  the  citizens 
from  destruction;  Mary  Burton  received  the  hundred 
pounds  that  had  been  promised  her  as  the  price  of  blood, 
and  the  city  fell  back  into  a  feeling  of  security. 

Whether  this  plot  ever  had  the  shadow  of  an  existence 
except  in  the  disordered  imaginations  of  the  citizens  can 
never  with  certainty  be  known.  .  .  .  The  witnesses  were 
persons  of  the  vilest  character,  the  evidence  was  contra- 
dictory, inconsistent,  and  extorted  under  the  fear  of  death, 
and  no  real  testimony  was  adduced  that  could  satisfy  any 
man  in  the  possession  of  a  clear  head  and  a  soundjudg- 
ment.  Terror  was  really  the  strongest  evidence,  and  the 
fear  of  the  Jesuits  the  conclusive  proof.  The  law  passed 
in  1700  for  hanging  every  Catholic  priest  who  voluntarily 
came  within  the  province  still  disgraced  the  statute-book, 
while  the  feeling  of  intolerance  which  had  prompted  it 
remained  as  bitter  and  unyielding  as  ever. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN   WAR.  301 


SECTION     V. 

THE  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 


INTRODUCTORY   REMARKS. 

THE  three  colonial  wars  between  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish, which  we  have  described,  arose  from  events  taking 
place  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  were  nearly 
fruitless  in  results,  so  far  as  America  was  concerned.  The 
bloodshed,  torture,  and  other  horrors  which  accompanied 
them  might  all  have  been  spared,  since  neither  of  the 
contestants  gained  any  important  advantages  from  them. 
The  war  which  we  have  yet  to  describe  differed  from  the 
others  in  both  the  particulars  mentioned.  It-had  its  ori- 
gin in  America,  and  it  ended  in  a  very  decided  change  in 
the  relative  positions  of  the  contestants. 

The  progress  of  the  colonies  had  by  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  aroused  conflicting  claims  to  territory 
which  could  scarcely  fail  to  result  in  a  struggle.  The 
treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  had  endeavored  to  adjust  the 
relative  claims  to  North  American  territory  by  the  three 
powers  of  England,  France,  and  Spain.  But  as  yet  these 
powers  occupied  only  a  narrow  strip  along  the  Atlantic 
coast,  and  though  they  claimed,  by  their  charters,  the 
whole  country  from  ocean  to  ocean,  yet  their  ignorance 
of  the  vast  region  thus  appropriated  on  paper  was  very 
sure  to  bring  them  into  disputes  concerning  boundaries. 
The  English  claimed  the  whole  sea-coast  from  Newfound- 
i.  26 


302  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

land  to  Florida,  in  virtue  of  the  discovery  by  the  Cabots, 
and  their  grants  of  territory  were  assumed  as  extending 
westward  to  the  Pacific.  This  claim  to  the  interior  was 
partly  based  on  treaties  with  the  Iroquois  Indians,  who, 
on  the  pretence  that  they  had  at  some  former  time  con- 
quered all  the  territory  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi, ceded  this  territory  to  the  English,  without  heed 
to  the  rights  of  the  tribes  actually  occupying  it. 

The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  based  their  claims  to 
the  Mississippi  region  on  actual  discovery  and  exploration. 
In  their  view,  the  half  of  New  York,  and  the  greater 
portion  of  New  England,  fell  within  the  limits  of  New 
France  and  Acadia;  while  their  western  provinces  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Louisiana  were  held  to  include  the 
entire  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries. 

The  original  basis  of  the  war  which  now  arose  between 
the  French  and  the  English  was  a  dispute  as  to  the  owner- 
ship of  the  territory  bordering  on  the  Ohio.  The  first 
step  towards  it  was  a  grant  from  the  English  government 
to  a  company  of  merchants,  called  the  Ohio  Company. 
The  movements  of  this  company  towards  a  settlement  of 
the  territory  assigned  them  at  once  roused  the  apprehen- 
sions of  the  French  that  the  English  were  seeking  to  de- 
prive them  of  their  trade  with  the  western  Indians  and 
to  sever  their  line  of  communication  between  Canada  and 
Louisiana.  They  immediately  took  active  measures  to 
secure  their  claim  to  this  territory. 

As  for  the  aboriginal  owners  of  the  land,  not  the  slight- 
est attention  was  paid  to  their  rights  of  possession.  Two 
sachems  sent  a  messenger  to  Mr.  Gist,  an  agent  sent  out 
by  the  Ohio  Company,  to  inquire  of  him  "  where  the  In- 
dians' land  lay,  for  the  French  claimed  all  the  land  on 
one  side  of  the  Ohio  Eiver,  and  the  English  on  the  other." 
This  pertinent  question  forcibly  shows  the  real  merits  of 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR.  303 

the  case,  and  that  neither  of  the  colonial  contestants  had 
the  slightest  claim  in  equity  to  the  territory. 

Yet,  disregarding  all  Indian  rights,  the  pioneer  settlers 
of  the  two  nations  proceeded  to  make  good  their  claims. 
The  first  act  of  hostility  was  committed  by  the  French,  in 
1753.  Three  British  traders,  who  had  advanced  into  the 
disputed  territory,  were  seized  by  a  party  of  French  and 
Indians  and  carried  prisoners  to  Presque  Isle,  on  Lake 
Erie,  where  the  French  were  then  erecting  a  fort.  In 
reprisal,  the  Twightwees,  a  tribe  in  alliance  with  the 
English,  seized  several  French  traders,  whom  they  sent  to 
Pennsylvania. 

These  evident  hostilities  between  the  whites  aroused 
the  Indians,  ever  ready  for  war  and  bloodshed.  Insti- 
gated, as  is  supposed,  by  French  emissaries,  they  began 
inroads  upon  the  borders.  The  settlers  of  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley,  who  were  suffering  from  these  savage  raids, 
called  upon  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  Yirginia,  for  aid.  A 
messenger  was  sent  out  to  ascertain  the  temper  of  the 
Indians  and  the  intentions  of  the  French.  He  returned 
in  alarm  at  the  hostility  discovered.  Orders  now  arrived 
from  the  British  ministry  to  the  governor  of  Virginia, 
directing  him  to  build  two  forts  near  the  Ohio,  intended 
to  hold  in  check  the  Indians  and  to  prevent  French  en- 
croachments. The  orders  arrived  too  late.  The  French 
had  already  taken  possession  of  the  territory,  and  were 
securing  it  by  the  erection  of  forts. 

Such  were  the  instigating  causes  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War  in  America,  a  conflict  which  continued  for  several 
years  before  any  declaration  of  hostilities  was  made  by 
the  mother-countries,  and  which  resulted  in  a  radical 
change  in  the  relations  of  the  colonists  of  America. 


304  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SPARKS 

THE  OPENING  OF  THE  WAR. 

JAEED   SPARKS. 

[It  was  deemed  desirable,  before  taking  any  more  active  measures, 
to  send  a  messenger  to  the  commander  of  the  French  forces  on  the 
Ohio  and  demand  his  authority  for  invading  the  territory  of  Virginia, 
and  with  what  designs  he  was  there.  Governor  Dinwiddie  selected  for 
this  important  mission  George  Washington,  then  but  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  yet  already  holding  a  commission  of  major  in  the  Virginia 
militia,  and  a  man  of  note  in  the  colony.  In  addition  to  his  ostensi- 
ble mission,  he  was  instructed  to  learn  all  he  could  in  regard  to  the 
disposition  of  the  Indians,  the  number  of  French  troops  in  the  country, 
and  what  reinforcements  were  expected,  with  all  possible  information 
as  to  the  location,  strength,  and  garrisons  of  the  French  forts.  Pro- 
vided with  credentials  from  the  governor,  he  set  out  from  Williams- 
burg  on  October  31,  1753.  His  journey,  which  was  in  great  part 
through  a  wilderness,  mainly  mountainous,  covered  a  distance  of  five 
hundred  and  sixty  miles.  Reaching  Will's  Creek,  beyond  Winchester, 
he  induced  Mr.  Gist,  an  experienced  woodsman,  to  accompany  him  as 
guide.  The  party  that  there  left  the  extreme  limit  of  civilization 
and  plunged  into  the  primeval  forest  consisted  of  eight  persons.  The 
season  proved  severe,  and  the  mountains  difficult  to  cross,  but  they  at 
length  reached  the  Ohio  at  the  point  of  junction  of  its  two  affluents. 
The  military  advantages  of  this  place  were  perceived  by  Major  Wash- 
ington, and  he  advised  the  erection  of  the  fortification  which  was 
soon  begun  there,  and  which  was  destined  to  prove  famous  in  the 
coming  war.  Twenty  miles  farther,  at  Logs-town,  he  called  together 
some  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  with  whom  he  sought  to  make  an  alliance, 
and  whom  he  asked  for  an  escort.  In  neither  was  he  fully  successful, 
only  four  Indians  accompanying  him.  A  journey  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  farther  took  him  to  the  station  of  the  French  com- 
mandant, at  a  fort  situated  on  French  Creek,  about  fifteen  miles  south 
of  Lake  Erie.  The  journey  had  occupied  forty-one  days.  He  was 
received  with  great  politeness  by  M.  de  St. -Pierre,  the  commandant, 
and  delivered  his  letters,  which  expressed  surprise  at  the  French  en- 
croachments, demanded  their  authority,  and  urged  a  speedy  and 
peaceful  departure.  While  the  French  officers  were  in  consultation, 
Washington  took  the  opportunity  to  inspect  the  fort  thoroughly. 


SPARKS]  THE  OPENING   OF  THE    WAR.  305 

Finally  he  received  the  answer  that  the  French  were  there  by  au- 
thority and  could  not  retire,  and  that  the  message  should  have  been 
sent  to  the  governor  of  Canada. 

The  return  of  the  party  proved  a  difficult  one.  They  proceeded  by 
canoe  to  the  French  post  of  Venango,  at  the  mouth  of  French  Creek, 
on  the  Ohio.  Here  their  horses  proved  so  emaciated  as  to  be  fit  only 
to  furry  the  provisions  and  baggage,  and  the  party  determined  to 
proceed  on  foot.  After  three  days  more  the  horses  grew  so  feeble 
that  Major  Washington  and  Mr.  Gist  left  the  rest  of  the  party,  and 
started  alone  through  the  woods  by  a  more  direct  route.  They  had 
some  exciting  adventures,  and  in  crossing  the  Alleghany,  which  was 
full  of  drifting  ice,  they  narrowly  escaped  drowning.  They  managed 
to  escape  from  their  raft  to  an  island,  and  reached  the  opposite  shore 
the  next  morning ;  but  Mr.  Gist's  hands  and  feet  were  frozen  by  the 
intense  cold,  and  the  night  was  one  of  extreme  suffering.  Washing- 
ton finally  reached  Williamsburg  on  January  16,  after  an  absence  of 
eleven  weeks. 

As  the  intentions  of  the  French  were  now  evident,  no  time  was  lost 
in  preparing  for  energetic  action.  Efforts  to  raise  a  colonial  army 
were  at  once  made,  but  Virginia  had  mainly  to  depend  upon  herself, 
the  other  colonies  taking  little  interest  in  the  matter.  At  length,  in 
April,  1754,  Washington,  now  colonel,  set  out  with  two  companies  of 
recruits,  and  reached  Will's  Creek  on  the  20th.  The  account  of  the 
subsequent  events  we  extract  from  "  The  Life  of  George  Washington," 
by  Jared  Sparks.] 

A  PARTY  of  Captain  Trent's  men  had  already  gone  to 
the  Ohio,  and  begun  to  build  a  fort.  Just  before  Colonel 
Washington  reached  Will's  Creek,  a  rumor  came  from  the 
interior  that  these  men  were  taken  by  the  French ;  and 
two  days  afterwards  the  alarming  intelligence  was  con- 
firmed by  the  ensign  of  Captain  Trent's  company.  He 
reported  that,  while  they  were  at  work,  forty-one  in  num- 
ber, a  body  of  French  troops  descended  the  river  from 
Venango,  consisting  of  one  thousand  men,  with  eighteen 
pieces  of  cannon,  sixty  bateaux,  and  three  hundred  canoes, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Contrecoeur,  and  summoned 
them  to  surrender,  threatening  to  take  forcible  possession 
i.— it  26* 


306  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SPARKS 

of  the  fort  if  this  summons  were  not  immediately  obeyed. 
No  alternative  remained,  and,  the  captain  and  lieutenant 
being  absent,  Ensign  Ward  acceded  to  articles  of  capitu- 
lation, and  gave  up  the  fort,  but  was  permitted  to  retire 
with  his  men.  He  came  to  Will's  Creek,  and  brought  the 
news  of  the  disaster.  His  statement,  however,  as  to  the 
numbers  of  the  French,  their  cannon  and  boats,  turned 
out  to  be  very  much  exaggerated.  This  was  the  first  open 
act  of  hostility  in  the  memorable  war  of  seven  years  that 
followed.  The  French  enlarged  arid  completed  the  fort, 
which  they  called  Fort  Duquesne,  in  compliment  to  the 
governor  of  Canada. 

[The  position  of  Colonel  Washington  was  now  a  somewhat  critical 
one.  His  small  force  of  ill-disciplined  recruits  might  easily  be  sur- 
rounded and  cut  off.  But  he  determined  to  advance,  to  construct  a 
road  as  he  did  so,  and,  if  he  could  reach  the  Monongahela,  to  huild  a 
fort  at  the  mouth  of  Eedstone  Creek.  The  progress  was  a  slow  one. 
Great  difficulties  had  to  be  overcome,  and  provisions  grew  scarce. 
Washington  attempted  to  find  a  passage  by  water  down  the  Youghio- 
gheny,  but  failed,  from  obstructions  in  the  river.  On  his  return  he  re- 
ceived word  from  the  Half-King,  a  friendly  sachem,  that  a  party  of 
French  were  marching  towards  him,  determined  to  attack  the  first 
English  they  should  meet.] 

Not  knowing  their  number,  or  at  what  moment  they 
might  approach,  he  hastened  to  a  place  called  the  Great 
Meadows,  cleared  away  the  bushes,  threw  up  an  intrench- 
ment,  and  prepared,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  a  charming  field 
for  an  encounter."  He  then  mounted  some  of  the  soldiers 
on  wagon-horses,  and  sent  them  out  to  reconnoitre.  They 
came  back  without  having  seen  any  traces  of  the  enemy ; 
but  the  camp  was  alarmed  in  the  night,  the  sentries  fired, 
and  all  hands  were  kept  under  arms  till  morning.  Mr. 
Gist  came  to  the  camp,  also,  and  reported  that  a  French 
detachment,  consisting  of  fifty  men,  had  been  at  his  settle- 


SPARKS]  THE   OPENING   OF  THE    WAR.  307 

ment  the  day  before,  and  that  he  had  observed  their  tracks 
within  five  miles  of  the  Great  Meadows. 

The  approach  of  the  French  with  hostile  designs  was 
now  deemed  certain ;  and  the  best  preparation  was  made  to 
receive  them  which  circumstances  would  permit.  In  the 
mean  time,  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  another  express 
came  from  the  Half-King,  who  was  then  with  a  party  of 
his  warriors  about  six  miles  from  the  camp,  stating  that 
he  had  seen  the  tracks  of  two  Frenchmen,  and  that  the 
whole  detachment  was  near  that  place.  Colonel  "Wash- 
ington immediately  put  himself  at  the  head  of  forty  men, 
leaving  the  rest  to  guard  the  camp,  and  set  off  to  join  the 
Half-King.  The  night  was  dark,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents, 
the  paths  through  the  woods  were  narrow  and  intricate, 
and  the  soldiers  often  lost  their  way,  groping  in  the  bushes, 
and  clambering  over  rocks  and  fallen  trees. 

The  whole  night  was  spent  in  the  march,  and  they  got 
to  the  Indian  encampment  just  before  sunrise.  A  council 
was  held  with  Tanacharison  [the  Half-King]  and  his 
chief  warriors,  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  march 
in  concert  against  the  French.  Two  Indians  went  out  to 
ascertain  the  position  of  the  enemy,  which  was  discovered 
to  be  in  an  obscure  retreat,  surrounded  by  rocks,  half  a 
mile  from  the  road.  The  plan  of  attack  was  then  formed. 
Colonel  Washington  and  his  men  were  to  advance  on  the 
right,  and  the  Indians  on  the  left.  The  march  was  pur- 
sued in  single  file,  according  to  the  Indian  manner,  till 
they  came  so  near  as  to  be  discovered  by  the  French,  who 
instantly  seized  their  arms  and  put  themselves  in  an  atti- 
tude of  defence. 

At  this  moment  the  firing  commenced  on  both  sides.  A 
smart  skirmish  ensued,  which  was  kept  up  for  a  quarter 
of  an  hour,  when  the  French  ceased  to  resist.  M.  de  Ju- 
monville,  the  commander  of  the  French  party,  and  ten  of 


308  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SPARKS 

his  men,  were  killed.  Twenty-two  were  taken  prisoners, 
one  of  whom  was  wounded.  A  Canadian  made  his  escape 
during  the  action.  One  of  Colonel  Washington's  men  was 
killed,  and  two  or  three  wounded.  No  harm  happened  to 
the  Indians,  as  the  enemy's  fire  was  directed  chiefly  against 
the  English.  This  event  occurred  on  the  28th  of  May. 
The  prisoners  were  conducted  to  the  Great  Meadows,  and 
thence,  under  a  guard,  to  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

[This  action,  the  opening  conflict  of  arms  in  the  war,  acquired  a 
notoriety  far  beyond  its  importance.  When  the  news  of  the  event 
reached  Paris  it  was  greatly  misrepresented.  Jumonville  was  consid- 
ered a  messenger  bearing  a  civil  summons,  who  had  been  waylaid  and 
assassinated ;  and  an  able  French  poet,  named  Thomas,  made  it  the 
foundation  of  an  epic  poem  entitled  "  Jumonville,"  and  his  fiction  has 
become  to  some  extent  the  fact  of  modern  French  historians.  Jumon- 
ville did  bear  a  summons,  but  it  was  an  order  for  the  English  to  re- 
tire, with  a  threat  of  compulsion  if  they  failed  to  obey.  This  sum- 
mons he  did  not  show,  but  approached  the  English  camp  stealthily, 
and  brought  on  himself,  by  his  imprudence,  the  fate  which  he  expe- 
rienced. 

Some  reinforcements  soon  after  reached  Virginia,  consisting  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty  men  from  North  Carolina,  one  hundred  from  South 
Carolina,  and  two  companies  from  New  York.  Of  these  only  those 
from  South  Carolina  arrived  at  Great  Meadows.] 

It  was  foreseen  by  Colonel  Washington  that  when  the 
French  at  Fort  Duquesne  should  get  the  news  of  Ju- 
monville's  defeat  a  strong  detachment  would  be  sent 
out  against  him.  As  a  preparation  for  this  event,  he 
set  all  his  men  at  work  to  enlarge  the  intrenchment 
at  the  Great  Meadows,  and  to  erect  palisades.  To  the 
structure  thus  hastily  thrown  up  he  gave  the  name  of 
Fort  Necessity. 

The  Indians,  who  leaned  to  the  English  interest,  fled 
before  the  French  and  flocked  to  the  camp,  bringing  along 
their  wives  and  children  and  putting  them  under  his  pro- 


SPARKS]  THE   OPENING   OF  THE    WAR.  309 

tection.  Among  them  came  Tanacharison  and  his  people, 
Queen  Aliquippa  and  her  son,  and  other  persons  of  dis- 
tinction, till  between  forty  and  fifty  families  gathered 
around  him  and  laid  his  magazine  of  supplies  under  a 
heavy  contribution.  It  may  be  said,  once  for  all,  that  the 
burden  of  supporting  these  sons  of  the  forest  during  this 
campaign,  and  the  perplexities  of  managing  them,  were 
by  no  means  counterbalanced  by  any  advantage  derived 
from  their  aid.  As  spies  and  scouts  they  were  of  some 
service;  in  the  field  they  did  nothing. 

The  forces  at  the  Great  Meadows,  including  Captain 
Mackay's  [South  Carolina]  company,  had  now  increased 
to  about  four  hundred  men.  But  a  new  difficulty  arose, 
which  threatened  disagreeable  consequences.  Captain 
Mackay  had  a  royal  commission,  which  in  his  opinion 
put  him  above  the  authority  of  Colonel  Washington,  who 
was  a  colonial  officer,  commissioned  by  the  governor  of 
Virginia.  He  was  a  man  of  mild  and  gentlemanly  man- 
ners, and  no  personal  difference  interrupted  the  harmony 
between  them;  but  still  he  declined  receiving  the  orders 
of  the  colonel,  and  his  company  occupied  a  separate  en- 
campment. .  .  . 

To  avoid  altercation,  and  prevent  the  contagious  ex- 
ample of  disobedience  from  infecting  the  troops,  Colonel 
Washington  resolved  to  advance  with  a  large  part  of  his 
army,  and,  if  not  obstructed  by  the  enemy,  to  go  on  by 
the  shortest  route  to  the  Monongahela  Eiver.  Captain 
Mackay's  company  was  left  at  Fort  Necessity,  as  a  guard 
to  that  post.  The  road  was  to  be  cleared  and  levelled  for 
artillery-carriages ;  and  the  process  was  so  laborious  that 
it  took  two  weeks  to  effect  a  passage  through  the  gorge 
of  the  mountains  to  Gist's  settlement,  a  distance  of  only 
thirteen  miles.  .  .  .  Due  vigilance  was  practised,  and 
scouts  were  kept  abroad,  even  as  far  as  the  neighborhood 


310  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SPARKS 

of  Fort  Duquesne,  so  that  the  first  motions  of  the  enemy 
might  be  detected. 

[It  was  soon  discovered  that  Fort  Duquesne  had  been  reinforced 
from  Canada,  and  that  a  force  was  preparing  to  march  against  the 
English.  It  was  at  first  decided  to  make  a  stand  at  Gist's  settlement, 
and  Mackay's  company  was  ordered  up.  But  another  council  decided 
that  the  enemy's  force  was  too  large,  and  that  a  retreat  was  necessary. 
It  was  achieved  with  great  difficulty  and  exertion,  the  horses  being 
few  and  weak,  and  the  burden  of  labor  falling  on  the  men.] 

In  two  days  they  all  got  back  to  the  Great  Meadows. 
It  was  not  the  intention  at  first  to  halt  at  this  place,  but 
the  men  had  become  so  much  fatigued  from  great  labor 
and  a  deficiency  of  provisions  that  they  could  draw  the 
swivels  no  further,  nor  carry  the  baggage  on  their  backs. 
They  had  been  eight  days  without  bread,  and  at  the  Great 
Meadows  they  found  only  a  few  bags  of  flour.  .  .  . 

Colonel  Washington  set  his  men  to  felling  trees,  and 
carrying  logs  to  the  fort,  with  a  view  to  raise  a  breast- 
work and  enlarge  and  strengthen  the  fortification  in  the 
best  manner  that  circumstances  would  permit.  The  space 
of  ground  called  the  Great  Meadows  is  a  level  bottom, 
through  which  passes  a  small  creek,  and  is  surrounded  by 
hills  of  a  moderate  and  gradual  ascent.  This  bottom,  or 
glade,  is  entirely  level,  covered  with  long  grass  and  bushes, 
and  varies  in  width.  At  the  point  where  the  fort  stood, 
it  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide,  from  the 
base  of  one  hill  to  that  of  the  opposite.  The  position  of 
the  fort  was  well  chosen,  being  about  one  hundred,  yards 
from  the  upland,  or  wooded  ground,  on  the  one  side,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  on  the  othei*.  and  so  situated  on 
the  margin  of  the  creek  as  to  afford  an  easy  access  to 
water.  .  .  . 

On  the  3d  of  July,  early  in  the  morning,  an  alarm  was 
received  from  a  sentinel,  who  had  been  wounded  by  the 


SPARKS]  THE   OPENING   OF  THE    WAR.  31 1 

enemy ;  and  at  nine  o'clock  intelligence  came  that  the 
whole  bod}*  of  the  enemy,  amounting,  as  was  reported,  to 
nine  hundred  men,  was  only  four  miles  off.  At  eleven 
o'clock  they  approached  the  fort,  and  began  to  fire,  at  the 
distance  of  six  hundred  yards,  but  without  effect.  Colonel 
Washington  had  drawn  up  his  men  on  the  open  and  level 
ground  outside  of  the  trenches,  waiting  for  the  attack, 
which  he  presumed  would  be  made  as  soon  as  the  en- 
emy's forces  emerged  from  the  woods;  and  he  ordered 
his  men  to  reserve  their  fire  till  they  should  be  near 
enough  to  do  execution.  .  .  .  He  maintained  his  post  till 
he  found  the  French  did  not  incline  to  leave  the  woods 
and  attack  the  fort  by  an  assault,  as  he  supposed  they 
would,  considering  their  superiority  of  numbers.  He 
then  drew  his  men  back  within  the  trenches,  and  gave 
them  orders  to  fire  according  to  their  discretion,  as  suita- 
ble opportunities  might  present  themselves.  The  French 
and  Indians  remained  on  the  side  of  the  rising  ground 
which  was  nearest  to  the  fort,  and,  sheltered  by  the  trees, 
kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of  musketry,  but  never  appeared  in 
the  open  plain  below.  The  rain  fell  heavily  through  the 
day,  the  trenches  were  filled  with  water,  and  many  of  the 
arms  of  Colonel  Washington's  men  were  out  of  order  and 
used  with  difficulty. 

In  this  way  the  battle  continued  from  eleven  in  the 
morning  till  eight  at  night,  when  the  French  called  and 
requested  a  parley.  Suspecting  this  to  be  a  feint  to  pro- 
cure the  admission  of  an  officer  into  the  fort,  that  he  might 
discover  their  condition,  Colonel  Washington  at  first  de- 
clined to  listen  to  the  proposal. 

[He  afterwards  agreed  to  it,  and,  articles  of  capitulation  being  pro- 
posed by  the  French  commander,  they  were  accepted  and  signed  by 
both  parties.] 


312  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [SPARKS 

By  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  the  whole  garrison 
was  to  retire,  and  return  without  molestation  to  the  in- 
habited parts  of  the  country;  and  the  French  commander 
promised  that  no  embarrassment  should  be  interposed, 
either  by  his  own  men  or  the  savages.  The  English  were 
to  take  away  everything  in  their  possession,  except  their 
artillery,  and  to  march  out  of  the  fort  the  next  morning 
with  the  honors  of  war,  their  drums  beating  and  colors 
flying.  As  the  French  had  killed  all  the  horses  and  cattle, 
Colonel  Washington  had  no  means  of  transporting  his 
heavy  baggage  and  stores;  and  it  was  conceded  to  him 
that  his  men  might  conceal  their  effects,  and  that  a  guard 
might  be  left  to  protect  them,  till  horses  could  be  sent  up 
to  take  them  away.  Colonel  Washington  agreed  to  restore 
the  prisoners  who  had  been  taken  at  the  skirmish  with 
Jumonville ;  and,  as  a  surety  for  this  article,  two  hostages, 
Captain  Yanbraam  and  Captain  Stobo,  were  delivered  up 
to  the  French,  and  were  to  be  retained  till  the  prisoners 
should  return.  It  was,  moreover,  agreed  that  the  party 
capitulating  should  not  attempt  to  build  any  more  estab- 
lishments at  that  place,  or  beyond  the  mountains,  for  the 
space  of  a  year. 

Early  the  next  morning  Colonel  Washington  began  to 
march  from  the  fort  in  good  order,  but  he  had  proceeded 
only  a  short  distance  when  a  body  of  one  hundred  Indians, 
being  a  reinforcement  to  the  French,  came  upon  him,  and 
could  hardly  be  restrained  from  attacking  his  men.  They 
pilfered  the  baggage,  and  did  other  mischief.  He  marched 
forward,  however,  with  as  much  speed  as  possible  in  the 
weakened  and  encumbered  condition  of  his  army,  there 
being  no  other  mode  of  conveying  the  wounded  men  and 
the  baggage  than  on  the  soldiers'  backs.  As  the  provis- 
ions were  nearly  exhausted,  no  time  was  to  be  lost ;  and, 
leaving  much  of  the  baggage  behind,  he  hastened  to  Will's 


FROST]  SHADDOCK'S  DEFEAT.  313 

Creek,  where  all  the  necessary  supplies  were  in  store. 
Thence  Colonel  Washington  and  Captain  Mackay  pro- 
ceeded to  Williamsburg,  and  communicated  in  person  to 
Governor  Dimviddie  the  events  of  the  campaign. 

[The  narration  here  given  is  of  especial  importance,  as  recording 
the  first  military  event  in  the  life  of  George  Washington,  who  was 
afterwards  to  become  so  famous  in  the  annals  of  war.  Although  but 
a  youth,  unskilled  in  war,  he  had  shown  remarkable  prudence,  cour- 
age, and  ability.  His  conduct,  as  well  as  that  of  his  troops,  was  highly 
approved  by  the  authorities,  and  the  House  of  Burgesses  passed  a  vote 
of  thanks  to  Colonel  Washington  and  his  officers  "  for  their  bravery 
and  gallant  defence  of  their  country."] 


BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT. 

JOHN  FROST. 

[As  it  was  now  becoming  apparent  that  war  with  France  was  inevi- 
table, and  as  the  continued  advances  of  the  French  upon  what  was 
claimed  by  the  English  colonists  as  their  territory  demonstrated  the 
necessity  of  co-operation  in  the  colonies,  the  English  government  rec- 
ommended that  a  convention  should  be  held  at  Albany,  for  the  double 
purpose  of  forming  a  league  with  the  Iroquois  and  of  devising  a  plan 
of  general  defence  against  the  common  enemy.  The  delegates  from 
the  colonies  met  in  June,  1754,  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Six 
Nations,  and  considered  the  subject  of  colonial  union.  Among  the 
delegates  was  Benjamin  Franklin,  of  Philadelphia,  who,  starting  in 
life  as  a  printer's  boy,  was  now  postmaster-general  of  America,  and 
was  looked  upon  by  many  as  the  ablest  of  American  thinkers.  He 
proposed  a  plan  of  union,  which  the  convention  adopted  on  July  4. 
There  was  to  be  a  general  government  of  the  colonies,  presided  over 
by  a  governor-general  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  conducted  by  a 
council  chosen  by  the  colonial  legislatures.  The  council  was  to  have 
the  power  to  raise  troops,  declare  war,  make  peace,  collect  money,  and 
pass  all  measures  necessary  for  the  public  safety.  The  governor-gen- 
i.— o  27 


314  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FROST 

eral  was  to  have  the  power  to  veto  its  ordinances,  while  all  laws  were 
required  to  be  ratified  by  the  king.  This  plan  was  favored  by  all  the 
delegates  except  those  of  Connecticut,  who  objected  to  the  veto  power 
of  the  governor-general  and  to  the  authority  to  lay  general  taxes. 
But  when  submitted  to  the  colonial  Assemblies  and  to  the  British  gov- 
ernment it  was  rejected  by  both,  the  colonies  considering  that  it  gave 
too  much  power  to  the  king,  and  the  king  that  it  gave  too  much  power 
to  the  people.  As  this  plan  had  failed,  the  British  ministry  determined 
to  take  the  control  of  the  war  into  their  own  hands,  and  to  send  out 
an  army  strong  enough  to  force  the  French  to  keep  within  their  own 
territory.  The  story  of  the  ensuing  events  we  select  from  Frost's 
"  Life  of  General  Washington."] 

IN  January,  1755,  General  Braddock  was  despatched 
from  Ireland,  with  two  regiments  of  infantry,  to  co-oper- 
ate with  the  Virginian  forces  in  recovering  the  command 
of  the  Ohio.  The  arrival  of  Braddock  excited  enthusias- 
tic hopes  among  the  colonists.  The  different  provinces 
seemed  to  forget  their  disputes  with  each  other  and  with 
Great  Britain,  and  to  enter  into  a  resolution  to  chastise 
the  French,  at  whatever  cost.  At  the  request  of  the 
British  commander,  a  meeting  of  the  governors  of  five 
of  the  colonies  was  held  at  Alexandria,  at  which  they 
determined  to  undertake  three  simultaneous  expeditions. 
The  first. of  these  was  to  be  conducted  by  Braddock, 
with  the  British  troops,  against  Fort  Duquesne;  the 
second,  under  the  command  of  Governor  Shirley,  now 
honored  with  the  commission  of  a  general  from  the  king, 
was  intended  for  the  reduction  of  the  French  fort  of 
Niagara,  and  was  composed  of  American  regulars  and 
Indians ;  the  third  was  an  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  to  be  undertaken  by  a  regiment  of  militia. 

[The  orders  brought  by  Braddock  divested  the  colonial  generals  and 
field-officers  of  all  rank  while  serving  with  British  officers  of  the  same 
grade,  and  made  company  officers  subordinate  to  those  of  the  regular 
army.  This  left  Washington  without  rank  in  the  new  army  ;  yet  he 


FROST]  BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT.  315 

•was  eager  to  take  part  in  the  expedition,  and  at  Braddock's  request  he 
joined  him  with  the  rank  of  aide-de-camp.  The  army  proceeded  by 
way  of  Frederic  Town  and  Winchester  to  Will's  Creek,  which  was 
reached  about  the  middle  of  May.  Here  a  long  halt  was  made,  to 
obtain  wagons  and  horses,  though  Washington  strongly  opposed  the 
delay,  and  recommended  an  immediate  advance,  before  the  French 
could  reinforce  their  posts  on  the  Ohio.  Finally  the  wagons  were 
obtained,  through  the  strenuous  exertions  of  Benjamin  Franklin  and 
his  personal  influence  with  the  farmers  of  Pennsylvania.  On  the 
10th  of  June  the  army  recommenced  its  march.  As  it  proceeded 
very  slowly,  Washington  advised  a  rapid  advance  of  a  portion  of 
the  troops,  leaving  the  rear  division,  with  the  baggage,  heavy  artil- 
lery, etc.,  to  follow  more  slowly.] 

This  advice  prevailed  in  the  council,  and,  being  ap- 
proved by  the  general,  he  advanced  on  the  19th  of  June, 
with  twelve  hundred  chosen  men,  and  officers  from  all  the 
different  corps,  leaving  the  remainder,  with  most  of  the 
wagons,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  in- 
structions to  follow  as  fast  as  he  could.  Notwithstanding 
this  arrangement,  Braddock  advanced  very  slowly,  "  halt- 
ing to  level  every  mole-hill  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every 
brook,  by  which  means  he  was  four  days  in  advancing 
twelve  miles." 

[Washington  was  now  prostrated  with  a  severe  fever,  and  was 
obliged  to  remain  with  the  rear  division.  He  rejoined  the  general 
on  the  day  before  the  battle,  and  was  then  able  to  sit  on  horseback, 
though  still  very  weak.] 

On  joining  Braddock's  division  on  the  8th.  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Youghiogheny,  Washington  was  surprised  to  find 
them,  though  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  fort,  marching  in 
regular  European  order,  in  as  perfect  security  as  if  they 
were  on  the  wide  plains  of  the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  or 
in  a  peaceful  review,  on  a  field-day,  in  England.  They 
marched  without  advanced  guai'ds  or  scouts ;  and  the 
pffer  of  Washington  to  scour  the  woods,  in  front  and  on 


316  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FROST 

the  flanks,  with  his  Yirginian  provincials,  was  haughtily 
rejected. 

A  considerable  bend  in  the  Monongahela  Eiver,  and  the 
nature  of  the  banks,  made  it  necessary  for  the  army  to 
cross  it  twice  before  they  reached  the  fort.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  9th  of  July,  everything  being  in  readiness,  the 
whole  train  crossed  the  river  in  perfect  order,  a  short  dis- 
tance below  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogheny,  and  took 
up  their  line  of  march  along  its  southern  bank,  in  high 
spirits.  The  garrison  of  the  fort  was  understood  to  be 
small,  and  quite  inadequate  to  resist  the  force  now  brought 
to  bear  upon  it ;  exulting  hope  filled  every  heart ;  and  no 
one  doubted  that  he  should  see  the  British  flag  waving, 
next  day,  over  the  battlements,  and  the  enemy  obliged 
to  retire  to  Canada  or  surrender  themselves  prisoners 
of  war.  The  march  on  that  morning  is  described  as  a 
splendid  spectacle,  being  made  in  full  military  array,  in 
exact  order,  the  sun  glancing  from  the  burnished  bayo- 
nets to  the  scarlet  uniform  of  the  regulars,  with  a  majestic 
river  on  the  right,  and  dark,  deep  woods  on  the  left.  Not 
an  enemy  appeared,  and  the  most  profound  silence  reigned 
over  this  wild  territory.  The  only  countenance  among 
them  which  was  clouded  with  care  or  concern  was  that 
of  Washington,  who,  as  he  rode  beside  the  general,  vainly 
represented  that  the  profound  silence  and  apparent  soli- 
tude of  the  gloomy  scenes  around  them  afforded  no  se- 
curity in  American  warfare  against  deadly  and  imminent 
danger.  Again,  and  still  vainly,  did  he  offer  to  scour  the 
woods  in  front  and  on  the  left  with  the  provincial  troops. 
The  general  treated  his  fears  as  the  effects  of  fever  on  his 
brain,  and  the  provincials  were  ordered  to  form  the  rear- 
guard of  the  detachment. 

About  noon  they  reached  the  second  crossing-place, 
within  ten  miles  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and  at  one  o'clock 


FROST]  BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT.  317 

had  all  crossed  the  river  in  safety,  Three  hundred  men 
under  Colonel  Gage  formed  the  advanced  party,  which 
was  closely  followed  by  a  party  of  two  hundred  ;  and  last 
of  all  followed  the  general  with  the  main  body,  consisting 
of  about  seven  hundred  men,  the  artillery  and  baggage. 

After  crossing  the  river,  the  road  along  which  they 
marched  led  for  about  half  a  mile  through  a  low  plain, 
and  then  'commenced  a  gradual  ascent  of  about  three 
degrees,  the  prospect  being  shut  in  by  hills  in  the  distance. 
About  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  bottom  of  this 
inclined  plain,  and  about  equidistant  from  the  road  leading 
to  the  fort,  commenced  two  ravines,  from  eight  to  ten  feet 
deep,  which  led  off  in  different  directions  until  they  ter- 
minated in  the  plain  below.  Covered  as  these  ravines 
were  with  trees  and  long  grass,  and  the  British  having  no 
scouts,  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  discover  their  exist- 
ence without  approaching  within  a  few  feet  of  them.  Up 
this  inclined  plain,  between  these  ravines,  General  Brad- 
dock  led  his  army  on  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  of  July. 

While  the  English  were  thus  leisurely  advancing,  the 
scouts  of  the  French  kept  the  commandant  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne  accurately  informed  of  their  motions  and  their 
numbers.  Believing  the  small  force  under  his  command 
wholly  inadequate  to  the  defence  of  the  fort  against  three 
thousand  men,  with  a  formidable  park  of  artillery,  as  his 
scouts  had  represented  them,  he  was  hesitating  what  course 
to  pursue,  when  Captain  de  Beaujeu  offered  to  lead  a  small 
party  of  French  and  Indians  to  meet  the  enemy  and  harass 
his  march.  It  required  a  great  deal  of  persuasion  to  in- 
duce the  Indians  to  engage  in  what  they  considered  an 
impossible  undertaking;  but,  possessing  their  confidence, 
he  finally  subdued  their  unwillingness,  and  induced  about 
six  hundred  of  them  to  accompany  him.  With  these  and 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  French  and  Canadians,  he 
I.  27* 


318  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FROST 

intended  to  occupy  the  banks  of  the  Monongahela  and 
harass  the  English  as  they  crossed  the  river.  It  was  only 
on  the  morning  of  the  9th  that  he  was  ready  to  start  on 
this  expedition,  and  when  he  arrived  near  the  river  his 
spies  reported  that  Braddock  had  already  crossed.  Find- 
ing that  he  was  too  late  to  pursue  his  original  plan,  De 
Beaujeu  placed  his  followers  in  the  ravines  before  men- 
tioned, between  which  the  English  were  seen  advancing 
along  the  road. 

When  the  three  hundred  under  Gage  came  near  the 
head  of  the  ravines,  a  heavy  discharge  of  musketry  was 
poured  in  upon  their  front,  and  immediately  after  another 
upon  their  left  flank.  This  was  the  first  notice  which  they 
had  of  the  presence  of  an  enemy.  Braddock  was  'com- 
pletely surprised.  Gage  ordered  his  men  to  fire,  and 
though  no  enemy  was  visible,  yet  they  poured  such  a 
discharge  upon  the  spot  where  the  smoke  of  the  first  fire 
was  still  to  be  seen,  that  the  Indians,  believing  that  it  pro- 
ceeded from  artillery,  were  upon  the  point  of  retreating. 
Their  indecision  was  but  for  an  instant,  for  the  advance, 
falling  back  upon  the  main  body,  threw  them  into  con- 
fusion ;  and  instead  of  following  the  example  of  the  In- 
dians and  taking  to  the  trees,  or  opening  upon  their 
invisible  foe  a  discharge  of  grape,  they  were  ordered  by 
Braddock  to  maintain  their  ranks  and  advance.  Captain 
de  Beaujeu  was  killed  by  the  first  discharge  of  Gage's 
men,  and  Captain  Dumas,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  com- 
mand, immediately  rallied  the  Indians,  and,  sending  them 
down  the  ravines,  ordered  them  to  attack  the  enemy  on 
each  flank,  while  he,  with  the  French  and  Canadians, 
maintained  his  position  in  front.  Then  commenced  a  ter- 
rible carnage.  The  British,  panic-struck  and  bewildered, 
huddled  together  in  squads,  heeded  not  the  commands  of 
their  officers,  who  were  riding  about  madly  urging  them 


FROST]  BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT.  319 

to  advance,  but  they  only  fled  from  one  side  of  the  field  to 
be  met  by  the  fire  of  an  invisible  foe  on  the  other  side ;  and 
then  they  would  gather  in  small  parties  as  if  they  hoped 
to  shield  themselves  behind  the  bodies  of  their  friends, 
firing  without  aim,  oftener  shooting  down  their  own  offi- 
cers and  men  than  Indians.  Their  only  hope  would  now 
have  been  to  separate,  rush  behind  the  trees,  and  fight 
man  to  man  with  their  assailants ;  but  Braddock  insisted 
on  forming  them  into  platoons  and  columns,  in  order  to 
make  regular  discharges,  which  struck  only  the  trees  or 
tore  up  the  ground  in  front.  The  Virginians  alone  seemed 
to  retain  their  senses.  Notwithstanding  the  prohibition 
of  the  general,  they  no  sooner  knew  the  enemy  with  whom 
they  had  to  deal,  than  they  adopted  the  Indian  mode  of 
fighting,  and  each  for  himself,  behind  a  tree,  manifested 
bravery  worthy  of  a  better  fate. 

Meanwhile  the  French  and  Indians,  secure  behind  their 
natural  breastworks,  aimed  deliberately  first  at  the  officers 
on  horseback,  and  then  at  others,  each  shot  bringing  down 
a  man.  The  leaders,  selected  by  unerring  aim,  fell  first. 
Captains  Orme  and  Morris,  two  of  the  three  aides-de-camp, 
were  wounded  early  in  the  action,  and  Washington  was 
the  only  person  left  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which 
he  was  scarcely  able  to  do,  as  he  was  not  more  than  half 
recovered  from  his  illness.  Notwithstanding  the  neglect 
with  which  his  warnings  had  been  treated,  he  still  aided 
the  general  with  his  mental  as  well  as  his  physical  powers; 
though  the  troops  lay  thick  around  him  in  slaughtered 
heaps,  he  still  gave  the  aid  of  salutary  counsel  to  his  ill- 
fated  chief,  and  urged  it  with  all  the  grace  of  eloquence 
and  all  the  force  of  conviction.  Biding  in  every  direction, 
his  manly  form  drew  the  attention  of  the  savages,  and 
they  doomed  him  to  destruction.  The  murdering  rifles 
were  levelled,  the  quick  bullets  flew  winged  with  death, 


320  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FROST 

and  pierced  his  garments;  but,  obedient  to  the  Sovereign 
will,  they  dared  not  shed  his  blood.  One  chieftain  es- 
pecially singled  Washington  out  as  a  conspicuous  mark, 
fired  his  rifle  at  him  many  times,  and  ordered  his  young 
warriors  to  do  the  same,  until  they  became  convinced 
that  he  was  under  the  special  protection  of  the  Great 
Spirit,  and  would  never  die  in  battle,  when  they  desisted. 
Although  four  balls  passed  through  Washington's  coat, 
and  two  horses  were  shot  under  him,  he  escaped  unhurt. 

Washington's  .conduct  in  the  action  is  described  by  an 
eye-witness  whose  verbal  account  is  thus  given  by  Mr. 
Paulding :  "  I  saw  him  take  hold  of  a  brass  field-piece  as 
if  it  had  been  a  stick.  He  looked  like  a  fury ;  he  tore  the 
sheet-lead  from  the  touch-hole;  he  placed  one  hand  on  the 
muzzle,  the  other  on  the  breech ;  he  pulled  with  this,  and 
he  pushed  with  that,  and  wheeled  it  round  as  if  it  had 
been  nothing.  It  tore  the  ground  like  a  barshare.  The 
powder-monkey  rushed  up  with  the  fire,  and  then  the 
cannon  began  to  bark,  I  tell  you.  They  fought  and  they 
fought,  and  the  Indians  began  to  holla,  when  the  rest  of 
the  brass  cannon  made  the  bark  of  the  trees  fly,  and  the 
Indians  come  down.  That  place  they  call  Rock  Hill,  and 
there  they  left  five  hundred  men  dead  on  the  gi-ound." 

After  the  slaughter  had  thus  continued  for  three  hours, 
General  Braddock,  after  having  three  horses  killed  under 
him,  received  a  shot  through  the  right  arm  and  the  lungs, 
and  was  borne  from  the  field  by  Colonel  Gage.  More 
than  one-half  of  the  soldiers  who  had  so  proudly  crossed 
the  river  three  hours  before  were  now  killed  or  wounded, 
and  the  rest,  on  the  fall  of  the  general,  fled  precipitately. 
The  provincials,  who  were  among  the  last  to  leave  the 
ground,  were  kept  in  order  by  Washington,  and  served  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  regulars.  The  officers  in  general 
remained  on  the  field  while  there  seemed  any  hope  of 


FROST]  BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT.  321 

rallying  their  troops,  and  consequently,  out  of  eighty-six 
engaged,  sixty-three  were  killed  or  wounded.  Of  the  pri- 
vates, seven  hundred  and  fourteen  fell.  The  rout  was 
complete,  and  the  more  disgraceful  in  that  it  was  before 
an  inferior  enemy,  who  attacked  without  the  least  hope  of 
such  success,  and  during  the  whole  battle  lost  but  forty 
men.  Most  of  these  were  Indians  killed  in  venturing  out 
of  the  ravine  to  take  scalps. 

Captain  Dumas  thought  his  force  too  weak  to  pursue  the 
fugitives,  who  .fled  precipitately  until  they  had  recrossed 
the  Monongahela,  when,  being  no  longer  in  imminent 
danger,  they  again  formed.  Colonel  Washington  hastened 
forward  to  bring  up  wagons  and  other  conveyances  for 
the  wounded. 

General  Braddock,  under  the  particular  charge  of  Cap- 
tain Stewart  of  the  Virginia  forces,  was  at  first  conveyed 
in  a  tumbril ;  afterwards  he  was  placed  on  horseback, 
but,  being  unable  to  ride,  he  was  obliged  to  be  carried  by 
soldiers.  In  this  way  he  was  transported  until  the  night 
of  the  13th,  when  they  arrived  within  a  mile  of  Fort 
Necessity,  where  he  died,  and  was  buried  in  his  cloak, 
in  the  road,  to  elude  the  search  of  the  Indians.  Wash- 
ington, by  the  light  of  a  torch,  read  the  funeral  service 
over  his  remains. 

The  news  of  the  defeat  soon  reached  the  rear  division 
under  Colonel  Dunbar.  The  greatest  confusion  for  a  time 
reigned  in  his  camp.  The  artillery  stores  were  destroyed, 
the  heavy  baggage  burned,  and  as  soon  as  the  fugitives 
arrived  he  took  up  the  line  of  march  with  all  speed  for 
Philadelphia.  Colonel  Washington  proceeded  to  Mount 
Yernon,  justly  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  the  regulars  in 
the  late  engagement,  though  his  own  bravery  and  good 
conduct  in  the  action  gained  him  the  applause  of  all  his 
countrymen. 


322  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE  GEORGE. 

FRANCIS   PARKMAN. 

[Of  the  three  principal  operations  laid  out  for  the  year  1755,  that 
againt  Fort  Duquesiie  ended,  as  we  have  seen,  in  a  disastrous  defeat 
for  the  English.  The  news  of  this  defeat  put  an  end  to  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Niagara,  through  the  discouragement  which  it  produced. 
The  third  expedition,  that  against  Crown  Point,  was  more  successful, 
and  led  to  an  engagement  of  such  importance  as  to  merit  a  special  de- 
scription. The  forces  selected  for  this  purpose  were  militia-men  from 
New  England  and  New  York,  under  the  command  of  a  prominent 
New-Yorker  named  William  Johnson,  a  man  of  great  influence  with 
the  Five  Nations.  All  his  influence  and  endeavors,  however,  only  in- 
duced about  three  hundred  of  them  to  enlist  for  the  expected  battle. 
From  Parkman's  spirited  history,  entitled  "  Montcalm  and  "Wolfe," 
we  select  an  account  of  the  events  of  this  campaign.] 

WHILE  the  British  colonists  were  preparing  to  attack 
Crown  Point,  the  French  of  Canada  were  preparing  to 
defend  it.  Duquesne,  recalled  from  his  post,  had  resigned 
the  government  to  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  who  had  at 
his  disposal  the  battalions  of  regulars  that  had  sailed  in 
the  spring  from  Brest  under  Baron  Dieskau.  His  first 
thought  was  to  use  them  for  the  capture  of  Oswego;  but 
the  letters  of  Braddock,  found  on  the  battle-field,  warned 
him  of  the  design  against  Crown  Point,  while  a  reconnoi- 
tring party  which  had  gone  as  far  as  the  Hudson  brought 
back  news  that  Johnson's  forces  were  already  in  the  field. 
Therefore  the  plan  was  changed,  and  Dieskau  was  ordered 
to  lead  the  main  body  of  his  troops,  not  to  Lake  Ontario, 
but  to  Lake  Champlain.  He  passed  up  the  Richelieu,  and 
embarked  in  boats  and  canoes  for  Crown  Point.  The 
veteran  knew  that  the  foes  with  whom  he  had  to  deal 
were  but  a  mob  of  countrymen.  He  doubted  not  of  put- 
ting them  to  rout,  and  meant  never  to  hold  his  hand  till 


PARKMAN]    THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE  GEORGE.  323 

he  had  chased  them  back  to  Albany.  "  Make  all  haste," 
Vaudreuil  wrote  to  him ;  "  for  when  you  return  we  shall 
send  you  to  Oswego  to  execute  our  first  design." 

Johnson,  on  his  part,  was  preparing  to  advance.  In 
July  about  three  thousand  provincials  were  encamped  near 
Albany,  some  on  the  "  Flats"  above  the  town,  and  some 
on  the  meadows  below.  Hither,  too,  came  a  swarm  of 
Johnson's  Mohawks,  —  warriors,  squaws,  and  children. 
They  adorned  the  general's  face  with  war-paint,  and  he 
danced  the  war-dance;  then  with  his  sword  he  cut  the 
first  slice  from  the  ox  that  had  been  roasted  whole  for 
their  entertainment.  "  I  shall  be  glad,"  wrote  the  surgeon 
of  a  New  England  regiment,  "  if  they  fight  as  eagerly  as 
they  ate  their  ox  and  drank  their  wine." 

[Though  promptness  was  of  great  importance,  there  was  much  delay 
in  bringing  the  troops  together.  The  army,  though  crude  in  its  make- 
up, had  in  it  much  good  material.  Among  the  men  were  two  who 
were  destined  to  make  their  names  well  known  in  American  history, — 
Israel  Putnam,  a  private  in  a  Connecticut  regiment,  and  John  Stark, 
a  New  Hampshire  lieutenant,  the  future  hero  of  Bennington.] 

The  soldiers  were  no  soldiers,  but  farmers  and  farmers' 
sons  who  had  volunteered  for  the  summer  campaign.  One 
of  the  corps  had  a  blue  uniform  faced  with  red.  The  rest 
wore  their  daily  clothing.  Blankets  had  been  served  out 
to  them  by  the  several  provinces,  but  the  greater  part 
brought  their  own  guns;  some  under  the  penalty  of  a 
fine  if  they  came  without  them,  and  some  under  the  in- 
ducement of  a  reward.  They  had  no  bayonets,  but  car- 
ried hatchets  in  their  belts  as  a  sort  of  substitute.  At 
their  sides  were  slung  powder-horns,  on  which,  in  the  lei- 
sure of  the  camp,  they  carved  quaint  devices  with  the 
points  of  their  jack-knives.  They  came  chiefly  from  plain 
New  England  homesteads, — rustic  abodes,  unpainted  and 
dingy,  with  long  well-sweeps,  capacious  barns,  rough  fields 


324  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

of  pumpkins  and  corn,  and  vast  kitchen-chimneys,  above 
which  in  winter  hung  squashes  to  keep  them  from  frost, 
and  guns  to  keep  them  from  rust. 

[Mohawk  scouts  who  had  been  sent  to  Canada  returned  with  the 
report  that  eight  thousand  men  were  marching  to  defend  Crown  Point. 
Indecision  followed,  but  it  was  finally  resolved  to  march  to  Lake 
George.] 

The  train  of  Dutch  wagons,  guarded  by  the  homely 
soldiery,  jolted  slowly  over  the  stumps  and  roots  of  the 
newly-made  road,  and  the  regiments  followed  at  their 
leisure.  The  hardships  of  the  way  were  not  without 
their  consolations.  The  jovial  Irishman  who  held  the 
chief  command  made  himself  very  agreeable  to  the  New 
England  officers.  "  We  went  on  about  four  or  five  miles," 
says  Pomeroy  in  his  Journal,  "  then  stopped,  ate  pieces  of 
broken  bread  and  cheese,  and  drank  some  fresh  lemon- 
punch  and  the  best  of  wine  with  General  Johnson  and 
some  of  the  field  officers."  It  was  the  same  on  the  next 
day.  "  Stopped  about  noon  and  dined  with  General  John- 
son by  a  small  brook  under  a  tree ;  ate  a  good  dinner  of 
cold  boiled  and  roast  venison;  drank  good  fresh  lemon- 
punch  and  wine." 

That  afternoon  they  reached  their  destination,  fourteen 
miles  from  Fort  Lyman.  The  most  beautiful  lake  in 
America  lay  before  them ;  then  more  beautiful  than  now, 
in  the  wild  charm  of  untrodden  mountains  and  virgin 
forests.  "  I  have  given  it  the  name  of  Lake  George," 
wrote  Johnson  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  "  not  only  in  honor 
of  His  Majesty,  but  to  ascertain  his  undoubted  dominion 
here."  His  men  made  their  camp  on  a  piece  of  rough 
ground  by  the  edge  of  the  water,  pitching  their  tents 
among  the  stumps  of  the  newly-felled  trees.  In  their 
front  was  a  forest  of  pitch-pine ;  on  their  right,  a  marsh, 


PARKMAN]    THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE   GEORGE.  325 

choked  with  alders  and  swamp-maples ;  on  their  left,  the 
low  hill  where  Fort  George  was  afterwards  built;  and  at 
their  rear,  the  lake.  Little  was  done  to  clear  the  forest  in 
front,  though  it  would  give  excellent  cover  to  an  enemy. 
Nor  did  Johnson  take  much  pains  to  learn  the  movements 
of  the  French  in  the  direction  of  Crown  Point,  though  he 
sent  scouts  towards  South  Bay  and  Wood  Creek.  Every 
day  stores  and  bateaux,  or  flat-boats,  came  on  wagons 
from  Fort  Lyman ;  and  preparation  moved  on  with  the 
leisure  that  had  marked  it  from  the  first.  About  three 
hundred  Mohawks  came  to  the  camp,  and  were  regarded 
by  the  New  England  men  as  nuisances.  .  .  . 

While  Johnson  lay  at  Lake  George,  Dieskau  prepared  a 
surprise  for  him.  The  German  baron  had  reached  Crown. 
Point  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  five  hundred  and 
seventy -three  men,  regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians.  He 
had  no  thought  of  waiting  there  to  be  attacked.  The 
troops  were  told  to  hold  themselves  ready  to  move  at  a 
moment's  notice.  Officers — so  ran  the  order — will  take 
nothing  with  them  but  one  spare  shirt,  one  spare  pair  of 
shoes,  a  blanket,  a  bearskin,  and  provisions  for  twelve 
days;  Indians  are  not  to  amuse  themselves  by  taking 
scalps  till  the  enemy  is  entirely  defeated,  since  they  can 
kill  ten  men  in  the  time  required  to  scalp  one.  Then 
Dieskau  moved  on,  with  nearly  all  his  force,  to  Carillon, 
or  Ticonderoga,  •  a  promontory  commanding  both  the 
routes  by  which  alone  Johnson  could  advance,  that  of 
Wood  Creek  and  that  of  Lake  George. 

The  Indian  allies  were  commanded  by  Legardeur  de 
Saint-Pierre,  the  officer  who  had  received  Washington 
on  his  embassy  to  Fort  Le  Bceuf.  These  unmanageable 
warriors  were  a  constant  annoyance  to  Dieskau,  being  a 
species  of  humanity  quite  new  to  him.  "They  drive  us 
crazy,"  he  says,  "  from  morning  till  night.  There  is  no 
i.  28 


326  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

end  to  their  demands.  They  have  already  eaten  five  oxen 
and  as  many  hogs,  without  counting  the  kegs  of  brandy 
they  have  drunk.  In  short,  one  needs  the  patience  of  an 
angel  to  get  on  with  these  devils ;  and  yet  one  must  al- 
ways force  himself  to  seem  pleased  with  them." 

[Dieskau,  being  falsely  informed  by  a  prisoner  that  Fort  Lyman 
was  indefensible,  resolved  on  a  rapid  movement  to  seize  it.  He  passed 
down  Lake  Champlain  to  the  site  of  Whitehall,  by  canoe,  and  then 
took  up  the  line  of  march  through  the  forest.  Word  came  in  now 
that  there  was  a  large  force  encamped  on  Lake  George,  and  the 
Indians  decided  that  they  would  not  attack  the  fort,  but  were  ready 
to  proceed  against  the  camp.  This  movement  was  determined  on.] 

They  moved  rapidly  on  through  the  waste  of  pines,  and 
soon  entered  the  rugged  valley  that  led  to  Johnson's  camp. 
On  their  right  was  a  gorge  where,  shadowed  in  bushes, 
gurgled  a  gloomy  brook ;  and  beyond  rose  the  cliffs  that 
buttressed  the  rocky  heights  of  French  Mountain,  seen  by 
glimpses  between  the  boughs.  On  their  left  rose  gradually 
the  lower  slopes  of  West  Mountain.  All  was  rock,  thicket, 
and  forest ;  there  was  no  open  space  but  the  road  along 
which  the  regulars  marched,  while  the  Canadians  and  In- 
dians pushed  their  way  through  the  woods  in  such  order 
as  the  broken  ground  would  permit. 

They  were  three  miles  from  the  lake,  when  their  scouts 
brought  in  a  prisoner  who  told  them  that  a  column  of 
English  troops  was  approaching.  Dieskau's  preparations 
were  quickly  made.  While  the  regulars  halted  on  the 
road,  the  Canadians  and  Indians  moved  to  the  front,  where 
most  of  them  hid  in  the  forest  along  the  slopes  of  West 
Mountain,  and  the  rest  lay  close  among  the  thickets  on  the 
other  side.  Thus,  when  the  English  advanced  to  attack 
the  regulars  in  front,  they  would  find  themselves  caught 
in  a  double  ambush.  No  sight  or  sound  betraj-ed  the 
snare ;  but  behind  every  bush  crouched  a  Canadian  or  a 


PARKMAN]    THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE  GEORGE.  327 

savage,  with  gun  cocked  and  ears  intent,  listening  for  the 
tramp  of  the  approaching  column. 

The  wagoners  who  escaped  the  evening  before  had 
reached  the  camp  about  midnight,  and  reported  that  there 
was  a  war-party  on  the  road  near  Fort  Lyman.  Johnson 
had  at  this  time  twenty-two  hundred  effective  men,  besides 
his  three  hundred  Indians.  He  called  a  council  of  war  in 
the  morning,  and  a  resolution  was  taken  which  can  only 
be  explained  by  a  complete  misconception  as  to  the  forces 
of  the  French.  It  was  determined  to  send  out  two  detach- 
ments of  five  hundred  men  each,  one  towards  Fort  Lyman, 
and  the  other  towards  South  Bay,  the  object  being,  accord- 
ing to  Johnson,  "  to  catch  the  enemy  in  their  retreat." 
Hendrick,  chief  of  the  Mohawks,  a  brave  and  sagacious 
warrior,  expressed  his  dissent  after  a  fashion  of  his  own. 
He  picked  up  a  stick  and  broke  it;  then  he  picked  up 
several  sticks,  and  showed  that  together  they  could  not  be 
broken.  The  hint  was  taken,  and  the  two  detachments 
were  joined  in  one.  Still  the  old  savage  shook  his  head. 
"  If  they  are  to  be  killed,"  he  said,  "  they  are  too  many ;  if 
they  are  to  fight,  they  are  too  few."  Nevertheless,  he  re- 
solved to  share  their  fortunes ;  and,  mounting  on  a  gun- 
carriage,  he  harangued  his  warriors  with  a  voice  so  ani- 
mated and  gestures  so  expressive  that  the  New  England 
officers  listened  in  admiration,  though  they  understood  not 
a  word.  One  difficulty  remained.  He  was  too  old  and  fat 
to  go  afoot ;  but  Johnson  lent  him  a  horse,  which  he  be- 
strode, and  trotted  to  the  head  of  the  column,  followed  by 
two  hundred  of  his  warriors  as  fast  as  they  could  grease, 
paint,  and  befeather  themselves.  .  .  . 

It  was  soon  after  eight  o'clock  when  Ephraim  Williams 
left  the  camp  with  his  regiment,  marched  a  little  distance, 
and  then  waited  for  the  rest  of  the  detachment  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Whiting.  Thus  Dieskau  had  full  time 


328  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PAKKMAN 

to  lay  his  ambush.  When  "Whiting  came  up,  the  whole 
moved  on  together,  so  little  conscious  of  danger  that  no 
scouts  were  thrown  out  in  front  or  flank;  and,  in  full 
security,  they  entered  the  fatal  snare.  Before  they  were 
completely  involved  in  it,  the  sharp  eye  of  old  Hendrick 
detected  some  sign  of  an  enemy.  At  that  instant,  whether 
by  accident  or  design,  a  gun  was  fired  from  the  bushes. 
It  is  said  that  Dieskau's  Iroquois,  seeing  Mohawks,  their 
relatives,  in  the  van,  wished  to  warn  them  of  danger.  If 
so,  the  warning  came  too  late.  The  thickets  on  the  left 
blazed  out  a  deadly  fire,  and  the  men  fell  by  scores.  In 
the  words  of  Dfeskau,  the  head  of  the  column  "  was 
doubled  up  like  a  pack  of  cards."  Heridrick's  horse  was 
shot  down,  and  the  chief  was  killed  with  a  bayonet  as  he 
tried  to  rise.  Williams,  seeing  a  rising  ground  on  his  right, 
made  for  it,  calling  on  his  men  to  follow;  but  as  he  climbed 
the  slope,  guns  flashed  from  the  bushes,  and  a  shot  through 
the  brain  laid  him  dead.  The  men  in  the  rear  pressed 
forward  to  support  their  comrades,  when  a  hot  fire  was 
suddenly  opened  on  them  from  the  forest  along  their 
right  flank.  Then  there  was  a  panic ;  some  fled  outright, 
and  the  whole  column  recoiled.  The  van  now  became  the 
rear,  and  all  the  force  of  the  enemy  rushed  upon  it,  shout- 
ing and  screeching.  There  was  a  moment  of  total  confu- 
sion ;  but  a  part  of  Williams's  regiment  rallied  under  com- 
mand of  Whiting,  and  covered  the  retreat,  fighting  behind 
trees  like  Indians,  and  firing  and  falling  back  by  turns, 
bravely  aided  by  some  of  the  Mohawks  and  by  a  detach- 
ment which  Johnson  sent  to  their  aid.  "And  a  very 
handsome  retreat  they  made,"  writes  Pomeroy;  "and  so 
continued  till  they  came  within  about  three-quarters  of  a 
mile  of  our  camp.  This  was  the  last  fire  our  men  gave 
our  enemies,  which  killed  great  numbers  of  them  ;  they 
were  seen  to  drop  as  pigeons."  So  ended  the  fray  long 


PARKMAN]    THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE   GEORGE.  329 

known  in"  New  England  fireside  story  as  the  "bloody 
morning  scout."  Dieskau  now  ordered  a  halt,  and 
sounded  his  trumpets  to  collect  his  scattered  men.  His 
Indians,  however,  were  sullen  and  unmanageable,  and  the 
Canadians  also  showed  signs  of  wavering.  The  veteran 
who  commanded  them  all,  Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre,  had 
been  killed.  At  length  they  were  persuaded  to  move  again, 
the  regulars  leading  the  way. 

About  an  hour  after  Williams  and  his  men  had  begun 
their  march,  a  distant  rattle  of  musketry  was  heard  at  the 
camp  ;  and  as  it  grew  nearer  and  louder,  the  listeners  knew 
that  their  comrades  were  on  the  retreat.  Then,  at  the 
eleventh  hour,  preparations  were  begun  for  defence.  A 
sort  of  barricade  was  made  along  the  front  of  the  camp, 
partly  of  wagons,  and  partly  of  inverted  bateaux,  but 
chiefly  of  the  trunks  of  trees  hastily  hewn  down  in  the 
neighboring  forest  and  laid  end  to  end  in  a  single  row. 
The  line  extended  from  the  southern  slopes  of  the  hill  on 
the  left  across  a  tract  of  rough  ground  to  the  marshes  on 
the  right.  The  forest,  choked  with  bushes  and  clumps 
of  rank  ferns,  was  within  a  few  yards  of  the  barricade, 
and  there  was  scarcely  time  to  hack  away  the  inter- 
vening thickets.  Three  cannon  were  planted  to  sweep  the 
road  that  descended  through  the  pines,  and  another  was 
dragged  up  to  the  ridge  of  the  hill.  The  defeated  party 
began  to  come  in :  first,  scared  fugitives,  both  white  and 
red ;  then,  gangs  of  men  bringing  the  wounded ;  and  at 
last,  an  hour  and  a  half  after  the  first  fire  was  heard,  the 
main  detachment  was  seen  marching  in  compact  bodies 
down  the  road. 

Five  hundred  men  were  detailed  to  guard  the  flanks  of 

the  camp.     The  rest  stood  behind  the  wagons  or  lay  flat 

behind  the  logs  and  inverted  bateaux,  the  Massachusetts 

men  on  the  right,  and  the  Connecticut  men  on  the  left. 

i.  28* 


330  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

Besides  Indians,  this  actual  fighting  force  was  between 
sixteen  and  seventeen  hundred  rustics,  very  few  of  whom 
had  been  under  fire  before  that  morning.  They  were 
hardly  at  their  posts  when  they  saw  ranks  of  white-coated 
soldiers  moving  down  the  road,  and  bayonets  that  to  them 
seemed  innumerable  glittering  between  the  boughs.  At 
the  same  time  a  terrific  burst  of  war-whoops  rose  along 
the  front ;  and,  in  the  words  of  Pomeroy,  "  the  Canadians 
and  Indians,  helter-skelter,  the  woods  full  of  them,  came 
running  with  undaunted  courage  right  down  the  hill  upon 
us,  expecting  to  make  us  flee."  Some  of  the  men  grew 
uneasy ;  while  the  chief  officers,  sword  in  hand,  threatened 
instant  death  to  any  who  should  stir  from  their  posts.  If 
Dieskau  had  made  an  assault  at  that  instant,  there  could 
be  little  doubt  of  the  result. 

This  he  well  knew ;  but  he  was  powerless.  He  had  his 
small  force  of  regulars  well  in  hand ;  but  the  rest,  red  and 
white,  were  beyond  control,  scattering  through  the  woods 
and  swamps,  shouting,  yelling,  and  firing  from  behind  trees. 
The  regulars  advanced  with  intrepidity  towards  the  camp 
where  the  trees  were  thin,  deployed,  and  fired  by  platoons, 
till  Captain  Eyre,  who  commanded  the  artillery,  opened  on 
them  with  grape,  broke  their  ranks,  and  compelled  them 
to  take  to  cover.  The  fusillade  was  now  general  on  both 
sides,  and  soon  grew  furious.  "  Perhaps,"  Seth  Pomeroy 
wrote  to  his  wife,  two  days  after,  "  the  hailstones  from 
heaven  were  never  much  thicker  than  their  bullets  came  ; 
but,  blessed  be  God !  that  did  not  in  the  least  daunt  or 
disturb  us."  Johnson  received  a  flesh-wound  in  the  thigh, 
and  spent  the  rest  of  the  day  in  his  tent.  Lyman  took 
command ;  and  it  is  a  marvel  that  he  escaped  alive,  for  he 
was  four  hours  in  the  heat  of  the  fire,  directing  and  ani- 
mating the  men.  "  It  was  the  most  awful  day  my  eyes 
ever  beheld,"  wrote  Surgeon  Williams  to  his  wife ;  "  there 


PARKMAN]    THE  BATTLE  AT  LAKE  GEORGE.  331 

seemed  to  be  nothing  but  thunder  and  lightning  and  per- 
petual pillars  of  smoke."  .  .  . 

Dieskau  had  directed  his  first  attack  against  the  left  and 
centre  of  Johnson's  position.  Making  no  impression  here, 
he  tried  to  force  the  right,  where  lay  the  regiments  of 
Titcomb,  Euggles,  and  Williams.  The  fire  was  hot  for 
about  an  hour.  Titcomb  was  shot  dead,  a  rod  in  front  of 
the  barricade,  firing  from  behind  a  tree  like  a  common 
soldier.  At  length  Dieskau,  exposing  himself  within  short 
range  of  the  English  line,  was  hit  in  the  leg.  His  adju- 
tant, Montreuil,  himself  wounded,  came  to  his  aid,  and  was 
washing  the  injured  limb  with  brandy,  when  the  unfortu- 
nate commander  was  hit  again  in  the  knee  and  thigh.  He 
seated  himself  behind  a  tree,  while  the  adjutant  called  two 
Canadians  to  carry  him  to  the  rear.  One  of  them  was  in- 
stantly shot  down.  Montreuil  took  his  place ;  but  Dieskau 
refused  to  be  moved,  bitterly  denounced  the  Canadians  and 
Indians,  and  ordered  the  adjutant  to  leave  him  and  lead 
the  regulars  in  a  last  effort  against  the  camp. 

It  was  too  late.  Johnson's  men.  singly  or  in  small  squads, 
were  already  crossing  their  row  of  logs ;  and  in  a  few  mo- 
ments the  whole  dashed  forward  with  a  shout,  falling  upon 
the  enemy  with  hatchets  and  the  butts  of  their  guns.  The 
French  and  their  allies  fled.  The  wounded  general  still 
sat  helpless  by  the  tree,  when  he  saw  a  soldier  aiming  at 
him.  He  signed  to  the  man  not  to  fire ;  but  he  pulled 
trigger,  shot  him  across  the  hips,  leaped  upon  him,  and 
ordered  him  in  French  to  surrender.  "  I  said,"  writes 
Dieskau.  "  '  You  rascal,  why  did  you  fire  ?  You  see  a  man 
lying  in  his  blood  on  the  ground,  and  you  shoot  him !'  He 
answered, '  How  did  I  know  that  you  had  not  got  a  pistol  ? 
I  had  rather  kill  the  devil  than  have  the  devil  kill  me.' 
'You  are  a  Frenchman?'  I  asked.  'Yes,'  he  replied;  'it 
is  more  than  ten  years  since  I  left  Canada ;'  whereupon 


332  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [PARKMAN 

several  others  fell  on  me  and  stripped  me.  I  told  them  to 
carry  me  to  their  general,  which  they  did.  On  learning 
who  I  was,  he  sent  for  surgeons,  and,  though  wounded 
himself,  refused  all  assistance  till  my  wounds  were  dressed." 
It  was  near  five  o'clock  when  the  final  rout  took  place. 
Some  time  before,  several  hundred  of  the  Canadians  and 
Indians  had  left  the  field  and  returned  to  the  scene  of 
the  morning  fight,  to  plunder  and  scalp  the  dead.  They 
were  resting  themselves  near  a  pool  in  the  forest,  close 
beside  the  road,  when  their  repose  was  interrupted  by 
a  volley  of  bullets.  It  was  fired  by  a  scouting  party 
from  Fort  Lyman,  chiefly  backwoodsmen,  under  Captains 
Folsom  and  McGinnis.  The  assailants  were  greatly  out- 
numbered ;  but  after  a  hard  fight  the  Canadians  and  In- 
dians broke  and  fled.  McGinnis  was  mortally  wounded. 
He  continued  to  give  orders  till  the  firing  was  over,  then 
fainted,  and  was  carried,  dying,  to  the  camp.  The  bodies 
of  the  slain,  according  to  tradition,  were  thrown  into  the 
pool,  Avhich  bears  to  this  day  the  name  of  Bloody  Pond. 

[Johnson  had  great  difficulty  in  preserving  the  life  of  Dieskau,  the 
Mohawks,  who  were  furious  at  the  death  of  Hendrick,  making  sev- 
eral efforts  to  kill  him.  The  wounded  baron,  however,  survived  to 
reach  England,  where  he  recovered  sufficiently  to  live  for  several  years, 
though  wretchedly  shattered  by  his  wounds. 

The  success  attained  by  Johnson  was  not  improved.  He  failed  to 
follow  the  flying  foe,  on  the  excuse  that  his  men  were  tired.  Yet  five 
hundred  of  them  had  stood  still  all  day,  and  there  were  boats  enough 
to  transport  them  to  where  Dieskau  had  left  his  canoes  and  provisions, 
ten  miles  down  the  lake.  Nor  did  he  send  out  scouts  to  Ticonderoga 
till  a  week  afterwards.  On  the  contrary,  he  intrenched  himself  against 
a  possible  assault,  and  let  two  weeks  pass  away,  by  the  end  of  which 
time  the  enemy  was  intrenched  at  Ticonderoga  in  force  enough  to  defy 
him.  Thus  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  though  attended  with 
such  an  incidental  success,  proved  a  failure.  Johnson  remained  a 
month  longer  at  the  lake,  when  he  sent  his  army  home.  With  the  art 
of  the  courtier,  he  changed  the  name  of  Fort  Lyman  to  Fort  Edward, 


HANNAY]    THE-  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS.  333 

after  one  of  the  king's  grandsons,  and  called  his  new  fort  at  Lake 
George  William  Henry,  after  another.  As  a  result  of  his  victory  and 
his  policy  he  received  five  thousand  pounds  from  Parliament  and  was 
made  a  baronet  by  the  king.] 


THE-  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS. 

JAMES   HANNAY. 

[The  year  of  the  conflicts  last  described  was  marked  by  another 
event  of  great  importance,  and  one  which  has  aroused  more  feeling 
than  any  other  circumstance  of  the  war.  This  was  the  removal  of  the 
French  settlers  from  Acadia,  and  their  dispersion  through  the  English 
settlements.  This  event  has  been  treated  mainly  from  the  stand-point 
of  sentiment,  the  cruelty  of  the  deportation  strongly  dwelt  on,  and  the 
action  of  the  English  regarded  as  indefensible.  A  calmer  and  fuller 
review  of  the  circumstances  gives  a  new  face  to  the  situation,  and 
shows  that  the  English  action,  though  it  proved  of  little  utility,  had 
much  warrant  in  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  We  extract  an  ac- 
count of  this  deportation  from  Hannay's  valuable  "  History  of  Acadia." 

It  was  preceded  by  certain  military  events  which  need  to  be  out- 
lined. About  the  last  of  May,  1755,  Colonel  Monckton  sailed  from 
Boston,  with  three  thousand  troops,  with  the  design  of  reducing  the 
French  settlements  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  were  considered  as 
encroachments  on  the  English  province  of  Nova  Scotia.  This  prov- 
ince, the  Acadia  of  a  former  period,  had  been  taken  by  the  English 
in  1710,  and  was  ceded  to  the  English  government  by  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  in  1713.  The  French,  however,  had  steadily  encroached  upon 
the  peninsula,  and  had  strengthened  themselves  by  forts  on  its  New 
Brunswick  border,  from  which  a  hostile  influence  disseminated  itself 
through  the  French  population  of  the  peninsula.  Monckton 's  expe- 
dition was  successful  in  reducing  these  forts.  A  block-house  on  Chig- 
necto  Bay  was  first  carried  by  assault,  and  then  Fort  Beausejour,  a 
strong  post  on  the  neck  of  the  peninsula,  was  invested,  and  taken  after 
a  four  days'  siege.  Fort  Gaspereau,  on  Green  Bay,  was  next  captured, 
after  which  the  French  abandoned  their  post  on  the  St.  John's  River. 


334  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HANNAY 

As  the  hostility  of  the  Acadians  to  British  rule  continued  unabated, 
and  as  their  presence  endangered  the  security  of  the  province,  it  was 
resolved  to  remove  them  and  endeavor  to  replace  them  by  settlers 
loyal  to  the  British  government.  The  circumstances  of  this  removal 
we  append  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Hannay.] 

THE  English,  after  a  possession  of  Acadia  which  lasted 
nearly  forty  years,  had  not  succeeded  in  founding  a  single 
English  settlement  or  adding  to  the  English-speaking  popu- 
lation of  the  province.  The  French  Acadians,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  gone  on  increasing  and  spi-eading  themselves 
over  the  land.  They  were  strong  and  formidable,  not  only 
by  reason  of  their  number,  but  because  of  their  knowledge 
of  wood-craft,  of  the  management  of  canoes,  and  of  many 
other  accomplishments  which  are  essential  to  those  who 
would  live  in-  a  forest  country,  and  which  were  almost 
indispensable  qualifications  for  soldiers  in  such  a  land  as 
Acadia.  All  that  the  English  had  to  show  for  their  thirty- 
nine  years'  occupation  of  the  country  were  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Annapolis  and  a  ruined  fishing-station  at  Canso. 
All  the  substantial  gains  of  that  time  belonged  to  France, 
for  the  Acadians  were  nearly  three  times  as  numerous  as 
when  Port  Eoyal  fell,  and  they  were  quite  as  devoted  to 
the  interests  of  France  as  their  fathers  had  been.  Acadia 
in  1749  was  as  much  a  French  colony  as  it  had  been  forty 
years  before.  The  only  diffei'ence  was  that  the  English 
were  at  the  expense  of  maintaining  a  garrison  instead  of 
the  French,  and  that  they  sometimes  issued  orders  to  the 
inhabitants,  which  the  latter  very  seldom  chose  to  obey. 

[Of  the  various  schemes  to  give  Acadia  an  English  population  all 
proved  failures,  except  that  of  1749,  in  which  a  large  colony  was  es- 
tablished at  a  point  hitherto  unoccupied,  where  a  town  rapidly  arose 
from  which  has  sprung  the  present  city  of  Halifax.  The  Acadians, 
however,  steadily  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Great 
Britain,  and,  while  professing  to  be  neutral  between  the  English  and 


HANNAY]    THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS.  335 

the  French,  secretly  abetted  the  latter.  Three  hundred  of  them  were 
found  in  Fort  Beausejour  when  captured,  and  their  hostility  to  the 
English  was  pronounced.] 

The  event  for  which  the  year  1755  will  be  ever  memo- 
rable in  the  history  of  this  continent  was  not  the  capture 
of  Beausejour,  nor  the  defeat  of  Braddock.  These  were 
results  which  occurred  in  the  ordinary  course  of  warfare, 
and  which  grew  naturally  out  of  the  struggle  which  Eng- 
land and  France  were  waging  in  America.  Our  interest 
in  them  is  merely  the  interest  of  patriotism ;  we  feel  no 
sympathy  for  the  individual  soldier  who  lays  down  his 
life  for  his  country,  for  it  is  the  business  of  the  soldier  to 
fight  and  to  die,  and  to  some  a  death  on  the  field  of  battle 
which  is  lighted  by  the  sun  of  victory  seems  the  happiest 
death  of  all.  The  event  which  gives  the  year  1755  a  sad 
pre-eminence  over  its  fellows — the  expulsion  of  the  Aca- 
dians — was  an  occurrence  of  a  very  different  character. 
The  sufferers  were  men  who  were,  or  ought  to  have  been, 
non-combatants,  and  in  the  common  ruin  which  overtook 
them  their  wives  and  children  were  involved.  The  break- 
ing up  of  their  domestic  hearths,  their  severance  from 
their  property,  the  privations  they  endured  when  driven 
among  strangers,  and  the  numberless  ills  which  overtook 
them  as  the  result  of  their  first  misfortune,  have  an  inter- 
est for  the  people  of  every  nation,  for  they  appeal  to  our 
common  humanity.  It  seems  at  the  first  view  of  the 
case  an  outrage  on  that  humanity  and  a  grievous  wrong 
that  such  an  occurrence  as  the  expulsion  of  the  Acadians 
should  have  taken  place  merely  from  political  motives. 
The  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  the  Acadiahs  stand  out 
prominently,  and  appeal  to  every  eye;  a  great  poet  has 
sung  of  their  sorrows  ;*  innumerable  writers  of  books  have 

*  Longfellow,  in  "  Evangeline." 


336  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

referred  to  their  expulsion  in  terms  of  condemnation ;  and 
so  the  matter  has  grown  until  it  came  to  be  almost  a  set- 
tled opinion  that  the  expulsion  of  the  Acadians  was  some- 
thing which  could  not  be  justified,  and  of  which  its  au- 
thors should  have  been  ashamed.  That  is  the  view  which 
one  historian  of  Nova  Scotia  gives  of  the  affair.  Perhaps 
those  who  examine  the  whole  matter  impartially,  in  the 
light  of  all  the  facts,  will  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
would  have  been  a  real  cause  for  shame  had  the  Acadians 
been  permitted  longer  to  misuse  the  clemency  of  the  gov- 
ernment, to  plot  against  -British  power,  and  to  obstruct 
the  settlement  of  the  province  by  loyal  subjects. 

One  statement  has  been  very  industriously  circulated 
by  French  writers  with  a  view  to  throw  odium  on  the 
transaction.  They  say  that  the  Acadians  were  expelled 
"  because  the  greedy  English  colonists  looked  upon  their 
fair  farms  with  covetous  eyes,"  and  that  the  government 
was  influenced  by  these  persons.  A  more  flagrant  untruth 
never  was  told.  .  .  .  None  of  the  lands  of  the  Acadians 
were  settled  by  the  English  until  several  years  after  the 
French  were  expelled,  and  not  until  most  of  the  lands  had 
gone  back  to  a  state  of  nature  in  consequence  of  the 
breaking  of  the  dikes.  .  .  .  Five  years  elapsed  after  the 
expulsion  before  the  noble  diked  lands  of  Grand  Pre  were 
occupied  by  English  settlers,  and  the  lands  of  Annapolis 
were  not  occupied  by  the  English  until  nine  or  ten  years 
after  the  French  had  left  them.  .  .  .  From  motives  of 
economy,  if  for  no  other  reason,  it  was  considered  highly 
desirable  that  the  Acadians  should  remain  on  their  lands, 
in  order  that  they  might  supply  the  garrisons  with  pro- 
visions at  a  fair  price,  and  so  reduce  the  cost  of  maintain- 
ing them.  It  was  also  felt  that  the  French,  if  they  could 
be  induced  to  become  loyal  subjects,  would  be  a  great 
source  of  strength  to  the  colony,  from  their  knowledge 


H  ANN  AY]    THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS.  337 

of  wood-craft  and  from  their  friendly  relations  with  the 
Indians.  It  was,  therefore,  on  no  pretext  that  this  desire 
to  keep  the  French  in  the  province — which  is  attested  by 
more  than  forty  years  of  forbearance — was  succeeded  by 
a  determination  to  remove  them  from  it.  ...  It  must  be 
remembered  that  in  1755  England  was  entering  on  a  great 
war  with  France,  which,  although  it  ended  disastrously 
for  the  latter  power,  certainly  commenced  with  the  bal- 
ance of  advantage  in  her  favor.  In  such  a  death-struggle, 
it  was  evident  that  there  was  no  room  for  half-way  meas- 
ures, and  that  a  weak  policy  would  almost  certainly  be 
fatal  to  British  power.  Ever  since  the  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
a  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  the  Acadians  had  lived 
on  their  lands  without  complying  with  the  terms  on  which 
they  were  to  be  permitted  to  retain  them,  which  was  to 
become  British  subjects.  Although  the  soil  upon  which 
they  lived  was  British  territory,  they  claimed  to  be  re- 
garded as  "  Neutrals,"  not  liable  to  be  called  upon  to  bear 
arms  either  for  or  against  the  English.  Their  neutrality, 
however,  did  not  prevent  them  from  aiding  the  French  to 
the  utmost  of  their  power  and  throwing  every  possible 
embarrassment  in  the  way  of  the  English.  It  did  not 
prevent  many  of  them  from  joining  with  the  Indians  in 
attacks  on  the  garrison  at  Annapolis  and  on  other  Eng- 
lish fortified  posts  in  Acadia.  It  did  not  prevent  them 
from  carrying  their  cattle  and  grain  to  Louisburg,  Beau- 
sejour,  and  the  river  St.  John,  instead  of  to  Halifax  and 
Annapolis,  when  England  and  France  were  at  war.  It 
did  not  prevent  them  from  maintaining  a  constant  corre- 
spondence with  the  enemies  of  England,  or  from  acting 
the  part  of  spies  on  the  English  and  keeping  Vergor  at 
Beausejour  informed  of  the  exact  state  of  their  garrisons 
from  time  to  time.  It  did  not  prevent  them  from  being 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  savages,  who  beset  the  English 
i.— p  w  29 


338  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HANNAY 

so  closely  that  an  English  settler  could  scarcely  venture 
beyond  his  barn,  or  an  English  soldier  beyond  musket- 
shot  of  his  fort,  for  fear  of  being  killed  and  scalped. 

[The  Acadians  seem  to  have  been  badly  advised.  No  interference 
was  attempted  with  their  religion,  yet  some  of  their  priests  acted  as 
political  agents  of  France,  used  all  their  influence  to  keep  alive  hos- 
tility to  the  English,  and  induced  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  emigrate 
from  the  province.  Several  thousand  Acadians  in  all  thus  emigrated, 
fourteen  hundred  of  whom,  led  by  a  French  officer,  remained  on  the 
borders  of  the  province,  armed,  and  reinforced  by  a  large  body  of  In- 
dians. This  fact  made  the  authorities  more  persistent  in  their  efforts 
to  force  the  inhabitants  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  induced 
them  to  adopt  measures  to  disarm  them.  Acadian  deputies  soon  after 
carne  to  Halifax,  demanding  that  their  guns  should  be  restored,  but 
persistently  refusing  to  take  the  oath  "  to  be  faithful  and  loyal  to  his 
majesty  George  Second."  Other  negotiations  ensued,  but  the  deputies 
were  determined  to  take  no  oath  except  one  with  a  reservation  that 
they  should  not  be  obliged  to  take  up  arms.  Governor  Lawrence  in- 
sisted that  they  should  become  full  British  subjects,  or  they  could  not 
be  permitted  to  remain  in  the  country,  declaring  that  they  had  always 
secretly  aided  the  Indians,  and  many  of  them  openly  taken  up  arms 
against  the  British.  To  this  they  replied  that  they  were  determined, 
one  and  all,  to  quit  their  lands  rather  than  take  any  other  oath  than 
that  they  had  already  taken. 

On  Monday,  the  28th  of  July,  the  final  memorial  of  the  inhabitants 
was  received.  They  all  firmly  refused  to  take  the  unconditional  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  British  government.  In  consequence,  it  was  de- 
cided to  expel  them  from  the  province.] 

The  determination  to  remove  the  Acadians  having  been 
taken,  it  only  remained  to  make  such  arrangements  as 
seemed  necessary  to  cany  out  the  object  effectually.  The 
council  decided  that,  in  order  to  prevent  them  from  re- 
turning and  again  molesting  the  English  settlers,  they 
should  be  distributed  amongst  the  colonies  from  Massachu- 
setts to  Virginia.  On  the  31st  July,  Governor  Lawrence 
wrote  to  Colonel  Monckton,  stating  the  determination  of 


HANNAY]    THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADJANS.  339 

the  government  with  reference  to  the  Acadians,  and  in- 
forming him  that  as  those  about  the  isthmus  had  been 
found  in  arms,  and  were  therefore  entitled  to  no  favor 
from  the  government,  it  was  determined  to  begin  with 
them  first.  He  was  informed  that  orders  had  been  given 
to  send  a  sufficient  number  of  transports  up  the  bay  to 
take  the  Acadians  of  that  district  on  board.  Monckton 
was  ordered  to  keep  the  measure  secret  until  he  could  get 
the  men  into  his  power,  so  that  he  could  detain  them  until 
the  transports  arrived.  He  was  directed  to  secure  their 
shallops,  boats,  and  canoes,  and  to  see  that  none  of  their 
cattle  was  driven  away,  they  being  forfeited  to  the  crown. 
He  was  told  that  the  inhabitants  were  not  to  be  allowed 
to  carry  away  anything  but  their  ready  money  and  house- 
hold furniture.  He  likewise  received  explicit  directions 
as  to  the  supply  of  provisions  for  the  inhabitants  while  on 
the  voyage. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Winslow,  who  was  commanding  the 
troops  at  Mines,  received  instructions  relative  to  the  re- 
moval of  the  Acadians  in  that  district,  dated  the  llth 
August.  He  was  told  to  collect  the  inhabitants  together, 
and  place  them  on  board  the  transports,  of  which  there 
would  be  a  number  sufficient  to  transport  two  thousand 
persons,  five  hundred  of  whom  were  to  be  sent  to  North 
Carolina,  one  thousand  to  Virginia,  and  five  hundred  to 
Maryland.  After  the  people  were  shipped  he  was  ordered 
to  march  overland  to  Annapolis  with  a  strong  detachment 
to  assist  Major  Handfield  in  removing  the  inhabitants  of 
that  river.  Handfield's  instructions  were  similar  to  those 
of  Winslow,  and  he  was  informed  that  vessels  sufficient  to 
transport  one  thousand  persons  would  be  sent  to  Annapolis. 
Of  these,  three  hundred  were  to  be  sent  to  Philadelphia, 
two  hundred  to  New  York,  three  hundred  to  Connecticut, 
and  two  hundred  to  Boston. 


340  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HANNAY 

[Each  master  of  a  transport  bore  a  circular  letter  from  Governor 
Lawrence  to  the  governor  of  the  province  to  which  he  was  destined, 
giving  his  reasons  for  this  extreme  measure.  These  reasons  were  those 
already  given,  that  the  Acadians  had  persistently  refused  to  take  the 
oath  prescribed  by  treaty  forty  years  before,  that  their  claim  of  neu- 
trality was  a  false  one,  that  they  had  continually  furnished  the  French 
and  Indians  with  intelligence,  provisions,  and  aid  in  annoying  the 
English,  that  part  of  them  had  acted  treacherously  and  part  had 
broken  into  armed  rebellion,  that  to  drive  them  into  Canada  would 
but  strengthen  the  enemy,  and  that  the  step  taken  was  indispensably 
necessary  to  the  security  of  the  colony.] 

The  work  of  removing  the  Acadians  met  with  no  success 
at  Chignecto,  where  the  population  was  large  and  compara- 
tively warlike.  Boishebert,  after  being  driven  from  the 
St.  John,  had  betaken  himself  to  Shediac,  and  from  there 
he  directed  the  movements  of  the  Acadians  of  the  isthmus. 
When  the  English  tried  to  collect  the  inhabitants  for  the 
purpose  of  removing  them,  they  found  that  they  had  fled 
to  the  shelter  of  the  woods,  and  when  they  attempted  to 
follow  them  they  were  met  by  the  most  determined  resist- 
ance. On  the  2d  September,  Major  Frye  was  sent  with 
two  hundred  men  from  the  garrison  at  Fort  Cumberland 
[formerly  Fort  Beausejour]  to  burn  the  villages  of  Shepody, 
Petitcodiac,  and  Memramcook.  At  Shepody  they  burnt  one 
hundred  and  eighty-one  buildings,  but  found  no  inhabi- 
tants, except  twenty-three  women  and  children,  whom 
they  sent  on  board  the  vessel  they  had  with  them.  They 
sailed  up  the  Petitcodiac  Eiver  on  the  following  day  and 
burnt  the  buildings  on  both  sides  of  it  for  miles.  At 
length  the  vessel  was  brought  to  anchor,  and  fifty  men 
were  sent  on  shore  to  burn  the  chapel  and  some  other 
buildings  near  it,  when  suddenly  they  were  attacked  by 
three  hundred  French  and  Indians  under  Boishebert  and 
compelled  to  retreat  with  a  loss  of  twenty-three  men 
killed  and  wounded,  including  Dr.  March,  who  was  killed, 


HANNAY]    THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS.  341 

and  Lieutenant  Billings,  dangerously  wounded.  Boishe- 
bert  was  found  to  be  too  strong  to  be  attacked  even  with 
the  aid  of  the  main  body  of  troops  under  Major  Frye,  so 
the  party  had  to  return  to  Fort  Cumberland,  after  having 
destroyed  in  all  two  hundred  and  fifty-three  buildings  and 
a  large  quantity  of  wheat  and  flax. 

At  Mines  Lieutenant-Colonel  Winslow  succeeded  in  ac- 
complishing his  unpleasant  duty  without  resistance.  On 
the  2d  September  he  issued  an  order  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  districts  of  Grand  Pre,  Mines,  Eiver  Canard,  and  vi- 
cinity, commanding  all  the  males  from  ten  years  upward 
to  attend  at  the  church  in  Grand  Pre  on  the  following 
Friday,  the  5th  September,  to  hear  what  his  majesty  had 
authorized  him  to  communicate  to  them.  The  inhabitants 
attended  in  obedience  to  this  summons  to  the  number  of 
upwards  of  four  hundred,  and  were  informed  by  Winslow 
that,  in  consequence  of  their  disobedience,  their  lands  and 
tenements,  cattle,  live-stock,  and  all  their  effects,  except 
their  money  arid  household  goods,  were  forfeited  to  the 
crown,  and  they  themselves  were  to  be  removed  from  the 
province.  He  told  them,  however,  that  he  would  take  in 
the  vessels  with  them  as  large  a  portion  of  their  household 
effects  as  could  be  carried,  and  that  families  would  not  be 
separated,  but  conveyed  in  the  same  vessel.  Finally,  he 
told  them  that  they  should  remain  prisoners  at  the  church 
until  the  time  came  for  them  to  embark.  At  Piziquid, 
Captain  Murray  collected  the  male  inhabitants  in  the  same 
way  to  the  number  of  nearly  two  hundred,  and  kept  them 
in  confinement.  Considering  the  situation  in  which  they 
were  placed,  they  manifested  but  little  emotion,  and  offered 
no  resistance  worthy  of  the  name.  The  task  of  getting  so 
many  families  together,  and  embarking  them  with  their 
household  effects,  proved  tedious,  but  finally  it  was  accom- 
plished, .and  the  inhabitants  of  Mines  and  Piziquid,  to  the 
i  29* 


342  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HANNAY 

number  of  more  than  nineteen  hundred  persons,  were  got 
on  board  the  transports,  and  carried  away  from  their  homes 
in  Acadia  to  lands  of  which  they  knew  nothing,  and  where 
their  presence  was  not  desired. 

At  Annapolis  many  families  took  the  alarm  when  the 
transports  arrived,  and  fled  to  the  woods  for  safety,  and 
much  difficulty  was  experienced  in  collecting  them.  Hun- 
ger finally  compelled  most  of  them  to  surrender  themselves, 
and  upwards  of  eleven  hundred  were  placed  on  board  the 
vessels  and  sent  away..  One  vessel  with  two  hundred  and 
twenty-six  Acadians  on  board  was  seized  by  them  in  the 
Bay  of  Fundy,  and  taken  into  St.  John,  and  the  passen- 
gers she  carried  were  not  afterwards  recaptured.  The 
total  number  removed  from  Acadia  in  1755  was  somewhat 
in  excess  of  three  thousand  souls.  Some  of  them  were 
taken  to  Massachusetts,  some  to  Pennsylvania,  some  to 
Virginia,  some  to  Maryland,  some  to  North  and  South 
Carolina,  and  some  even  to  the  British  West  Indies. 
Wherever  they  were  taken  they  became  for  the  time  a 
public  charge  upon  the  colony,  and  were  the  occasion  of 
much  correspondence  between  the  governments  which  were 
obliged  to  maintain  them  and  that  of  Nova  Scotia.  Many 
of  those  who  went  to  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  hired 
small  vessels  and  set  out  to  return  to  Acadia,  and  the  gov- 
ernors of  those  colonies  were  very  glad  to  facilitate  their 
movements  northward  by  giving  them  passes  to  voyage 
along  their  coasts.  Several  hundred  of  those  who  landed 
in  Virginia  were  sent  by  the  government  of  that  colony 
to  England,  where  they  remained  for  seven  years,  finally 
taking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  many  of  them  returning 
to  Acadia.  A  number  of  these  people  went  from  Virginia 
to  the  French  West  Indies,  where  they  died  in  large  num- 
bers. The  great  bulk  of  the  Acadians,  however,  finally 
succeeded  in  returning  to  the  land  of  their  birth.  Some 


HANNAY]    THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ACADIANS.  343 

got  back  in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  others  did  not 
succeed  in  returning  until  many  years  had  elapsed,  yet 
they  succeeded,  nevertheless,  and  the  ultimate  loss  of  pop- 
ulation by  their  enforced  emigration  in  1755  was  much  less 
than  would  be  supposed. 

[It  must  be  admitted  that  the  preceding  narrative  is,  to  a  consider- 
able extent,  a  case  of  special  pleading,  by  a  writer  determined  to  put 
the  best  face  on  a  bad  matter.  The  deportation  of  a  whole  people, 
against  their  consent,  of  which  there  are  many  cases  in  history,  is 
necessarily  attended  with  hardship  and  suffering  which  only  the  most 
extreme  need  can  justify.  It  cannot  fairly  be  said  that  this  need  ex- 
isted in  the  case  of  the  Acadians.  Though  some  of  them  were  actively 
hostile  to  the  English,  the  bulk  of  the  people  were  quiet,  industrious, 
and  inoffensive,  and  the  extent  of  their  crime  was  that  they  refused  to 
take  an  oath  that  would  oblige  them  to  bear  arms  against  their  coun- 
trymen. The  expulsion  was  one  of  those  instances  in  which,  it  being 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  sheep  and  the  wolves,  they  were 
made  to  suffer  together.  The  position  of  the  English  was  an  awkward 
one,  and  their  action,  though  it  occasioned  much  suffering  and  proved 
of  no  special  utility,  had  much  good  argument  in  its  favor. 

The  resistance  of  the  Acadians  continued  for  twelve  years  longer, 
and  not  till  1767  did  any  considerable  number  of  them  consent  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  required,  though  the  whole  country  had  long 
been  English.  Maay  of  them  had  emigrated  to  the  French  West 
Indies.  Of  these  a  considerable  number  returned,  disgusted  with  the 
government  of  those  islands,  and  fully  ready  to  take  the  oath.  Others, 
who  were  surrounded  by  English  colonies,  did  likewise.  Each  family, 
on  doing  so,  received  a  grant  of  land  from  the  government,  and  soon 
there  arose  an  eagerness  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  England 
equal  to  the  former  determination  to  resist  it.] 


344  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

THREE  YEARS  OF  WARFARE. 

ABIEL   HOLMES. 

[The  succeeding  events  of  the  war  between  the  colonies  we  shall  de- 
scribe with  more  brevity,  lest  the  reader  grow  wearied  with  the  details 
of  battle  and  bloodshed  which  constitute  all  there  is  to  offer.  The 
year  1755  had  ended  with  a  balance  of  advantages  between  the  two 
contestants.  In  the  two  years  succeeding  all  the  advantage  lay  with 
the  French,  and  it  was  not  until  1758  that  the  English  began  to  make 
head  against  their  opponents,  in  preparation  for  the  decisive  operations 
of  the  following  year.  The  events  of  the  years  1756,  1757,  and  1758 
are  briefly  but  clearly  described  in  Holmes's  "Annals  of  America,"  a 
useful  old  work  from  which  we  make  our  present  selection. 

Although  the  war  had  continued  for  two  years  in  America,  and  been 
actively  aided  by  the  home  powers,  no  declaration  of  war  was  made 
until  1756,  the  English  king  declaring  war  against  Prance  on  May  17, 
and  the  French  king  replying  with  a  like  declaration  in  the  following 
month.  Both  powers  now  took  more  active  measures  to  support  the 
war.  The  Earl  of  Loudoun  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  forces  in  America,  while  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  took  com- 
mand of  the  French  forces  in  Canada.  General  Abercrombie  was 
sent  over  in  advance  of  Lord  Loudoun,  to  take  immediate  command. 
Three  expeditions  were  planned  for  the  year's  campaign,  one  of  ten 
thousand  men  against  Crown  Point,  one  of  six  thousand  against  Ni- 
agara, and  one  of  three  thousand  against  Fort  Duquesne.  In  addi- 
tion, two  thousand  men  were  to  advance  up  the  Kennebec  Eiver  and 
keep  Canada  in  alarm.  These  forces  were  considerably  greater  than 
had  hitherto  been  employed  in  America.] 

THE  command  of  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point 
was  given  to  Major-General  Winslow,  who,  on  reviewing 
the  provincial  troops  destined  for  that  service,  found  them 
not  much  to  exceed  seven  thousand  men, — a  number  which, 
after  deducting  from  it  the  necessary  garrisons,  was  de- 
clared inadequate  to  the  enterprise.  The  arrival  of  Brit- 
ish troops  with  General  Abercrombie,  while  it  relieved  this 


HOLMES]  THREE  YEARS  OF  WARFARE.  345 

difficulty,  created  a  new  one,  which  occasioned  a  tempo- 
rary suspension  of  the  projected  expedition.  The  regula- 
tions of  the  crown  respecting  military  rank  had  excited 
great  disgust  in  America ;  and  Winslow,  when  consulted 
on  this  delicate  subject  by-  Abercrombie,  expressed  his 
apprehensions  that,  if  the  result  of  a  junction  of  British 
and  provincial  troops  should  be  the  placing  of  provincials 
under  British  officers,  it  would  produce  very  general  dis- 
content, and  perhaps  desertion.  To  avoid  so  serious  an  evil, 
it  was  finally  agreed  that  British  troops  should  succeed  the 
provincials  in  the  posts  then  occupied  by  them,  so  as  to 
enable  the  whole  colonial  force  to  proceed  under  Winslow 
against  Crown  Point.  .  .  .  Scarcely  was  this  point  of 
honor  satisfactorily  adjusted,  when  the  attention  of  both 
British  and  provincial  soldiers  was  arrested  to  a  more 
serious  subject. 

M.  Montcalm,  who  succeeded  the  baron  Dieskau  in  the 
chief  command  of  the  French  forces  in  Canada,  approached 
Fort  Ontario  at  Oswego  on  the  10th  of  August  with  more 
than  five  thousand  regulars,  Canadians',  and  Indians. 
Having  made  the  necessary  dispositions,  he  opened  the 
trenches  on  the  12th  at  midnight,  with  thirty-two  pieces 
of  cannon,  besides  several  brass  mortars  and  howitzers. 
The  garrison  having  fired  away  all  their  shells  and  am- 
munition, Colonel  Mercer,  the  commanding  officer,  ordered 
the  cannon  to  be  spiked  up,  and  crossed  the  river  to  Little 
Oswego  Fort,  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  The 
enemy,  taking  immediate  possession  of  the  deserted  fort, 
began  a  fire  from  it  which  was  kept  up  without  intermis- 
sion. About  four  miles  and  a  half  up  the  river  was  Fort 
George,  the  defence  of  which  was  committed  to  Colonel 
Schuyler.  On  the  abandonment  of  the  first  fort  by  Colonel 
Mercer,  about  three  hundred  and  seventy  of  his  men  had 
joined  Colonel  Schuyler,  in  the  intention  of  having  an 


346  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

intercourse  between  his  fort  and  that  to  which  their  own 
commander  retreated ;  but  a  body  of  twenty -five  hundred 
Canadians  and  Indians  boldly  swam  across  the  river  in  the 
night  between  the  13th  and  14th  and  cut  off  that  commu- 
nication. On  the  13th,  Colonel  Mercer  was  killed  by  a 
cannon-ball.  The  garrison,  deprived  of  their  commander, 
who  was  an  officer  of  courage  and  experience,  frustrated 
in  their  hope  of  aid,  and  destitute  of  a  cover  to  their  fort, 
demanded  a  capitulation  on  the  following  day,  arid  surren- 
dered as  prisoners  of  war.  They  were  the  regiments  of 
Shirley  and  Pepperell,  and  amounted  to  fourteen  hundred 
men.  The  conditions  required,  and  acceded  to,  were  that 
they  should  be  exempted  from  plunder,  conducted  to 
Montreal,  and  treated  with  humanity.  No  sooner  was 
Montcalm  in  possession  of  the  two  forts  at  Oswego  than, 
with  admirable  policy,  he  demolished  them  in  presence  of 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  whose  country  they 
had  been  erected,  and  whose  jealousy  they  had  excited. 

On  this  disastrous  event,  every  plan  of  offensive  operation 
was  immediately  relinquished. 

[All  the  forces  which  had  been  raised  remained  on  the  defensive,  in 
anticipation  of  possible  advances  by  the  French.  The  only  active 
operation  was  against  the  Indians  of  western  Pennsylvania,  who, 
since  the  event  of  Braddock's  defeat,  had  severely  raided  the  outlying 
settlements.] 

Fort  Granby,  on  the  confines  of  Pennsylvania,  was  sur- 
prised by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians,  who  made  the 
garrison  prisoners.  Instead  of  scalping  the  captives,  they 
loaded  them  with  flour,  and  drove  them  into  captivity. 
The  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  having  killed  above  a  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  frontiers,  were  soon 
chastised  with  military  vengeance.  Colonel  Armstrong, 
with  a  party  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  provincials, 


HOLMES]  THREE   YEARS  OF  WARFARE.  347 

marched  from  Fort  Shirley,  which  had  been  built  on  the 
Juniata  Eiver,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  west  of 
Philadelphia,  to  Kittanning,  an  Indian  town,  the  rendez- 
vous of  those  murdering  Indians,  and  destroyed  it.  Captain 
Jacobs,  the  Indian  chief,  defended  himself  through  loop- 
holes of  his  log-house.  The  Indians  refusing  the  quarter 
which  was  offered  them,  Colonel  Armstrong  ordered  their 
houses  to  be  set  on  fire ;  and  many  of  the  Indians  were 
suffocated  and  burnt ;  others  were  shot  in  attempting  to 
reach  the  river.  The  Indian  captain,  his  squaw,  and  a 
boy  called  the  King's  Son  were  shot  as  they  were  getting 
out  of  the  window,  and  were  all  scalped.  It  was  computed 
that  between  thirty  and  forty  Indians  were  destroyed. 
Eleven  English  prisoners  were  released. 

[The  plan  of  proceedings  for  the  year  1767  was  less  complex  than 
that  for  the  preceding  year,  but  was  no  more  successful.  Leaving  the 
frontier  posts  strongly  garrisoned,  Lord  Loudoun  determined  on  the 
siege  of  the  highly-important  fortress  of  Louisburg,  on  Cape  Breton, 
with  all  his  disposable  force.  But  after  reaching  Halifax  with  his 
fleet  and  army  lie  learned  that  Louisburg  was  garrisoned  with  six 
thousand  French  regulars,  in  addition  to  the  provincials,  and  that 
seventeen  line-of-battle  ships  were  in  the  harbor.  This  destroyed  all 
hope  of  success,  and  the  expedition  was  abandoned.  In  September, 
the  British  fleet,  cruising  off  Louisburg,  narrowly  escaped  destruction 
from  a  violent  gale,  which  drove  one  frigate  ashore  and  seriously  injured 
most  of  the  others.  The  only  military  advantage  of  the  year  was 
gained  by  the  French  under  Montcalm,  in  an  expedition  against  Fort 
William  Henry,  which  had  been  erected  by  Johnson  at  the  scene  of 
his  victory  two  years  before.] 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  availing  himself  of  the  ab- 
sence of  the  principal  part  of  the  British  force,  advanced 
with  an  army  of  nine  thousand  men  and  laid  siege  to  Fort 
William  Henry.  The  garrison  at  this  fort  consisted  of  be- 
tween two  thousand  and  three  thousand  regulars,  and  its 
fortifications  were  strong  and  in  very  good  order.  For  the 


348  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

farther  security  of  this  important  post,  General  Webb  was 
stationed  at  Fort  Edward  with  an  army  of  four  thousand 
men.  The  French  commander,  however,  urged  his  ap- 
proaches with  such  vigor  that,  within  six  days  after  the 
investment  of  the  fort,  Colonel  Monroe,  the  commandant, 
after  a  spirited  resistance,  surrendered  by  capitulation. 
The  garrison  was  to  be  allowed  the  honors  of  war,  and  to 
be  protected  against  the  Indians  until  within  the  reach  of 
Fort  Edward;  but  no  sooner  had  the  soldiers  left  the 
place  than  the  Indians  in  the  French  army,  disregarding 
the  stipulation,  fell  upon  them  and  committed  the  most 
cruel  outrages. 

The  British  officers  complained  that  the  troops  were  pil- 
laged, and  that  the  men  were  dragged  out  of  the  ranks 
and  tomahawked,  before  the  exertions  of  the  Marquis  de 
Montcalm  to  restrain  the  savages  were  effectual.  Carver 
says  the  captured  troops  were,  by  tbe  capitulation,  to  be 
allowed  covered  wagons  to  transport  their  baggage  to  Fort 
Edward,  and  a  guard  to  protect  them ;  that  the  promised 
guard  was  not  furnished ;  and  that  fifteen  hundred  persons 
were  either  killed  or  made  prisoners  by  the  Indians.  .  .  . 
Minot  says,  "  The  breach  of  this  capitulation,  whether  vol- 
untary or  unavoidable  on  the  part  of  the  French,  was  a 
most  interesting  subject  of  reproach  at  the  time,  and  long 
continued  to  fill  the  British  colonists  with  indignation  and 
horror."  A  great  part  of  the  prisoners,  he  observes,  were 
pillaged  and  stripped,  and  many  of  them  murdered,  by  the 
savages ;  some  reached  Fort  Edward  in  a  scattering  man- 
ner, and  others  returned  again  to  the  French. 

[This  disastrous  event  has  seriously  tarnished  the  fair  fame  of  the 
Marquis  de  Montcalm.  To  what  extent  he  and  his  oiBcers  intervened 
to  stop  the  butchery  is  uncertain,  but  there  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  French  in  general  permitted  the  massacre  to  go  on  with  scarce 
an  effort  to  stop  it.  General  Webb  is  also  severely  blamed  by  his- 


HOLMES]  THREE   TEARS  OF  WARFARE.  349 

torians  for  not  reinforcing  Monroe,  and  is  accused  of  cowardice,  for 
which  accusation  his  behavior  gave  abundant  warrant.  The  mas- 
sacre was  the  more  terrible  in  that  there  were  many  women  and  chil- 
dren in  the  retreating  column,  who  were  killed  indiscriminately  with 
the  men.  The  Indians  present  with  the  English  were  taken  pris- 
oners by  their  foes  and  reserved  for  the  more  horrible  fate  of  death  by 
torture. 

The  year  1758  opened  gloomily  for  the  British  colonies.  The  suc- 
cesses of  the  year  before  had  all  been  in  favor  of  the  French,  and 
they  now  occupied  positions  which  gave  them  special  advantages  in 
the  continuance  of  the  war.  The  taking  of  Oswego  had  destroyed  all 
English  control  of  the  Northern  lakes ;  the  capture  of  Fort  William 
Henry  gave  the  French  possession  of  Lakes  Champlain  and  George, 
and  a  position  in  the  heart  of  the  British  territory ;  and  the  retention 
of  Fort  Duquesne  gave  them  possession  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Alleghanies,  and  enabled  them  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  over  the 
Indians.  Yet,  despite  this  gloomy  aspect  of  affairs,  the  British  pre- 
pared for  the  next  year's  campaign  with  unabated  energy  and  courage. 
"William  Pitt,  now  prime  minister  of  England,  put  all  his  vigor  and 
ability  into  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Twelve  thousand  troops  were 
sent  over  under  General  Amherst,  and  General  Abercrombie,  who  was 
now  made  commander-in-chief  of  the  British  forces,  was  at  the  head 
of  much  the  greatest  army  as  yet  ever  seen  in  America,  consisting 
of  fifty  thousand  men,  of  whom  twenty-two  thousand  were  regular 
troops.] 

Three  expeditions  were  proposed  for  this  year :  the  first, 
against  Louisburg ;  the  second,  against  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point ;  and  the  third,  against  Fort  Duquesne.  On 
the  first  expedition,  Admiral  Boscawen  sailed  from  Hali- 
fax on  the  28th  of  May,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty  ships  of 
the  line  and  eighteen  frigates,  and  an  army  of  fourteen 
thousand  men  under  the  command  of  General  Amherst, 
and  arrived  before  Louisburg  on  the  2d  of  June.  The  gar- 
rison of  that  place,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier  de  Dra- 
court,  an  officer  of  courage  and  experience,  was  composed 
of  two  thousand  five  hundred  regulars,  aided  by  six  hun- 
dred militia.  The  hai'bor  being  secured  by  five  ships  of 
i.  30 


350  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

the  line,  one  fifty-gun  ship,  and  five  frigates,  three  of 
which  were  sunk  across  the  mouth  of  the  basin,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  land  at  some  distance  from  the  town. 
"When,  with  some  difficulty  but  little  loss,  the  landing  was 
effected  at  the  creek  of  Cormoran,  and  the  artillery  and 
stores  were  brought  on  shore,  General  Wolfe  was  detached 
with  two  thousand  men  to  seize  a  post  occupied  by  the 
enemy  at  the  Lighthouse  point,  from  which  the  ships  in 
the  harbor  and  the  fortifications  in  the  town  might  be 
greatly  annoyed.  On  the  approach  of  that  gallant  officer, 
the  post  was  abandoned ;  and  several  very  strong  batteries 
were  erected  there.  Approaches  were  also  made  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  town,  and  the  siege  was  pressed  with 
resolute  but  slow  and  cautious  vigor.  A  very  heavy  can- 
nonade being  kept  up  against  the  town  and  the  vessels  in 
the  harbor,  a  bomb  at  length  set  on  fire  and  blew  up  one 
of  the  great  ships,  and  the  flames  were  communicated  to 
two  others,  which  shared  the  same  fate.  The  English 
admiral  now  sent  six  hundred  men  in  boats  into  the  har- 
bor, to  make  an  attempt  on  the  two  ships  of  the  line 
which  still  remained  in  the  basin  ;  and  one  of  them,  that 
was  aground,  was  destroyed,  and  the  other  was  towed  off 
in  triumph.  This  gallant  exploit  putting  the  English  in 
complete  possession  of  the  harbor,  and  several  breaches 
being  made  practicable  in  the  works,  the  place  was  deemed 
no  longer  defensible,  and  the  governor  offered  to  capitu- 
late. His  terms,  however,  were  refused  ;  and  it  was  re- 
quired that  the  garrison  should  surrender  as  prisoners 
of  war,  or  sustain  an  assault  by  sea  and  land.  These  hu- 
miliating terms,  though  at  first  rejected,  were  afterwards 
acceded  to  ;  and  Louisburg,  with  all  its  artillery,  provis- 
ions, and  military  stoi*es,  as  also  Island  Royal,  St.  John's, 
and  their  dependencies,  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
English,  who,  without  further  difficulty,  took  entire  pos- 


HOLMES]  THREE   YEARS  OF  WARFARE.  351 

session  of  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  In  effecting  this 
conquest  about  four  hundred  of  the  assailants  were  killed 
or  wounded.  The  conquerors  found  two  hundred  and 
twenty-one  pieces  of  cannon  and  eighteen  mortars,  with 
a  very  large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition.  The  in- 
habitants of  Cape  Breton  were  sent  to  France  in  English 
ships ;  but  the  garrison,  sea-officers,  sailors,  and  marines, 
amounting  collectively  to  five  thousand  six  hundred  and 
thirty-seven,  were  carried  prisoners  to  England.  The  gar- 
rison lost  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  the  town 
was  left  "  almost  a  heap  of  ruins." 

The  armies  intended  for  the  execution  of  the  plans 
against  Ticonderoga  and  Fort  Duquesne  were  to  rendez- 
vous at  Albany  and  Philadelphia.  The  first  was  com- 
manded by  General  Abercrombie,  and  consisted  of  upwards 
of  fifteen  thousand  men,  attended  by  a  formidable  train 
of  artillery.  On  the  5th  of  July  the  general  embarked 
his  troops  on  Lake  George,  on  board  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  whale-boats  and  nine  hundred  bateaux.  His 
first  operations  were  against  Ticonderoga.  After  debarka- 
tion at  the  landing-place  in  a  cove  on  the  west  side  of  the 
lake,  the  troops  were  formed  into  four  columns,  the  British 
in  the  centre  and  the  provincials  on  the  flanks.  In  this 
order  they  marched  towards  the  advanced  guard  of  the 
French,  which,  consisting  of  one  battalion  only,  posted  in  a 
logged  camp,  destroyed  what  was  in  their  power  and  made 
a  precipitate  retreat.  While  Abercrombie  was  continuing 
his  march  in  the  woods,  towards  Ticonderoga,  the  columns 
were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  in  some  degree  entangled 
with  each  other.  At  this  juncture,  Lord  Howe,  at  the  head 
of  the  right  centre  column,  fell  in  with  a  part  of  the  ad- 
vanced guard  of  the  enemy  which  was  lost  in  the  wood  in 
retreating  from  Lake  George,  and  immediately  attacked 
and  dispersed  it,  killing  a  considerable  number,  and  taking 


352  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

one  hundred  and  forty-eight  prisoners.     In  this  skirmish, 
Lord  Howe  fell  on  the  first  fire. 

The  English  army,  without  farther  opposition,  took  pos- 
session of  a  post  within  two  miles  of  Ticonderoga.  Aber- 
crombie,  having  learned  from  the  prisoners  the  strength 
of  the  enemy  at  that  fortress,  and  from  an  engineer  the 
condition  of  their  works,  resolved  on  an  immediate  storm, 
and  made  instant  disposition  for  an  assault.  The  troops, 
having  received  orders  to  march  up  briskly,  rush  upon  the 
enemy's  fire,  and  reserve  their  own  till  they  had  passed  a 
breastwork,  marched  to  the  assault  with  great  intrepidity. 
Unlooked-for  impediments,  however,  occurred.  In  front 
of  the  breastwork,  to  a  considerable  distance,  trees  had 
been  felled  with  their  branches  outward,  many  of  which 
were  sharpened  to  a  point,  by  means  of  which  the  as- 
sailants were  not  only  retarded  in  their  advance,  but,  be- 
coming entangled  among  the  boughs,  were  exposed  to  a 
very  galling  fire.  Finding  it  impracticable  to  pass  the 
breastwork,  which  was  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  and  much 
stronger  than  had  been  represented,  General  Abercrombie, 
after  a  contest  of  nearly  four  hours,  ordered  a  retreat,  and 
the  next  day  resumed  his  former  camp  on  the  south  side 
of  Lake  George.  In  this  ill-judged  assault  nearly  two 
thousand  of  the  assailants  were  killed  and  wounded,  of 
which  number  towards  four  hundred  were  provincials. 
Almost  half  of  the  Highland  regiment,  commanded  by 
Lord  John  Murray,  with  twenty-five  of  its  officers,  were 
either  killed  or  desperately  wounded.  The  loss  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  covered  during  the  whole  action,  was 
inconsiderable. 

[This  severe  defeat  put  an  end  to  the  expedition  against  Crown 
Point.  One  success,  however,  was  gained.  Abercrombie  detached 
three  thousand  men  under  Colonel  Bradstreet  on  an  expedition  which 
the  colonel  had  proposed  against  Fort  Frontenac,  an  important  post  on 


HOLMES]  THREE  YEARS  OF  WARFARE.  353 

the  western  shore  of  the  outlet  of  Lake  Ontario,  at  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Kingston.  Bradstreet  marched  to  Oswego,  embarked 
on  the  lake,  and  landed  near  the  fort  on  August  25.  Two  days'  siege 
compelled  a  surrender,  and  the  post  with  all  its  contents  fell  into  his 
hands.  Having  destroyed  it,  and  the  vessels  in  the  harbor,  he  with- 
drew his  forces.] 

The  demolition  of  Fort  Frontenac  facilitated  the  reduc- 
tion of  Fort  Duquesne.  General  Forbes,  to  whom  this 
enterprise  was  intrusted,  had  marched  early  in  July  from 
Philadelphia  at  the  head  of  the  army  destined  for  the 
expedition ;  but  such  delays  were  experienced,  it  was  not 
until  September  that  the  Virginia  regulars,  commanded 
by  Colonel  "Washington,  were  ordered  to  join  the  British 
troops  at  Raystown.  Before  the  army  was  put  in  motion, 
Major  Grant  was  detached  with  eight  hundred  men,  partly 
British  and  partly  provincials,  to  reconnoitre  the  fort  and 
the  adjacent  country.  Having  invited  an  attack  from  the 
French  garrison,  this  detachment  was  surrounded  by  the 
enemy ;  and  after  a  brave  defence,  in  which  three  hundred 
men  were  killed  and  wounded,  Major  Grant  and  nineteen 
other  officers  were  taken  prisoners.  General  Forbes,  with 
the  main  army,  amounting  to  at  least  eight  thousand  men, 
at  length  moved  forward  from  Raystown,  but  did  not 
reach  Fort  Duquesne  until  late  in  November.  On  the 
evening  preceding  his  arrival,  the  French  garrison,  de- 
serted by  their  Indians,  and  unequal  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  place  against  so  formidable  an  army,  had  abandoned 
the  fort,  and  escaped  in  boats  down  the  Ohio.  The  Eng- 
lish now  took  possession  of  that  important  fortress,  and, 
in  compliment  to  the  popular  minister,  called  it  Pittsburg. 
No  sooner  was  the  British  flag  erected  on  it  than  the  nu- 
merous tribes  of  the  Ohio  Indians  came  in  and  made  their 
submission  to  the  English.  General  Forbes,  having  con- 
cluded treaties  with  these  natives,  left  a  garrison  of  pro- 

30* 


354  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HOLMES 

vincials  in  the  fort,  and  built  a  block-house  near  Loyal 
Hannan;  but,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  he  died  before  he 
could  reach  Philadelphia. 

[Other  advantages  were  gained  by  the  English,  and,  despite  the 
repulse  at  Ticonderoga,  the  balance  of  success  in  the  year's  operations 
was  decidedly  on  the  side  of  the  British  forces.  One  remarkable  per- 
sonal adventure  of  the  war  we  may  select,  in  conclusion,  its  hero  being 
the  afterwards  celebrated  general  Israel  Putnam.] 

While  the  inti-enchments  of  Abercrombie  enclosed  him 
in  security,  M.  de  Montcalm  was  active  in  harassing  the 
frontiers,  and  in  detaching  parties  to  attack  the  convoys 
of  the  English.  Two  or  three  convoys  having  been  cut 
off  by  these  parties,  Major  Eogers  and  Major  Putnam 
made  excursions  from  Lake  George  to  intercept  them. 
The  enemy,  apprised  of  their  movements,  had  sent  out 
the  French  partisan  Molang,  who  had  laid  an  ambuscade 
for  them  in  the  woods.  While  proceeding  in  single  file  in 
three  divisions,  as  Major  Putnam,  who  was  at  the  head  of 
the  first,  was  coming  out  of  a  thicket,  the  enemy  rose, 
and  with  discordant  yells  and  whoops  attacked  the  right 
of  his  division.  Surprised,  but  not  dismayed,  he  halted, 
returned  the  fire,  and  passed  the  word  for  the  other  divis- 
ions to  advance  for  his  support.  Perceiving  it  would  be 
impracticable  to  cross  the  creek,  he  determined  to  main- 
tain his  ground.  The  officers  and  men,  animated  by  his 
example,  behaved  with  great  bravery.  Putnam's  fusee 
at  length  missing  fire,  while  the  muzzle  was  presented 
against  the  breast  of  a  large  and  well-proportioned  In- 
dian, this  warrior,  with  a  tremendous  war-whoop,  instantly 
sprang  forward  with  his  lifted  hatchet  and  compelled  him 
to  surrender,  and,  having  disarmed  him  and  bound  him 
fast  to  a  tree,  returned  to  the  battle.  The  enemy  were 
at  last  driven  from  the  field,  leaving  their  dead  behind 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  qUEBEC.  355 

them  ;  Putnam  was  untied  by  the  Indian  who  had  made 
him  prisoner,  and  carried  to  the  place  where  they  were  to 
encamp  that  night.  Besides  many  outrages,  they  inflicted 
a  deep  wound  with  a  tomahawk  upon  his  left  cheek.  It 
being  determined  to  roast  him  alive,  they  led  him  into 
a  dark  forest,  stripped  him  naked,  bound  him  to  a  tree, 
piled  combustibles  at  a  small  distance  in  a  circle  round 
him,  and,  with  horrid  screams,  set  the  pile  on  fire.  In 
the  instant  of  an  expected  immolation,  Molang  rushed 
through  the  crowd,  scattered  the  burning  brands,  and 
unbound  the  victim.  The  next  day  Major  Putnam  was 
allowed  his  moccasons,  and  permitted  to  march  without 
carrying  any  pack ;  at  night  the  party  arrived  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  the  prisoner  was  placed  under  the  care  of  a 
French  guard.  After  having  been  examined  by  the  Mar- 
quis de  Montcalm,  he  was  conducted  to  Montreal  by  a 
French  officer,  who  treated  him  with  the  greatest  indul- 
gence and  humanity.  The  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac 
affording  occasion  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  Major 
Putnam  was  set  at  liberty. 


WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC. 

WASHINGTON  IRVING. 

[According  to  the  plan  of  operations  for  1759,  General  Wolfe,  whose 
bravery  at  Louisburg  had  gained  him  great  favor,  was  to  ascend  the 
St.  Lawrence  with  a  fleet  of  war-vessels  and  an  army  of  eight  thou- 
sand men,  as  soon  as  the  river  should  be  clear  of  ice,  and  lay  siege  to 
Quebec.  General  Amherst  was  to  advance  by  the  often-attempted  road 
of  Lake  George,  with  the  purpose  of  reducing  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point,  then  to  cross  Lake  Champlain  and  push  on  to  co-operate  with 
Wolfe.  A  third  expedition,  under  General  Prideaux,  assisted  by  Sir 


356  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [!KVING 

William  Johnson  and  Ms  Indians,  was  to  attack  Fort  Niagara.  Atn- 
herst's  expedition  consisted  of  nearly  twelve  thousand  men.  The  forts 
threatened  had  no  hope  of  a  successful  resistance  against  such  a  force, 
and  they  were  deserted  as  the  English  army  advanced,  their  garrisons 
retiring  towards  Montreal.  Instead  of  pursuing,  Amherst  stopped 
to  repair  the  works  at  Ticonderoga  and  build  a  new  fort  at  Crown 
Point,  useless  measures  just  then,  and  causing  a  delay  which  deprived 
"Wolfe  of  very  desirable  assistance.  The  expeditions  of  Prideaux  and 
Wolfe  proved  more  valuable  in  their  results.  We  select  a  description 
of  them  from  Irving's  "  Life  of  Washington,"  in  which  the  exploits 
of  Wolfe  are  described  with  all  the  clearness  and  rhetorical  beauty  of 
this  excellent  historian.] 

GENERAL  PRIDEAUX  embarked  at  Oswego  on  the  1st  of 
July,  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  regulars  and  provincials, 
— the  latter  partly  from  New  York.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Sir  William  Johnson  and  his  Indian  braves  of  the  Mo- 
hawk. Landing  at  an  inlet  of  Lake  Ontario,  within  a  few 
miles  of  Fort  Niagara,  he  advanced,  without  being  opposed, 
and  proceeded  to  invest  it.  The  garrison,  six  hundred 
strong,  made  a  resolute  defence.  The  siege  was  carried 
on  by  regular  approaches,  but  pressed  with  vigor.  On  the 
20th  of  July,  Prideaux,  in  visiting  his  trenches,  was  killed 
by  the  bursting  of  a  cohorn.  Informed  by  express  of  this 
misfortune,  General  Amherst  detached  from  the  main  army 
Brigadier-General  Gage,  the  officer  who  had  led  Braddock's 
advancej  to  take  the  command. 

In  the  mean  time  the  siege  had  been  conducted  by  Sir 
"William  Johnson  with  courage  and  sagacity.  He  was  des- 
titute of  military  science,  but  had  a  natural  aptness  for 
warfare,  especially  for  the  rough  kind  carried  on  in  the 
wilderness.  Being  informed  by  his  scouts  that  twelve 
hundred  regular  troops.,  drawn  from  Detroit,  Venango, 
and  Presque  Isle,  and  led  by  D'Aubry,  with  a  number  of 
Indian  auxiliaries,  were  hastening  to  the  rescue,  he v  de- 
tached a  force  of  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  with  some 


IBTING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC.  357 

of  his  Mohawk  warriors,  to  intercept  them.  They  came 
in  sight  of  each  other  on  the  road  between  Niagara  Falls 
and  the  fort,  within  the  thundering  sound  of  the  one  and 
the  distant  view  of  the  other.  Johnson's  "  braves"  ad- 
vanced to  have  a  parley  with  the  hostile  red-skins.  The 
latter  received  them  with  a  war-whoop,  and  Frenchman 
and  savage  made  an  impetuous  onset.  Johnson's  regulars 
and  pi-ovincials  stood  their  ground  firmly,  while  his  red 
warriors  fell  on  the  flanks  of  the  enemy.  After  a  sharp 
conflict,  the  French  were  broken,  routed,  and  pursued 
through  the  woods,  with  great  carnage.  Among  the  pris- 
oners taken  were  seventeen  officers.  The  next  day  Sir 
William  Johnson  sent  a  trumpet,  summoning  the  garrison 
to  surrender,  to  spare  the  effusion  of  blood  and  prevent 
outrages  by  the  Indians.  They  had  no  alternative ;  were 
permitted  to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  were 
protected  by  Sir  William  from  his  Indian  allies. 

[This  victory  secured  the  key  of  communication  between  Lakes  On- 
tario and  Erie,  and  to  the  vast  interior  region  surrounding.  But  more 
important  events  were  to  follow.] 

Wolfe,  with  his  eight  thousand  men,  ascended  the  St. 
Lawrence  in  the  fleet,  in  the  month  of  June.  With  him 
came  Brigadiers  Monckton,  Townshend,  and  Murray, 
youthful  and  brave  like  himself,  and,  like  himself,  already 
schooled  in  arms.  Monckton,  it  will  be  recollected,  had 
signalized  himself,  when  a  colonel,  in  the  expedition  in 
1755  in  which  the  French  were  driven  from  Nova  Scotia. 
The  grenadiers  of  the  army  were  commanded  by  Colonel 
Guy  Carleton,  and  part  of  the  light  infantry  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  William  Howe,  both  destined  to  celebrity  in  after- 
years,  in  the  annals  of  the  American  Eevolution.  Colonel 
Howe  was  a  brother  of  the  gallant  Lord  Howe,  whose  fall 
in  the  preceding  year  was  so  generally  lamented.  Among 


358  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

the  officers  of  tLe  fleet  was  Jervis,  the  future  admiral, 
and  ultimately  Earl  St.  Yincent,  and  the  master  of  one  of 
the  ships  was  James  Cook,  afterwards  renowned  as  a  dis- 
coverer. 

About  the  end  of  June,  the  troops  debarked  on  the  large, 
populous,  and  well-cultivated  Isle  of  Orleans,  a  little  below 
Quebec,  and  encamped  in  its  fertile  fields.  Quebec,  the 
citadel  of  Canada,  was  strong  by  nature.  It  was  built 
round  the  point  of  a  rocky  promontory,  and  flanked  by 
precipices.  The  crystal  current  of  the  St.  Lawrence  swept 
by  it  on  the  right,  and  the  river  St.  Charles  flowed  along 
on  the  left  before  mingling  with  that  mighty  stream.  The 
place  was  tolerably  fortified,  but  art  had  not  yet  rendered 
it,  as  at  the  present  day,  impregnable. 

Montcalm  commanded  the  post.  His  troops  were  more 
numerous  than  the  assailants ;  but  the  greater  part  were 
Canadians,  many  of  them  inhabitants  of  Quebec ;  and  he 
had  a  host  of  savages.  His  forces  were  drawn  out  alone: 

o  o 

the  northern  shore  below  the  city,  from  the  river  St. 
Charles  to  the  Falls  of  Montmorency,  and  their  position 
was  secured  by  deep  intrenchments. 

The  night  after  the  debarkation  of  Wolfe's  troops  a 
furious  storm  caused  great  damage  to  the  transports,  and 
sank  some  of  the  small  craft.  While  it  was  still  raging,  a 
number  of  fire-ships,  sent  to  destroy  the  fleet,  came  driving 
down.  They  were  boarded  intrepidly  by  the  British  sea- 
men, and  towed  out  of  the  way  of  doing  harm.  After 
much  resistance,  Wolfe  established  batteries  at  the  west 
point  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and  at  Point  Levi,  on  the 
right  (or  south)  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  within  cannon- 
range  of  the  city, — Colonel  Guy  Carleton  commander  at 
the  former  battery,  Brigadier  Monckton  at  the  latter. 
From  Point  Levi  bomb-shells  and  red-hot  shells  were  dis- 
charged ;  many  houses  were  set  on  fire  in  the  upper  town, 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC.  359 

the  lower  town  was  reduced  to  rubbish;  the  main  fort, 
however,  remained  unharmed. 

Anxious  for  a  decisive  action,  Wolfe,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
crossed  over  in  boats  from  the  Isle  of  Orleans  to  the  north 
bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  encamped  below  the  Mont- 
morency.  It  was  an  ill-judged  position,  for  there  was  still 
that  tumultuous  stream,  with  its  rocky  banks,  between 
him  and  the  camp  of  Montcalm ;  but  the  ground  he  had 
chosen  was  higher  than  that  occupied  by  the  latter,  and 
the  Montmorencj^  had  a  ford  below  the  falls,  passable  at 
low  tide.  Another  ford  was  discovered,  three  miles  within 
land,  but  the  banks  were  steep,  and  shagged  with  forest. 
At  both  fords  the  vigilant  Montcalm  had  thrown  up  breast- 
works and  posted  troops. 

On  the  18th  of  July,  Wolfe  made  a  reconnoitring  expe- 
dition up  the  river  with  two  armed  sloops  and  two  trans- 
ports with  troops.  He  passed  Quebec  unharmed,  and  care- 
fully noted  the  shores  above  it.  Eugged  cliffs  rose  almost 
from  the  water's  edge.  Above  them,  he  was  told,  was  an 
extent  of  level  ground,  called  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  by 
which  the  upper  town  might  be  approached  on  its  weakest 
side;  but  how  was  that  plain  to  be  attained,  when  the 
cliffs,  for  the  most  part,  were  inaccessible,  and  every  prac- 
ticable place  fortified  ? 

He  returned  to  Montmorency  disappointed,  and  resolved 
to  attack  Montcalm  in  his  camp,  however  difficult  to  be 
approached,  and  however  strongly  posted.  Townshend 
and  Murray,  with  their  brigades,  were  to  cross  the  Mont- 
morency at  low  tide,  below  the  falls,  and  storm  the  redoubt 
thrown  up  in  front  of  the  ford.  Monckton,  at  the  same 
time,  was  to  cross  with  part  of  his  brigade,  in  boats  from 
Point  Levi.  The  ship  Centurion,  stationed  in  the  channel, 
was  to  check  the  fire  of  a  battery  which  commanded  the 
ford ;  a  train  of  artillery,  planted  on  an  eminence,  was  to 


360  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [!RVIXO 

enfilade  the  enemy's  intrenchments ;  and  two  armed  flat- 
bottomed  boats  were  to  be  run  on  shore,  near  the  1'edoubt, 
and  favor  the  crossing  of  the  troops. 

As  usual  in  complicated  orders,  part  were  misunder- 
stood or  neglected,  and  confusion  was  the  consequence. 
Many  of  the  boats  from  Point  Levi  ran  aground  on  a 
shallow  in  the  river,  where  they  were  exposed  to  a  severe 
fire  of  shot  and  shells.  Wolfe,  who  was  on  the  shore, 
directing  everything,  endeavored  to  stop  his  impatient 
troops  until  the  boats  could  be  got  afloat  and  the  men 
landed.  Thirteen  companies  of  grenadiers  and  two  hun- 
dred provincials  were  the  first  to  land.  Without  waiting 
for  Brigadier  Monckton  and  his  regiments,  without  wait- 
ing for  the  co-operation  of  the  troops  under  Townshend, 
without  waiting  even  to  be  drawn  up  in  form,  the  grena- 
diers rushed  impetuously  towards  the  enemy's  intrench- 
ments. A  sheeted  fire  mowed  them  down,  and  drove 
them  to  take  shelter  behind  the  redoubt,  near  the  ford, 
which  the  enemy  had  abandoned.  Here  they  remained, 
unable  to  form  under  the  galling  fire  to  which  they  were 
exposed  whenever  they  ventured  from  their  covert. 
Monckton's  brigade  at  length  was  landed,  drawn  up  in 
order,  and  advanced  to  their  relief,  driving  back  the 
enemy.  Thus  protected,  the  grenadiers  retreated  as  pre- 
cipitately as  they  had  advanced,  leaving  many  of  their 
comrades  wounded  on  the  field,  who  were  massacred  and 
scalped  in  their  sight  by  the  savages.  The  delay  thus 
caused  was  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  The  day  was  advanced ; 
the  weather  became  stormy  ;  the  tide  began  to  make ;  at 
a  later  hour  retreat,  in  case  of  a  second  repulse,  would 
be  impossible.  Wolfe,  therefore,  gave  up  the  attack,  and 
withdrew  across  the  river,  having,  lost  upwards  of  four 
hundred  men  through  this  headlong  impetuosity  of  the 
grenadiers.  The  two  vessels  which  had  been  run  aground 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC.  361 

were  set  on  fire,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy. 

Brigadier  Murray  was  now  detached  with  twelve  hun- 
dred men,  in  transports,  to  ascend  above  the  town  and 
co-operate  with  Rear-Admiral  Holmes  in  destroying  the 
enemy's  shipping  and  making  descents  upon  the  north 
shore.  The  shipping  was  safe  from  attack ;  some  stores 
and  ammunition  were  destroyed,  some  prisoners  taken, 
and  Murray  returned  with  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
Fort  Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown  Point,  and  that 
Amherst  was  preparing  to  attack  the  Isle  aux  Noix. 

Wolfe,  of  a  delicate  constitution  and  sensitive  nature, 
had  been  deeply  mortified  by  the  severe  check  sustained 
at  the  Falls  of  Montmorency,  fancying  himself  disgraced ; 
and  these  successes  of  his  fellow-commanders  in  other 
parts  increased  his  self-upbraiding.  The  difficulties  multi- 
plying around  him,  and  the  delay  of  General  Amherst  in 
hastening  to  his  aid,  preyed  incessantly  on  his  spirits ;  he 
was  dejected  even  to  despondency,  and  declared  he  would 
never  return  without  success,  to  be  exposed,  like  other 
unfortunate  commanders,  to  the  sneers  and  reproaches  of 
the  populace.  The  agitation  of  his  mind,  and  his  acute 
sensibility,  brought  on  a  fever,  which  for  some  time  in- 
capacitated him  from  taking  the  field. 

In  the  midst  of  his  illness  he  called  a  council  of  war,  in 
which  the  whole  plan  of  operations  was  altered.  It  was 
determined  to  convey  troops  above  the  town,  and  endeavor 
to  make  a  diversion  in  that  direction,  or  draw  Montcalm 
into  the  open  field.  Before  carrying  this  plan  into  effect, 
Wolfe  again  reconnoitred  the  town  in  company  with 
Admiral  Saunders,  but  nothing  better  suggested  itself. 

The  brief  Canadian  summer  was  over ;  they  were  in  the 
month  of  September.  The  camp  at  Montmorency  was 
broken  up.  •  The  troops  were  transported  to  Point  Levi, 
i.— <j  31 


362  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

leaving  a  sufficient  number  to  man  the  batteries  on  the 
Isle  of  Orleans.  On  the  5th  and  6th  of  September  the 
embarkation  took  place  above  Point  Levi,  in  transports 
which  had  been  sent  up  for  the  purpose.  Montcalm  de- 
tached De  Bougainville  with  fifteen  hundred  men  to  keep 
along  the  north  shore  above  the  town,  watch  the  move- 
ments of  the  squadron,  and  prevent  a  landing.  To  deceive 
him,  Admiral  Holmes  moved  with  the  ships  of  war  three 
leagues  beyond  the  place  where  the  landing  was  to  be 
attempted.  He  was  to  drop  down,  however,  in  the  night, 
and  protect  the  landing.  Cook,  the  future  discoverer,  also, 
was  employed  with  others  to  sound  the  river  and  place 
buoys  opposite  the  camp  of  Montcalm,  as  if  an  attack 
were  meditated  in  that  quarter. 

Wolfe  was  still  suffering  under  the  effects  of  his  late 
fever.  " My  constitution.''  writes  he  to  a  friend,  "is  en- 
tirely ruined,  without  the  consolation  of  having  done  any 
considerable  service  to  the  state,  and  without  any  prospect 
of  it."  Still  he  was  unremitting  in  his  exertions,  seeking 
to  wipe  out  the  fancied  disgrace  incurred  at  the  Falls  of 
Montmorency.  It  was  in  this  mood  he  is  said  to  have 
composed  and  sung  at  his  evening  mess  that  little  cam- 
paigning song  still  linked  with  his  name : 

"  Why,  soldiers,  why 

Should  we  be  melancholy,  boys  ? 
Why,  soldiers,  why, — 
"Whose  business  'tis  to  die  ?" 

Even  when  embarked  in  his  midnight  enterprise,  the 
presentiment  of  death  seems  to  have  cast  its  shadow  over 
him.  A  midshipman  who  was  present  used  to  relate  that, 
as  Wolfe  sat  among  his  officers,  and  the  boats  floated  down 
silently  with  the  current,  he  recited,  in  low  and  touching 
tones,  Gray's  Elegy  in  a  Country  Churchyard,  then  just 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC.  363 

published.     One  stanza  may  especially  have  accorded  with 
his  melancholy  mood : 

"  The  boast  of  heraldry,  the  pomp  of  power, 

And  all  that  beauty,  all  that  wealth  e'er  gave, 
Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour: 
The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

"Now,  gentlemen,"  said  he,  when  he  had  finished,  "I 
would  rather  be  the  author  of  that  poem  than  take 
Quebec." 

The  descent  was  made  in  flat-bottomed  boats,  past  mid- 
night, on  the  13th  of  September.  They  dropped  down 
silently  with  the  swift  current.  "Qui  va  Id  f"  (Who  goes 
there ?)  cried  a  sentinel  from  the  shore.  " La  France"  re- 
plied a  captain  in  the  first  boat,  who  understood  the  French 
language.  IIA  quel  regiment?"  was  the  demand.  "De  la 
Heine"  (The  queen's),  replied  the  captain,  knowing  that 
regiment  was  in  De  Bougainville's  detachment.  Fortu- 
nately, a  convoy  of  provisions  was  expected  down  from 
De  Bougainville,  which  the  sentinel  supposed  this  to  be. 
" Passe"  cried  he,  and  the  boats  glided  on  without  further 
challenge.  The  landing  took  place  in  a  cove  near  Cape 
Diamond,  which  still  bears  Wolfe's  name.  He  had  marked 
it  in  reconnoitring,  and  saw  that  a  cragged  path  straggled 
up  from  it  to  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  which  might  be 
climbed,  though  with  difficulty,  and  that  it  appeared  to  be 
slightly  guarded  at  top.  Wolfe  was  among  the  first  that 
landed  and  ascended  up  the  steep  and  narrow  path,  where 
not  more  than  two  could  go  abreast,  and  which  had  been 
broken  up  by  cross-ditches.  Colonel  Howe,  at  the  same 
time,  with  the  light  infantry  and  Highlanders,  scrambled 
up  the  woody  precipices,  helping  themselves  by  the  roots 
and  branches,  and  putting  to  flight  a  sergeant's  guard 
posted  at  the  summit.  Wolfe  drew  up  the  men  in  order 


364  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

as  they  mounted,  and  by  the  break  of  day  found  himself 
in  possession  of  the  fateful  Plains  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  was  thunderstruck  when  word  was  brought 
to  him  in  his  camp  that  the  English  were  on  the  heights, 
threatening  the  weakest  part  of  the  town.  Abandoning 
his  intrenchments,  he  hastened  across  the  river  St.  Chai'les 
and  ascended  the  heights  which  slope  up  gradually  from 
its  banks.  His  force  was  equal  in  number  to  that  of  the 
English,  but  a  great  pai-t  was  made  up  of  colony  troops  and 
savages.  When  he  saw  the  formidable  host  of  regulars 
he  had  to  contend  with,  he  sent  off  swift  messengers  to 
summon  De  Bougainville  with  his  detachment  to  his  aid, 
and  De  Yaudreuil  to  reinforce  him  with  fifteen  hundred 
men  from  the  camp.  In  the  mean  time  he  prepared  to 
flank  the  left  of  the  English  line  and  force  them  to  the 
opposite  precipices.  Wolfe  saw  his  aim,  and  sent  Briga- 
dier Townshend  to  counteract  him  with  a  regiment  which 
was  formed  en  potence,  and  supported  by  two  battalions, 
presenting  on  the  left  a  double  front. 

The  French,  in  their  haste,  thinking  they  were  to  repel 
a  mere  scouting-party,  had  brought  but  three  light  field- 
pieces  with  them;  the  English  had  but  a  single  gun,  which 
the  sailors  had  dragged  up  the  heights.  With  these  they 
cannonaded  each  other  for  a  time,  Montcalm  still  waiting 
for  the  aid  he  had  summoned.  At  length,  about  nine 
o'clock,  losing  all  patience,  he  led  on  his  disciplined  troops 
to  a  close  conflict  with  small-arms,  the  Indians  to  support 
them  with  a  galling  fire  from  thickets  and  corn-fields. 
The  French  advanced  gallantly,  but  irregularly,  firing 
rapidly,  but  with  little  effect.  The  English  reserved  their 
fire  until  their  assailants  were  within  forty  yards,  and 
then  delivered  it  in  deadly  volleys.  They  suffered,  how- 
ever, from  the  lurking  savages,  who  singled  out  the  offi- 
cers. Wolfe,  who  was  in  front  of  the  line,  a  conspicuous 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  QUEBEC.  365 

mark,  was  wounded  by  a  ball  in  the  wrist.  He  bound  his 
handkerchief  round  the  wound  and  led  on  the  grenadiers, 
with  fixed  bayonets,  to  charge  the  foe,  who  began  to 
waver.  Another  ball  struck  him  in  the  breast.  He  felt 
the  wound  to  be  mortal,  and  feared  his  fall  might  dis- 

'  O 

hearten  his  troops.  Leaning  on  a  lieutenant  for  support, 
"  Let  not  my  brave  fellows  see  me  drop,"  said  he,  faintly. 
He  was  borne  off  to  the  rear;  water  was  brought  to 
quench  his  thirst,  and  he  was  asked  if  he  would  have  a 
surgeon.  "  It  is  needless,"  he  replied  ;  "  it  is  all  over  with 
me."  He  desired  those  about  him  to  lay  him  down.  The 
lieutenant  seated  himself  upon  the  ground,  and  supported 
him  in  his  arms.  "  They  run  !  they  run  !  see  how  they 
run  !"  cried  one  of  the  attendants.  "  Who  run  ?"  de- 
manded Wolfe,  earnestly,  like  one  aroused  from  sleep. 
"The  enemy,  sir;  they  give  way  everywhere."  The  spirit 
of  the  expiring  hero  flashed  up.  "  Go,  one  of  you,  my 
lads,  to  Colonel  Burton ;  tell  him  to  march  Webb's  regi- 
ment with  all  speed  down  to  Charles  Eiver,  to  cut  off  the 
retreat  by  the  bridge."  Then,  turning  on  his  side,  "  Now, 
God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace !"  said  he,  and  expired, 
— soothed  in  his  last  moments  by  the  idea  that  victory 
would  obliterate  the  imagined  disgrace  at  Montmorency. 

Brigadier  Murray  had  indeed  broken  the  centre  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  Highlanders  were  making  deadly  havoc 
with  their  claymores,  driving  the  French  into  the  town  or 
down  to  their  works  on  the  river  St.  Charles.  Monckton, 
the  first  brigadier,  was  disabled  by  a  wound  in  the  lungs, 
and  the  command  devolved  on  Townshend,  who  hastened 
to  re-form  the  troops  of  the  centre,  disordered  in  pursuing 
the  enemy.  By  this  time  De  Bougainville  appeared  at  a 
distance  in  the  rear,  advancing  with  two  thousand  fresh 
troops,  but  he  arrived  too  late  to  retrieve  the  day.  The 
gallant  Montcalm  had  received  his  death-wound  near  St. 
i.  31* 


366  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [IRVING 

John's  Gate,  while  endeavoring  to  rally  his  flying  troops, 
and  had  been  borne  into  the  town. 

Townshend  advanced  with  a  force  to  receive  De  Bougain- 
ville; but  the  latter  avoided  a  combat,  and  retired  into 
woods  and  swamps,  where  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to 
follow  him.  The  English  had  obtained  a  complete  victory, 
slain  about  five  hundred  of  the  enemy,  taken  above  a 
thousand  prisoners,  and  among  them  several  officers,  and 
had  a  strong  position  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  which 
they  hastened  to  fortify  with  redoubts  and  artillery,  drawn 
up  the  heights. 

The  brave  Montcalm  wrote  a  letter  to  G-eneral  Town- 
shend, recommending  the  prisoners  to  Bi'itisb  humanity. 
When  told  by  his  surgeon  that  he  could  not  survive  above 
a  few  hours,  " So  much  the  better,"  replied  he ;  "I  shall 
not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec."  To  De  Ramsey, 
the  French  king's  lieutenant,  who  commanded  the  garri- 
son, he  consigned  the  defence  of  the  city.  "  To  your 
keeping,"  said  he,  "  I  commend  the  honor  of  France.  I'll 
neither  give  orders,  nor  interfere  any  further.  I  have 
business  to  attend  to  of  greater  moment  than  your  ruined 
garrison  and  this  wretched  country.  My  time  is  short : 
I  shall  pass  this  night  with  God,  and  prepare  myself  for 
death.  I  wish  you  all  comfort,  and  to  be  happily  ex- 
tricated from  your  present  perplexities."  He  then  called 
for  his  chaplain,  who,  with  the  bishop  of  the  colony,  re- 
mained with  him  through  the  night.  He  expired  early  in 
the  morning,  dying  like  a  brave  soldier  and  a  devout 
Catholic.  Never  did  two  worthier  foes  mingle  their  life- 
blood  on  the  battle-field  than  Wolfe  and  Montcalm. 

[This  victory  was  quickly  followed  by  a  surrender  of  the  city, 
whose  garrison  made  no  effort  to  defend  it.  It  capitulated  on  the  17th 
of  September,  and  was  at  once  strongly  occupied  by  the  British,  who 
hastened  to  put  it  in  a  strong  defensive  condition.  Had  Ainherst 


IRVING]     WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM  AT  qUEBEC.  367 

followed  up  Wolfe's  success  by  a  prompt  advance,  the  subjugation 
of  Canada  would  have  been  completed  that  year.  His  delay  gave  the 
French  time  to  rally,  and  enabled  De  Levi,  the  successor  of  Montcalm, 
to  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  recover  the  lost  city.] 

In  the  following  spring,  as  soon  as  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence opened,  he  approached  Quebec,  and  landed  at  Point 
au  Tremble,  about  twelve  miles  off.  The  garrison  had 
suffered  dreadfully  during  the  winter  from  excessive  cold, 
want  of  vegetables  and  of  fresh  provisions.  Many  had 
died  of  scurvy,  and  many  more  were  ill.  Murray,  san- 
guine and  injudicious,  and  hearing  that  De  Levi  was 
advancing  with  ten  thousand  men  and  five  hundred 
Indians,  sallied  out  with  his  diminished  forces  of  not  more 
than  three  thousand.  English  soldiers,  he  boasted,  were 
habituated  to  victory;  he  had  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  and 
stood  a  better  chance  in  the  field  than  cooped  up  in  a 
wretched  fortification.  If  defeated,  he  would  defend  the 
place  to  the  last  extremity,  and  then  retreat  to  the  Isle  of 
Orleans  and  wait  for  reinforcements.  More  brave  than 
discreet,  he  attacked  the  vanguard  of  the  enemy.  The 
battle  which  took  place  was  fierce  and  sanguinary.  Mur- 
ray's troops  had  caught  his  own  headlong  valor,  and 
fought  until  near  a  third  of  their  number  were  slain. 
They  were  at  length  driven  back  into  the  town,  leaving 
their  boasted  train  of  artillery  on  the  field. 

De  Levi  opened  trenches  before  the  town  the  very 
evening  of  the  battle.  Three  French  ships,  which  had 
descended  the  river,  furnished  him  with  cannon,  mortars, 
and  ammunition.  By  the  llth  of  May  he  had  one  bomb 
battery  and  three  batteries  of  cannon.  Murray,  equally 
alert  within  the  walls,  strengthened  his  defences  and  kept 
up  a  vigorous  fire.  His  garrison  was  now  reduced  to  two 
hundred  and  twenty  effective  men,  and  he  himself,  with 
all  his  vaunting  spirit,  was  driven  almost  to  despair,  when 


368  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRTJMBTTLL 

a  British  fleet  arrived  in  the  river.  The  whole  scene  was 
now  reversed.  One  of  the  French  frigates  was  driven  on 
the  rocks  above  Cape  Diamond ;  another  ran  on  shore  and 
was  burnt ;  the  rest  of  their  vessels  were  either  taken  or 
destroyed.  The  besieging  army  retreated  in  the  night, 
leaving  provisions,  implements,  and  artillery  behind  them  ; 
and  so  rapid  was  their  flight  that  Murray,  who  sallied 
forth  on  the  following  day,  could  not  overtake  them. 

[A  last  stand  was  made  at  Montreal.  But  a  force  of  nearly  ten 
thousand  men,  -with  a  host  of  Indians,  gathered  around  the  town, 
which  was  forced  to  capitulate  on  the  8th  of  September,  including  in 
the  surrender  not  only  Montreal,  but  all  Canada.] 

Thus  ended  the  contest  between  France  and  England  for 
dominion  in  America,  in  which,  as  has  been  said,  the  first 
gun  was  fired  in  Washington's  encounter  with  De  Jumon- 
ville.  A  French  statesman  and  diplomatist  consoled  him- 
self by  the  persuasion  that  it  would  be  a  fatal  triumph  to 
England.  It  would  remove  the  only  check  by  which  her 
colonies  were  kept  in  awe.  "  They  will  no  longer  need 
her  protection,"  said  he ;  "  she  will  call  on  them  to  con- 
tribute towards  supporting  the  burdens  they  have  helped 
to  bring  on  her,  and  they  will  answer  by  striking  off  all  de- 
pendence."* 


WAR  WITH  THE  CHEROKEES. 

BENJAMIN   TRUMBULL. 

[The  year  of  the  taking  of  Quebec  by  General  Wolfe  was'  signalized 
by  a  war  in  the  South,  of  much  less  importance  than  that  just  de- 
scribed, but  of  no  less  fury  and  determination  in  the  combatants.  This 

*  Count  de  Vergennes,  French  ambassador  at  Constantinople. 


TRUMBULL]      WAR    WITH  THE  CHEROKEES.  369 

was  the  war  with  the  Cherokee  Indians,  one  of  the  most  vigorously 
contested  of  the  Indian  wars  of  the  United  States,  but  which  ended, 
like  all  the  others,  in  rapid  subjection  of  the  savages.  As  has  been  so 
frequently  the  case  with  Indian  wars,  this  conflict  originated  in  an  act 
of  cruel  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  a  murderous  outrage  which 
drove  the  indignant  aborigines  into  deeds  of  terrible  reprisal  and  kin- 
dled the  flames  of  war  along  the  whole  southern  boundary  of  the  colo- 
nies. The  story  of  this  conflict  we  select  from  Trumbull's  "  General 
History  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  in  which  valuable  old  work 
it  is  given  in  full  detail.] 

DURING  several  of  the  first  years  of  the  war  this  numer- 
ous and  powerful  nation  [the  Cherokee]  had  appeared  cor- 
dially to  espouse  the  interests  of  the  English.  At  their 
desire  a  fortress  had  been  built  in  their  country,  called 
Fort  Loudon,  in  honor  to  the  Earl  of  Loudon,  at  that  time 
commander-in-chief  in  America.  Parties  of  them  had  as- 
sisted in  the  late  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  But 
it  seems  that  while  they  were  on  that  enterprise  they  were 
treated  with  such  general  coolness  and  neglect,  and  re- 
ceived such  insults,  as  made  deep  impressions  on  the  minds 
of  that  vindictive  people.  These  were  kindled  into  flame 
and  outrage  by  the  treatment  which  they  received  from 
some  of  the  Virginians  on  their  return  from  that  expe- 
dition. Many  of  the  warriors  had  lost  their  horses  in  that 
service ;  and,  as  they  were  returning  home,  through  the 
back  parts  of  Virginia,  they  caught  such  as  they  found 
running  loose  in  the  woods,  not  knowing  that  they  be- 
longed to  any  individual  in  the  province.  The  Virginians, 
instead  of  legally  asserting  their  rights,  fell  on  the  unsus- 
picious warriors,  killed  twelve  or  fourteen  of  them,  and 
took  several  prisoners.  The  Cherokees  were  highly  ex- 
asperated at  such  ungrateful  treatment  from  allies  whose 
frontiers,  by  their  assistance,  had  so  lately  been  turned 
from  a  field  of  blood  into  peaceful  habitations.  No  sooner 
had  they  returned,  than  they  reported  to  the  nation  the 


370  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRUMBTJLL 

bloody  treatment  which  they  had  received.  The  flame 
spread  instantly  through  their  towns.  The  relatives  of 
the  slain  were  implacable,  and  breathed  nothing  but  ven- 
geance against  such  ungrateful  and  perfidious  allies.  The 
French  emissaries  added  fuel  to  the  flames.  In  vain  did 
the  chieftains  interpose  their  authority.  Nothing  could 
restrain  the  fury  of  the  young  warriors.  They  rushed 
down  on  the  frontier  settlements,  and  perpetrated  many 
cruel  ravages  and  murders  on  the  defenceless  inhabitants. 

O 

About  two  hundred  soldiers,  under  the  command  of 
Captains  Dewere  and  Stewart,  were  stationed  at  Fort 
Loudon.  These,  on  every  excursion  from  the  fort,  were 
attacked  by  them :  some  were  killed,  and  the  rest  soon 
confined  within  the  limits  of  the  fort.  All  communication 
between  them  and  the  distant  settlements  was  cut  off,  and, 
as  their  supplies  were  scanty,  the  only  prospects  before 
them  were  famine  and  death.  It  was  feared,  at  the  same 
time,  that  the  arts  of  the  enemy  would  influence  the 
powerful  neighboring  nation  of  the  Creeks  to  the  same 
hostile  measures. 

In  this  alarming  situation,  Governor  Littleton  gave 
orders  to  the  commanders  of  the  militia  immediately  to 
assemble  their  men  and  act  on  the  defensive.  The  gov- 
ernor determined,  with  such  independent  companies  and 
militia  as  could  be  raised,  immediately  to  march  into  the 
enemy's  country,  and  to  prosecute  such  measures  as  should 
bring  them  to  reasonable  terms  of  accommodation. 

[Despite  what  had  been  done  by  their  young  warriors,  the  leaders 
of  the  Cherokees  had  no  desire  for  war.  They  sent  thirty-two  of  their 
chief  men  to  Charleston,  with  the  hope  of  making  a  peace.  These 
were  haughtily  received  by  the  governor,  who  spoke  to  them  with 
great  severity  and  would  not  listen  to  a  word  of  reply.  He  also  held 
them  virtually  prisoners,  requiring  them  to  accompany  his  expedition.] 

Soon  after  the  conference,  the  governor  marched  for  the 


TRUMBULL]       WAR    WITH  THE  CHEROKEES.  371 

Congarees.  This  was  about  a  hundred  and  forty  miles 
from  Charleston,  and  the  place  of  general  rendezvous  for 
the  militia.  Hither  the  sachems  marched  with  the  army, 
putting  on  the  appearance  of  content,  while  inwardly  they 
were  burning  with  fury  and  resentment.  The  governor, 
having  mustered  about  fourteen  hundred  men,  of  whom 
about  three  hundred  were  regulars,  marched  for  Fort 
Prince  George.  When  the  army  marched,  the  chieftains 
were  all  made  prisoners ;  and,  to  prevent  their  escape,  a 
captain's  guard  was  mounted  over  them.  To  complete 
their  indignity  and  ill  treatment,  when  the  army  arrived 
at  Fort  Prince  George  the  thirty-two  chieftains  were  shut 
up  in  a  hut  scarcely  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  half  a 
dozen  soldiers.  They  were  not  allowed  to  speak  with  their 
friends,  nor  even  to  see  the  light  of  day. 

When  the  governor  had  advanced  as  far  as  this  post,  he 
found  his  army  so  ill  armed  and  disciplined,  and  so  discon- 
tented and  mutinous,  that  he  judged  it  unsafe  to  proceed 
further  against  the  enemy.  Here,  therefore,  he  opened  a 
congress  with  the  Indians.  For  this  purpose  he  had  pre- 
viously sent  for  Attakullakulla,  otherwise  Little  Carpenter, 
who  was  not  only  esteemed  the  wisest  man  in  the  nation, 
but  the  most  firmly  attached  to  the  English.  This  old 
warrior,  though  just  returned  from  an  excursion  against 
the  French,  in  which  he  had  taken  a  number  of  prisoners, 
hastened  to  the  governor's  camp,  and  presented  him  with 
one  of  the  captives. 

[The  sachem,  after  a  conference  with  the  governor,  requested  that 
some  of  the  head-men  might  be  released,  in  order  to  assist  him  in 
bringing  his  people  to  terms  of  peace.] 

In  compliance  with  his  request,  the  governor  released 
the  great  warrior  Ouconnostota,  and  two  more  of  the 
head-men.  The  next  day  they  delivered  up  two  Indians. 


372  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TKTJMBTJH, 

The  governor  putting  them  immediately  in  irons,  so 
alarmed  the  Cherokees  that  they  fled  out  of  the  way  and 
no  more  could  be  obtained. 

[As  Attakullakulla  now  left  the  camp,  despairing  of  making  any 
accommodation,  he  was  sent  for  to  return  by  the  governor,  who  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  him,  holding  twenty-two  of  the  chieftains  as  hos- 
tages until  as  many  of  the  warriors  who  had  committed  murder  should 
be  delivered  up.] 

Scarcely  had  the  governor  finished  the  treaty,  when  the 
small-pox  broke  out  in  his  camp.  Few  of  the  army  had 
been  infected  with  the  disease,  and  the  physicians  were 
wholly  unprovided  for  such  an  event.  The  men  were 
struck  with  a  general  terror,  and  with  the  utmost  haste 
returned  to  their  respective  settlements.  Such  was  the 
fear  which  each  had  of  his  fellow,  that  all  intercourse,  on 
the  return,  was  cautiously  avoided.  By  this  means  the 
men  suffered  exceedingly  with  hunger  and  fatigue.  The 
governor  soon  followed  them,  and  arrived  safely  at 
Charleston.  Here,  though  a  drop  of  blood  had  not  been 
spilt,  nor  scarcely  anything  achieved  but  wrhat  was  highly 
perfidious  and  inglorious,  he  was  received  as  a  conqueror. 
From  different  societies  and  professions  he  received  the 
most  flattering  addresses.  By  illuminations  and  bonfires 
the  citizens  expressed  the  high  sense  which  they  enter- 
tained of  his  services  and  of  the  happy  consequences  of 
his  expedition. 

[Their  congratulations  proved  somewhat  too  hasty.  The  Indians 
were  so  incensed  by  the  perfidy  with  which  their  messengers  had  been 
treated  that  they  ignored  the  treaty  of  peace.] 

Attakullakulla,  by  reason  of  his  known  attachment  to 
the  English,  had  little  influence  with  his  countrymen. 
Ouconnostota,  whose  influence  was  great,  was  now  become 
an  implacable  and  vindictive  enemy.  He  determined  to 


TRTJMBULL]       WAR    WITH  THE  CHEROKEES.  373 

follow  the  example  of  the  governor,  and  to  repay  mean- 
ness and  perfidy  in  their  own  kind.  No  attention  was 
paid  to  the  treaty,  but  Ouconnostota,  collecting  a  strong 
party,  killed  fourteen  men  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort 
Prince  George,  surrounded  the  fort,  and  confined  the  gar- 
rison to  their  works.  Finding  that  he  could  make  no 
impression  upon  the  fort,  he  contrived  a  stratagem  for 
its  surprisal,  and  the  relief  of  his  countrymen  who  were 
there  in  confinement. 

As  the  country  was  covered  with  woods  and  dark 
thickets,  it  was  favorable  to  his  purposes.  Having  con- 
certed his  measures,  two  Indian  women,  who  were  known 
to  be  always  welcome  at  the  fort,  made  their  appearance 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  to  decoy  the  garrison. 
Lieutenant  Dogharty  went  out  to  them,  to  inquire  what 
news.  While  he  was  conversing  with  the  women,  Oucon- 
nostota joined  them,  and  desired  Dogharty  to  call  the 
commanding  officer,  saying  that  he  had  matters  of  impor- 
tance to  communicate  to  him.  Accordingly,  Captain  Coty- 
more,  Ensign  Bell,  Dogharty,  and  Foster,  their  interpreter, 
went  out  to  him.  He  said  that  he  was  going  to  Charleston 
to  procure  the  release  of  the  prisoners,  and  wished  for  a 
white  man  for  a  safeguard.  The  captain  told  him  he 
should  have  a  safeguard.  No  sooner  had  he  received  the 
answer  than,  turning  and  giving  a  signal,  nearly  thirty 
guns  were  fired  from  different  ambuscades.  The  captain 
was  killed,  and  Bell  and  Foster  were  wounded.  In  con- 
sequence of  this,  orders  were  given  that  the  hostages 
should  be  put  in  irons.  In  attempting  this,  one  of  the 
soldiers  was  killed,  and  another  wounded.  These  circum- 
stances so  exasperated  the  garrison  that,  without  hesita- 
tion, they  fell  on  the  unfortunate  hostages,  and  butchered 
them  in  a  manner  too  shocking  to  relate. 

In  the  evening  the  Indians  approached  the  fort,  and, 
i.  32 


374  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRTJMBTTLL 

after  firing  signal-guns  and  crying  aloud,  in  the  Cherokee 
language,  "  Fight  manfully  and  you  shall  be  assisted,"  they 
commenced  a  furious  attack  on  the  garrison,  and  kept  up 
their  fire  the  whole  night.  But  they  were  so  warmly  re- 
ceived that  they  were  obliged  to  give  over  the  attack. 

Disappointed  in  their  design  on  the  fort,  and  finding 
that  their  chieftains  were  slain,  they  wreaked  their  ven- 
geance on  the  English  traders  in  their  country.  These 
they  butchered,  to  a  man,  without  mercy  or  distinction. 
In  the  massacre  of  the  hostages  the  Cherokees  had  not 
only  lost  a  great  number  of  their  head-men,  but  most  of 
them  had  lost  a  friend  or  relation.  Nothing,  therefore, 
could  exceed  the  resentment  and  rage  of  the  nation.  The 
leaders  of  every  town  seized  the  hatchet,  proclaiming 
to  their  fellows  that  the  spirits  of  mui'dered  brothers 
were  flying  around  them  and  calling  for  vengeance  on  their 
enemies.  With  one  voice  the  nation  declared  for  war. 
Large  parties  of  warriors,  from  different  towns,  rushed 
down  on  defenceless  families  on  the  frontiers  of  Carolina, 
where  men,  women,  and  children,  without  distinction,  fell 
a  sacrifice  to  their  merciless  rage.  At  Long  Canes,  and 
about  the  forks  of  Broad  Eiver,  they  made  terrible  carnage 
among  the  inhabitants,  who,  trusting  to  the  late  peace, 
were  reposed  in  perfect  security. 

About  two  hundred  of  the  enemy  made  a  furious  attack 
on  the  fort  at  Ninety-Six ;  but  they  were  obliged  to  retire 
with  considerable  loss.  This  they  revenged  on  the  open 
country,  ravaging  the  English  houses  in  that  quarter  and 
all  along  the  frontiers  of  Virginia.  They  were  not  satis- 
fied barely  with  pillaging  and  destroying  the  inhabitants, 
but  they  wantoned  in  the  most  horrible  acts  of  barbarity. 
Many  who  fled  into  the  woods  and  escaped  the  scalping- 
knife  perished  with  hunger.  Those  who  were  made  pris- 
oners were  carried  into  the  wildei'ness,  where  they  suffered 


TKUMBULL]       WAR    WITH  THE  CHEROKEES.  375 

inexpressible  hardships.  So  secret  and  sudden  were  the 
motions  of  the  enemy  that  it  was  impossible  to  tell  where 
the  storm  would  fall,  or  to  take  the  precautions  necessary 
to  prevent  the  mischief.  Every  day  brought  to  the  capital 
fresh  accounts  of  their  murders  and  desolations. 

[It  had  become  necessary  to  take  energetic  measures  for  defence  and 
reprisal,  and  Colonel  Montgomery  was  sent  from  General  Amherst's 
army  to  Charleston,  with  a  force  of  twelve  hundred  men.  The  prov- 
ince was  now  under  a  new  governor,  who  took  judicious  measures  for 
defence,  while  the  army  advanced  rapidly  into  the  enemy's  country. 
Several  Indian  towns  were  hurned,  the  magazines  of  provisions  de- 
stroyed, and  a  considerable  number  of  the  savages  killed  and  captured. 
The  others  escaped  to  the  mountains.  Fort  Prince  George  was  relieved, 
and  overtures  of  peace  were  made  to  the  enemy.] 

Messages  of  peace  producing  no  good  effect,  the  colonel 
determined  to  make  an  attack  on  their  middle  settlements. 
He  immediately  began  his  march  ;  but  his  success  in  this 
enterprise  was  noways  equal  to  that  in  his  former.  The 
enemy  watched  all  his  motions,  and  took  every  advantage 
and  opportunity  to  distress  him  on  his  march.  On  the 
third  day,  as  the  army  was  advancing  through  a  dangerous 
ground,  the  enemy  attacked  him  in  the  most  furious  and 
obstinate  manner.  They  commenced  the  action  with  their 
usual  horrible  screams  and  outcries,  maintaining  a  severe 
fire  from  under  cover.  The  troops  were  ranged  in  the 
most  judicious  manner,  and  firmly  stood  the  enemy's 
charge.  The  fight  was  long,  obstinate,  and  well  maintained 
on  both  sides.  At  length,  the  colonel  making  a  movement 
which  brought  the  Royal  Scots  upon  their  right,  the  enemy 
gave  way  and  fled.  The  captain  of  the  rangers,  and  about 
twenty  men,  were  killed,  and  nearly  eighty  wounded.  It 
was  supposed  that  the  enemy  lost  about  forty  men.  The 
army  pushed  forward  about  five  miles,  the  succeeding 
evening,  to  Etchowee,  one  of  the  most  considerable  towns 


376  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TKUMBULL 

in  the  middle  settlements.  But  the  Indians  had  removed 
their  most  valuable  effects,  and  forsaken  the  town.  The 
colonel  was  able  to  do  them  no  other  injury  than  to  destroy 
a  defenceless  town.  Here  they  attacked  his  picket-guard 
with  such  fury  that  they  were  repulsed  with  difficulty. 
They  also  gave  him  repeated  annoyance  by  their  volleys 
from  the  surrounding  hills.  Though  he  had  gained  the 
field,  and  been  able  to  advance  after  the  action,  yet  it 
had  the  effect  of  a  defeat.  So  many  of  his  men  had  been 
wounded,  and  so  many  of  his  horses  killed,  that  he  found 
a  retreat  absolutely  necessary  to  save  the  wounded  men 
from  the  massacre  of  the  enemy.  In  the  beginning  of 
July  he  returned  to  Fort  Prince  George.  The  expedition 
had  cost  him  five  officers  and  about  a  hundred  men,  killed 
and  wounded. 

[This  expedition  proved  eventually  more  disadvantageous  to  the 
English  than  to  their  enemies.  Colonel  Montgomery  now  felt  it 
necessary,  under  the  orders  he  had  received,  to  return  north  with  his 
troops,  and  left  but  about  four  hundred  men  to  assist  in  defending  the 
frontiers.  As  a  result,  the  Southern  colonies  were  again  raided  by  the 
foe,  whom  Montgomery  had  but  exasperated.  Fort  Loudon  fell  into 
their  hands,  and  the  garrison,  in  their  march  northward,  were  parity 
killed  and  the  remainder  made  captive.  Under  these  circumstances 
application  was  again  made  to  General  Amherst  for  assistance.  It 
was  now  the  year  1761,  Canada  was  captured,  and  a  force  could  easily 
he  diverted  south.  It  was  determined  to  give  the  Indians  a  lesson 
that  would  force  them  to  make  peace.] 

In  May,  the  army,  consisting  of  two  thousand  and  six 
hundred  men,  advanced  to  Fort  Prince  George.  Here  At- 
takullakulla,  having  got  intelligence  of  the  force  advancing 
against  his  nation,  met  Colonel  Grant,  and  repeatedly  en- 
treated him,  by  his  friendship  and  many  good  services  to 
the  English,  to  proceed  no  further  till  he  had  once  more 
used  his  influence  with  his  nation  to  bring  them  to  an  ac- 


TKUMBULL]      WAR    WITH  THE   CHEROKEES.  377 

commodation.  But  Colonel  Grant  would  not  listen  to  his 
solicitations.  He  immediately  began  his  march  for  the 
middle  settlements.  A  party  of  ninety  Indians  and  thirty 
woodmen  painted  like  Indians  marched  in  front  of  the 
army  and  scoured  the  wood.  After  them  followed  the 
light  infantry  and  about  fifty  rangers,  consisting  of  about 
two  hundred  men.  By  the  vigilance  and  activity  of  these 
the  colonel  designed  to  secure  the  main  body  from  annoy- 
ance and  surprise.  During  three  days  he  made  forced 
marches  that  he  might  pass  several  dangerous  defiles  which 
might  cost  him  dear  should  the  enemy  first  get  the  pos- 
session and  warmly  dispute  the  passage.  These  he  passed 
without  annoyance.  But  the  next  day,  finding  suspicious 
grounds  on  all  sides,  orders  were  given  that  the  army 
should  prepare  for  action,  and  that  the  guards  should  ad- 
vance slowly,  doubling  their  circumspection.  As  the  army 
advanced  in  this  cautious  manner,  about  eight  o'clock  in 
the  morning  the  enemy  were  discovered,  by  the  advanced 
guard,  nearly  in  the  same  ground  where  they  attacked 
Colonel  Montgomery  the  preceding  year.  Rushing  down 
from  the  high  grounds,  they  furiously  attacked  the  ad- 
vanced guard.  These  were  supported,  and  the  action  be- 
came general.  A  party  of  the  enemy  driven  from  the  low 
grounds  immediately  ascended  the  hills  under  which  the 
whole  line  was  obliged  to  pass.  On  the  left  was  a  river, 
from  the  opposite  banks  of  which  they  received  a  heavy 
fire  as  they  advanced.  While  the  line  faced  and  gave  their 
whole  charge  to  the  Indians  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  a 
party  was  ordered  to  ascend  the  hills  and  drive  the  enemy 
from  the  heights.  No  sooner  were  they  dislodged  from 
the  heights  than  they  returned  with  redoubled  ardor  to 
the  charge  in  the  low  grounds.  These  it  appeared  their 
determination  obstinately  to  dispute.  The  situation  of  the 
troops  soon  became  critical  and  distressing.  They  had 
i.  32* 


378  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [TRUMBULL 

been  greatly  fatigued  by  forced  marches  in  rainy  weatber. 
Tbey  were  galled  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  so  compassed 
with  woods  that  they  could  neither  discern  nor  approach 
them  but  with  the  greatest  difficulty  and  danger.  When 
they  were  pressed  they  always  kept  at  a  distance,  but, 
rallying,  returned  again  with  the  same  fierceness  and  res- 
olution to  the  charge.  No  sooner  were  they  driven  from 
one  place  than  they  sprang  up  like  furies  in  another. 
While  the  attention  of  the  colonel  was  drawn  to  the 
enemy  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  employed  in  driving 
them  from  their  lurking-places  on  that  side,  so  furious  an 
attack  was  made  on  his  rear-guard  that  he  was  obliged  to 
order  a  detachment  back  to  its  relief,  to  save  his  cattle, 
provision,  and  baggage.  From  nine  to  eleven  o'clock  did 
the  enemy  maintain  the  action.  Everywhere  the  woods 
resounded  with  the  roar  of  arms  and  the  hideous  shouts 
and  yells  of  savages.  At  length  the  Cherokees  gave  way, 
but  as  they  were  pursued  they  kept  up  a  scattering  shot 
till  two  o'clock.  They  then  wholly  disappeared. 

What  loss  the  enemy  sustained  is  not  known,  but  that 
of  Colonel  Grant  was  about  sixty  men  in  killed  and  wounded. 
The  army  advanced  as  soon  as  possible,  and  about  midnight 
arrived  at  Etchoe,  a  large  Indian  town.  The  next  day  it 
was  reduced  to  ashes.  There  were  fourteen  other  towns 
in  the  middle  settlements,  all  which  shared  the  same  fate. 
The  enemy's  magazines,  and  their  cornfields,  amounting 
to  not  less  than  fourteen  hundred  acres,  were  utterly  de- 
stroyed. The  miserable  inhabitants  stood  the  silent  spec- 
tators of  the  general  destruction,  and  were  obliged  to  re- 
tire, to  starve  in  the  thickets  and  mountains.  Nearly  the 
same  barbarities  were  practised  towards  them,  by  a  civil- 
ized and  Christian  people,  of  which  we  so  loudly  complain 
when,  in  their  manner  of  warfare,  they  are  practised 
against  us.  .  .  . 


TRTJMBULL]      WAR    WITH  THE  CHEROKEES.  379 

After  nearly  thirty  days  had  been  spent  in  works  of 
destruction,  the  army  returned  to  Fort  Prince  George. 
The  various  hardships  it  had  endured  in  the  wilderness, 
from  watching,  heat,  thirst,  danger,  and  fatigue,  hardly 
admit  of  description.  The  feet  and  legs  of  many  of  the 
soldiers  were  so  mangled,  and  their  spirits  so  exhausted, 
that  they  were  utterly  incapacitated  to  proceed  on  their 
march.  Colonel  Grant  determined,  therefore,  to  encamp 
awhile  at  this  post,  both  for  the  refreshment  of  his  men 
and  to  get  intelligence  with  respect  to  resolutions  of  the 
enemy. 

Soon  after  his  arrival,  Attakullakulla  and  several  other 
chieftains  of  his  nation  came  to  the  camp  and  expressed 
their  wishes  for  peace. 

[Articles  were  drawn  and  signed  by  both  parties.] 

Peace  was  established,  and  both  parties  expressed  their 
wishes  that  it  might  continue  as  long  as  the  rivers  should 
run,  or  the  sun  shine.  The  whole  North  American  conti- 
nent appeared  now  to  be  quieted. 

[But  the  quiet  was  only  that  of  desistance  from  open  warfare.  A 
mental  disquiet  quickly  followed  which  was,  ere  long,  to  lead  to  a  war 
more  terrible  than  any  the  continent  had  heretofore  known.] 


380  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 


SECTION    VI. 
THE  THRESHOLD  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA. 

CHARLES  MORRIS. 

[The  French  and  Indian  "War  had  other  important  results  than  that 
of  removing  the  great  rival  to  English  power  in  America.  In  this  it 
cleared  the  field  for  another  and  greater  war  yet  to  come,  while  it  edu- 
cated the  colonists  in  the  military  art,  and  prepared  them  for  the  task 
of  encountering  the  ablest  soldiers  of  Europe  in  deadly  conflict  on  their 
own  soil.  It  served,  also,  as  a  school  of  training  for  many  of  the 
officers  who  were  afterwards  to  grow  prominent  in  the  Kevolutionary 
War,  and  in  particular  gave  to  George  Washington  his  first  lessons  in 
that  art  in  which  he  was  soon  to  acquire  a  world-wide  fame.  Names 
crop  up  throughout  the  course  of  this  conflict  which  we  shall  meet  in 
marked  prominence  in  the  events  next  to  be  described, — names  not 
only  of  soldiers,  but  also  of  statesmen,  for  it  is  a  political  as  well  as  a 
military  revolution  with  which  we  have  to  deal,  and  its  grand  results 
are  due  to  the  legislator  quite  as  much  as  to  the  soldier.  The  military 
struggle,  indeed,  was  preceded  by  a  long  and  fierce  political  contest, 
of  which  it  formed  the  inevitable  conclusion.  For  this  contest  the 
people  of  America  had  been  prepared,  not  by  their  years  of  war,  but 
by  their  years  of  peace,  for  the  whole  political  history  of  the  American 
colonies  is  a  history  of  instruction  in  the  principles  of  democracy,  and 
the  republic  of  the  United  States  was  only  in  an  immediate  sense  the 
work  of  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  but  in  its  fullest  sense  was  the 
work  of  the  colonists  of  America  from  their  first  entrance  upon  the 
trans-Atlantic  shores.  A  consideration  of  the  political  struggle  lead- 
ing to  the  war  of  independence,  therefore,  properly  requires  a  pre- 
ceding review  of  the  political  history  of  the  colonies  from  their  first 


MORRIS]    POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     381 

settlement,  since  only  in  this  way  can  we  comprehend  the  preparation 
of  the  whole  people  for  the  radical  change  of  government  they  were  so 
soon  to  undergo,  and  the  strong  spirit  of  democracy  which  stood  behind 
the  labors  of  congresses  and  conventions  and  gave  the  cue  to  the  work 
which  they  were  to  perform.  In  default  of  finding  any  sufficiently 
brief  statement  of  this  political  evolution  in  the  works  of  historians, 
the  editor  offers  the  following  outline  sketch,  as  an  essential  prelimi- 
nary to  the  chapter  of  American  history  which  now  demands  our 
attention.] 

THE  several  British  colonies  of  America  were  formed 
under  a  variety  of  differing  conditions.  The  settlement 
of  Virginia  was  the  work  of  a  company  of  London  mer- 
chants, that  of  New.  England  of  a  body  of  Puritan  refugees 
from  persecution.  Most  of  the  other  colonies  were  formed 
through  the  efforts  of  proprietors,  to  whom  the  king  had 
made  large  grants  of  territory.  None  of  them  were  of 
royal  or  parliamentary  establishment,  the  nearest  to  this 
being  the  colony  of  New  York,  which  was  appropriated 
from  its  Dutch  founders  by  the  king's  brother, — soon  to 
become  king  himself.  The  government  of  the  mother- 
country,  therefore,  took  no  part  in  the  original  formation 
of  the  government  of  the  colonies,  except  in  the  some- 
what flexible  requirements  of  the  charters  granted  to  the 
proprietors.  Lord  Baltimore  was  left  at  full  liberty  to 
establish  a  form  of  government  for  Maryland,  William 
Penn  for  Pennsylvania,  and  the  body  of  proprietors  for 
the  Carolinas,  while  the  London  Company  of  merchants 
largely  used  their  own  discretion  in  modelling  that  of 
Virginia.  As  for  the  government  of  Plymouth,  it  was 
formed  without  any  restriction  or  suggestion  from  abroad, 
by  a  body  of  men  who  had  crossed  the  ocean  to  enjoy 
religious  liberty  and  who  were  prepared  by  their  previous 
history  for  the  duties  of  self-government.  The  Massachu- 
setts colony  was  a  chartered  one,  but  from  the  first  it  took 
its  government  into  its  own  hands,  and  began  to  exist 


382  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

under  that  same  simple  form  of  democracy  which  had 
been  established  by  its  Plymouth  predecessor.  In  fact,  a 
colony  composed  of  equals,  unpro'vided  with  a  royal  gov- 
ernor, and  to  a  large  extent  unrestricted  in  its  action, 
could  scarcely  assume  any  other  than  the  one  form  of 
government,  that  of  a  democracy  in  which  every  man 
was  a  citizen  and  had  a  full  voice  in  the  management  of 
affairs.  There  was  only  one  restriction  to  this  universal 
suffrage  and  self-government, — that  of  religious  orthodoxy. 
The  colonists  were  Puritan  sectaries,  and  were  determined 
that  their  form  of  religion  alone  should  prevail  in  the 
colony.  Not  only  were  those  of  heterodox  views  incapa- 
ble of  exercising  full  rights  of  citizenship,  but  they  were 
soon  driven  from  the  community,  as  an  element  of  dis- 
cordance hostile  to  the  well-being  of  this  bigoted  body  poli- 
tic. To  the  extent  here  indicated,  therefore,  democracy  in 
America  was  first  established  in  1620,  not  in  1776.  And 
it  made  considerable  progress  in  New  England  and  else- 
where ere  it  encountered  any  decided  interference  from 
the  crown.  The  growth  of  this  democratic  spirit  is  of 
high  interest,  and  is  worthy  of  a  much  fuller  considera- 
tion than  WTC  have  space  to  devote  to  it. 

The  first  government  of  New  England  was  formed  on 
board  the  Mayflower,  before  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims. 
It  was  the  democratic  government  of  the  Puritan  church 
congregation  transferred  to  the  body  politic,  the  Pilgrims 
choosing  their  governor  as  they  chose  their  pastor,  by  the 
voice  of  the  congregation.  "  For  eighteen  years  all  laws 
were  enacted  in  a  general  assembly  of  all  the  colonists. 
The  governor,  chosen  annually,  was  but  president  of  a 
council,  in  which  he  had  a  double  vote.  It  consisted  first 
of  one,  then  of  five,  and  finally  of  seven  members,  called 
assistants."  The  colonists  gradually  assumed  all  the  pre- 
rogatives of  government,  even  the  power  of  capital  punish- 


MORRIS]   POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     383 

ment.  Yet  so  little  were  political  honors  desired  that  it 
because  necessaiy  to  fine  those  who,  being  chosen,  declined 
to  act  as  governor  or  assistant. 

The  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  was  organized  under 
a  charter  granted  by  the  king,  but  its  primary  manage- 
ment was  of  the  same  nature  as  that  of  Plymouth.  In 
1630  the  charter  and  the  government  were  transferred  from 
England  to  Massachusetts,  John  Winthrop  was  chosen 
governor  by  the  people,  and  the  first  General  Court,  or 
legislative  assembly,  was  held  at  Boston  on  the  19th  of 
October  of  that  year.  From  that  time  until  1686  the 
people  of  New  England  governed  themselves,  under  a 
system  based  on  general  election,  all  power  being  in  the 
hands  of  the  people,  and  the  government  essentially  a 
republic.  The  only  restriction  to  the  right  of  franchise 
was  the  requirement  that  all  citizens  must  be  members  of 
some  church  within  the  limits  of  the  colony.  In  1634 
another  important  step  of  progress  in  self-government  was 
made.  Settlements  were  now  dotted  around  the  circum- 
ference of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  it  had  become  incon- 
venient for  the  citizens  to  exercise  the  duties  of  freemen 
in  person.  They  therefore  chose  deputies  to  represent 
them,  and  the  primitive  form  of  democracy  was  changed 
to  a  representative  one. 

In  the  formation  of  the  other  New  England  colonies 
the  same  principle  of  government  was  adopted.  The  con- 
stitution of  the  Connecticut  settlements,  formed  in  1639, 
paid  no  heed  to  the  existence  of  a  mother-country.  The 
governor  and  legislature  were  to  be  chosen  annually  by 
the  freemen,  whose  oath  of  allegiance  was  to  the  common- 
wealth, not  to  the  English  monarch,  and  the  "general 
court"  possessed  the  sole  power  of  making  and  repealing 
laws.  The  royal  charter  granted  by  Charles  II.  in  1662 
fully  confirmed  the  constitution  which  the  people  had  thus 


384  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

made  for  themselves.  Ehode  Island  was  chartered  by 
the  English  Parliament  in  1644,  and  formall}7  organized  its 
government  in  1647,  adopting  a  democracy  similar  to  that 
of  the  other  colonies,  except  that  there  was  no  religious 
restriction  to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  it  being  declared 
that  i£  all  men  might  walk  as  their  consciences  persuaded 
them,  without  molestation,  every  one  in  the  name  of  his 
God."  The  colonies  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire  became 
proprietary  governments,  under  royal  grants  to  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Captain  John  Mason.  But  they  quickly 
came  under  the  influence  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  and 
in  1641  New  Hampshire  placed  itself  under  the  protection 
of  Massachusetts  and  ignored  the  claims  of  the  proprie- 
tors. Its  adopted  form  of  government  differed  from  that 
of  Massachusetts  only  in  the  fact  that  neither  the  freemen 
nor  the  deputies  of  the  colony  were  required  to  be  church 
members. 

In  1643  a  further  step  of  progress  in  the  evolution  of  a 
representative  republic  was  made.  As  a  measure  of  pro- 
tection against  the  Indians  and  the  other  dangers  which 

o  o 

threatened  them,  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Connec- 
ticut, New  Haven,  and  Plymouth  united  themselves  into  a 
confederacy,  under  the  title  of  The  United  Colonies  of  New 
England.  Rhode  Island  was  not  admitted  into  this  con- 
federacy, because  she  would  not  consent  to  be  incorporated 
with  Plymouth.  New  Hampshire,  as  we  have  seen,  formed 
then  a  portion  of  the  Massachusetts  colony.  The  govern- 
ing body  of  the  confederacy  consisted  of  an  annual  As- 
sembly, composed  of  two  deputies  from  each  colony,  which 
dealt  with  all  matters  relating  to  the  common  interests, 
while  the  separate  interests  of  each  colony  were  managed 
by  its  local  government,  as  before. 

"We  perceive  in  the  events  above  described  a  remarkable 
progress  towards  a  federal  republic,  of  the  same  type  as 


MORRIS]    POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     385 

that  now  existing  in  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
constituting  a  noble  school  for  the  teaching  of  those  prin- 
ciples of  self-government  which  have  become  so  deeply  in- 
stilled into  the  minds  of  the  American  people.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  England  so  quietly  permitted  this  colonial 
republic  to  be  formed.  But  the  governing  powers  of  Eng- 
land had  work  enough  for  themselves  at  home.  Originally 
the  colonies  were  too  insignificant  for  their  acts  to  call  for 
much  attention,  and  when  the  home  government  did  show 
some  disposition  to  interfere  with  them,  the  colonists,  with 
much  shrewdness  and  show  of  respect,  yet  with  great 
tenacity,  held  on  to  the  rights  they  had  acquired,  and 
baffled  by  a  policy  of  delay  and  negation  every  effort  to 
interfere  with  their  privileges.  Ere  long  the  English 
royalists  became  engaged  in  a  death-struggle  with  de- 
mocracy at  home,  during  which  they  had  little  leisure  to 
attend  to  affairs  abroad  ;  and  the  subsequent  overthrow  of 
the  government,  and  the  establishment  of  a  military  de- 
mocracy in  England,  were  circumstances  highly  favorable 
to  the  growth  of  republicanism  in  America.  During  this 
period  the  self-governing  principle  made  progress  in  all 
the  colonies,  though  largely  through  the  example  and  in- 
fluence of  New  England. 

The  people  knew  thoroughly  what  they  were  about,  in 
the  formation  of  the  New  England  system  of  government. 
The  doctrine  of  rotation  in  office  was  early  established, 
"  lest  there  should  be  a  governor  for  life."  When  it  was 
proposed  that  the  office  should  be  a  life  one,  the  deputies 
immediately  resolved  that  no  magisterial  office  of  any 
kind  should  be  held  for  more  than  a  year.  In  one  case 
where  a  caucus  of  justices  nominated  certain  persons  for 
election,  the  people  took  good  care  to  elect  none  of  the 
persons  so  proposed.  Another  important  democratic  prin- 
ciple was  early  adopted,  that  of  making  provision  for  the 

I.— R  2  83 


386  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

pay  of  public  officers  annually,  and  avoiding  the  fixation 
of  salaries.  This  system  proved  very  useful  subsequently, 
in  the  conflict  with  the  representatives  of  royalty.  Origi- 
nally the  councillors,  with  the  governor,  constituted  the 
whole  governing  body.  "When  representatives  were  first 
chosen  they  sat  in  the  same  room  with  the  governor  and 
council.  In  1644  it  was  ordained  that  the  two  bodies 
should  meet  in  separate  chambers.  Thus  was  first  con- 
stituted the  American  legislature  of  two  houses,  the  coun- 
cillors being  annually  chosen  by  the  whole  body  of  free- 
men, the  representatives  by  the  separate  settlements.  The 
local  government  of  each  township  remained  in  its  own 
hands,  and  the  whole  organization  was  a  miniature  prede- 
cessor of  that  now  existing  within  the  United  States  of 
America.  It  was  distinctively  democratic.  The  early 
prejudices  in  favor  of  rank  and  title  quickly  disappeared, 
perfect  equality  was  aimed  at,  and  even  such  titles  as  those 
of  Esquire  and  Mr.  were  applied  to  but  few  persons,  Good- 
man and  Groodwife  being  the  ordinary  appellations.  Aris- 
tocratic connections  in  time  became  a  bar  to  public  favor. 
It  was  not  until  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  to 
the  throne  of  England  that  any  disposition  to  interfere 
with  the  republican  government  that  had  quietly  grown 
up  in  New  England  was  manifested.  The  only  restrictions 
which  England  had  placed  upon  the  freedom  of  these  col- 
onies were  oi  a  commercial  character.  These  had  been 
removed  during  the  era  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  were 
renewed  after  the  Restoration.  Only  English  vessels  were 
permitted  to  trade  with  the  colonies.  All  articles  of  Amer- 
ican produce  for  which  there  was  a  demand  in  England 
were  forbidden  to  be  shipped  to  foreign  markets.  The 
colonies  were  even  restricted  from  the  privilege  of  free 
trade  with  one  another;  and  finally  they  were  forbidden 
to  manufacture,  for  use  at  home  or  abroad,  any  article  that 


MORRIS]   POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     387 

would  compete  with  English  manufactures.  These  re- 
strictions gave  rise  to  much  complaint  on  the  part  of  the 
colonists,  and  were  evaded  at  every  opportunity.  Other 
sources  of  difficulty  arose  from  the  severe  treatment  of 
Quakers  and  others  by  the  New  England  churchmen.  To 
settle  all  such  complaints,  royal  commissioners  were  sent 
to  Boston  in  1664,  empowered  to  act  upon  all  causes  of 
colonial  disturbance. 

The  coming  of  these  commissioners  was  not  viewed  with 
favor  by  the  colonists.  They  were  naturally  alarmed  at  a 
measure  which  might  result  in  a  restriction  of  their  liber- 
ties, and  were  disposed  to  oppose  the  king's  agents  at  every 
step.  The  commissioners  were  resisted,  secretly  or  openly, 
in  all  the  colonies  except  Rhode  Island,  which  alone  re- 
ceived them  with  deference.  Massachusetts  boldly  asserted 
her  rights  under  the  charter,  and  denied  the  authority  of 
the  commissioners,  while  professing  the  sincerest  loyalty 
to  the  king.  Eventually  their  mission  proved  a  failure, 
the  colonists  in  great  part  ignoring  their  measures.  They 
were  recalled,  and  the  'colonial  governments  went  on  as 
before.  Many  years  passed  away  before  any  other  active 
measure  was  taken  by  the  king  against  the  colonists.  In 
1677  Maine  became  part  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts, 
through  a  decision  against  the  claim  of  the  proprietors. 
In  1680  New  Hampshire  was  separated  from  Massachu- 
setts, and  was  made  a  royal  province, — the  first  instance 
of  this  kind  in.  New  England.  In  1681  new  sources  of 
trouble  arose.  The  vigorous  resistance  which  Massachu- 
setts had  long  made  to  the  restrictions  imposed  on  the 
freedom  of  commerce  culminated  in  the  defeat  of  a  custom- 
house officer  who  was  sent  over  for  the  collection  of  dues. 
By  a  policy  of  passive  resistance,  delay,  and  obstruction, 
all  his  efforts  were  negatived,  and  he  was  finally  obliged 
to  return  empty-handed  to  England. 


388  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORKIS 

The  time  had  now  arrived  for  the  first  open  conflict 
between  the  throne  and  the  colonies.  The  king  had  long 
entertained  the  project  of  taking  the  government  of  the 
colonies  into  his  own  hands,  and  seized  this  opportunity 
for  effecting  his  purpose.  English  judges  declared  that 
Massachusetts  had  forfeited  her  charter,  through  disobe- 
dience to  the  laws  of  England.  Before  any  further  steps 
could  be  taken,  the  king  died ;  but  his  successor,  James  II., 
proceeded  vigorously  to  carry  out  his  plans.  In  1686  the 
charter  government  of  Massachusetts  was  succeeded  by  a 
royal  government,  under  Joseph  Dudley,  appointed  by  the 
king.  In  December  of  the  same  year  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
arrived  at  Boston  with  a  royal  commission  as  governor  of 
all  the  New  England  colonies.  The  acts  of  Andros  we 
have  already  considered,  in  a  former  article,  with  his 
prompt  expulsion  from  the  country  on  the  tidings  of  the 
revolution  in  England.  The  people  at  once  renewed  their 
former  mode  of  government,  with  no  immediate  objection 
from  the  new  monarch.  Earnest  efforts  were  made  by 
Massachusetts  to  obtain  a  restoration  of  her  charter,  but 
without  success,  the  king  and  his  councillors  secretly  deem- 
ing this  too  liberal.  In  1692  a  new  charter  was  granted, 
which  vested  the  appointment  of  governor  in  the  king. 
Beyond  this  there  was  little  interference  with  colonial  lib- 
erty, but  the  representatives  of  the  people  for  many  years 
kept  up  a  violent  controversy  with  the  royal  governors. 
The  latter  demanded  a  fixed  and  permanent  salary.  With 
this  demand  the  Assembly  refused  to  comply,  claiming  the 
right  to  vary  the  salary  each  year  at  their  pleasure,  and 
so  manipulating  this  right  that  the  amount  of  the  govern- 
or's salary  Was  made  to  depend  upon  the  character  of  his 
administration.  The  people  had  learned  their  lesson  well, 
and  held  firmly  in  hand  this  useful  method  of  enforcing  a 
government  in  accordance  with  their  ideas  of  justice  and 


MORKIS]   POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     389 

utility.  The  controversy  finally  ended  in  a  compromise, 
in  which  the  claim  of  the  Assembly  was  admitted,  while 
it  was  agreed  that  a  fixed  sum  should  be  voted  annually. 

"We  have  given  special  attention  to  the  political  history 
of  New  England,  from  its  great  importance  as  the  birth- 
place of  American  democracy.  The  other  colonies,  though 
founded  on  more  aristocratic  principles,  were  strongly 
affected  by  its  example,  and  strove  vigorously  to  gain 
similarly  liberal  institutions.  The  earliest  of  these,  that 
of  Virginia,  was,  by  its  first  charter,  under  the  supreme 
government  of  a  council  residing  in  England  and  appointed 
by  the  king,  who  likewise  appointed  a  council  of  members 
of  the  colony,  for  its  local  administration.  Thus  all  ex- 
ecutive and  legislative  powers  were  directly  controlled  by 
the  king,  and  no  rights  of  self-government  were  granted 
the  people.  Virginia  formed  the  only  British  colony  in 
America  of  which  the  monarch  thus  retained  the  control. 
The  colonial  councils  consisted  of  seven  persons,  who  were 
to  elect  a  president  from  their  own  number.  John  Smith 
was  made  president  in  1608,  the  year  after  their  arrival. 
In  1609  a  new  charter  was  given  to  the  London  Company, 
by  which  the  English  councillors  were  to  have  the  privi- 
lege of  filling  vacancies  by  their  own  votes,  and  were 
empowered  to  appoint  a  governor  for  Virginia,  whose 
powers  were  very  despotic.  The  lives,  liberty,  and  prop- 
erty of  the  colonists  were  placed  almost  at  his  sole  dis- 
posal. The  governor  appointed,  Lord  Delaware,  and  his 
successor,  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  fortunately  proved  men  of 
moderate  and  wise  views.  In  1612  still  another  charter 
was  granted.  This  abolished  the  superior  council,  and 
transferred  its  powers  to  the  company  as  a  whole.  But  it 
failed  to  give  any  political  rights  to  the  colonists.  Under 
the  administration  of  George  Yeardley,  appointed  gov- 
ernor in  1619,  the  first  step  towards  popular  rights  was 
i.  33* 


390  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

taken.  Martial  law,  which  had  before  prevailed,  was 
abolished,  and  a  colonial  Assembly  was  convened,  con- 
sisting of  two  burgesses  or  representatives  from  each  of 
the  eleven  boroughs  into  which  the  colony  was  divided. 
But  the  measures  passed  by  the  Assembly  were  to  be  of 
no  force  until  ratified  by  the  company  in  England.  In 
1621  a  written  constitution  was  granted  to  the  colony  by 
the  company,  which  ratified  the  arrangement  made  by 
Yeardley  and  added  to  it  the  highly-important  provision 
that  no  orders  of  the  company  in  England  should  have 
binding  force  upon  the  colony  until  ratified  by  the  As- 
sembly. Trial  by  jury  was  also  established,  and  courts 
on  the  English  model  were  organized.  The  privileges 
granted  by  this  constitution  were  ever  afterwards  claimed 
as  rights,  and  constituted  a  valuable  preliminary  towards 
complete  civil  liberty  in  Virginia.  Soon  afterwards  the 
king,  not  relishing  the  freedom  of  debate  manifested  in 
the  colonial  Assembly,  and  the  contests  between  the  liber- 
alists  and  the  loyalists,  with  the  growing  prevalence  of 
liberal  sentiments,  sought  to  overawe  the  Assemblies  and 
thus  control  the  elections  of  officers.  As  this  proved  in- 
efficacious, a  judicial  decision  against  the  corporation  was 
obtained,  and  the  company  dissolved,  the  king  taking 
direct  control  of  the  colony  and  erecting  it  into  a  royal 
government.  Yet  no  effort  was  made  to  wrest  from  the 
colonists  the  right  to  a  representative  government,  which 
the  company  had  granted  them.  This  privilege  they  ever 
afterwards  retained,  and  the  fact  of  its  possession  under 
royal  auspices  formed  a  valuable  lesson  for  the  future 
proprietaries,  who  could  not  hope  to  obtain  colonists  for 
their  lands  under  a  constitution  more  stringent  than  that 
of  Virginia,  though  they  could  not  be  expected  to  con- 
cede the  full  measure  of  freedom  enjoyed  in  New  England. 
The  government  was  now  administered  by  a  governor 


MORRIS]    POLITICAL   DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     391 

and  ten  councillors,  acting  under  the  instructions  of  the 
king,  but  the  colonial  Assembly  continued  its  annual  ses- 
sions. In  fact,  Virginia,  through  its  whole  history,  was 
the  most  loyal  of  the  colonies.  It  was  the  one  colony 
which  had  been  settled  largely  by  royalists  and  members 
of  the  Established  Church,  and  the  Virginians  continued 
warmly  loyal  to  the  throne  and  the  Church  while  Puritan- 
ism and  republicanism  were  rapidly  gaining  the  control  in 
England.  The  intolerance  in  religious  matters  which  New 
England  displayed  in  favor  of  Puritanism  was  here  mani- 
fested in  favor  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  legis- 
lature ordered  that  no  minister  should  preach  except  in 
conformity  to  the  doctrines  of  that  Church.  After  the 
formation  of  the  Commonwealth  in  England  the  Virginian 
royalists  recognized  Charles  II.  as  their  sovereign,  and  it 
required  the  presence  of  a  Parliamentary  naval  force  in 
their  harbors  to  bring  them  into  a  recognition  of  the 
Commonwealth.  The  news  of  the  restoration  of  Charles 
II.  was  gladly  received  in  the  colony,  and  the  friends  of 
royalty  quickly  gained  controlling  power  in  the  Assembly. 
Yet  the  people  soon  had  reason  to  regret  the  change  of 
government.  The  policy  of  commercial  restriction  was 
made  more  stringent  than  ever,  and  Virginia  suffered 
from  it  more  severely  than  any  of  the  other  colonies. 
It  was  decided  that  all  the  export  and  import  trade  of 
the  colonies  should  employ  none  but  English  vessels,  and 
that  tobacco,  the  principal  product  of  Virginia,  should  be 
sent  only  to  England.  The  trade  between  the  colonies 
was  likewise  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  England.  Eemon- 
strances  against  these  oppressive  laws  proved  of  no  avail, 
while  discontent  was  also  caused  by  large  grants  of  Vir- 
ginia territory  to  royal  favorites.  Meanwhile,  the  aristo- 
cratic party  in  the  legislature  had  seriously  abridged  the 
liberties  of  the  people.  Eeligious  intolerance  increased, 


392  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

Quakers  and  Baptists  were  heavily  fined,  the  taxes  became 
oppressive,  and  the  Assembly,  instead  of  dissolving  at  the 
end  of  its  term,  continued  in  session,  thus  virtually  abolish- 
ing the  representative  system  of  government.  These  were 
some  of  the  evils  which  gave  rise  to  the  so-called  "rebel- 
lion" of  Nathaniel  Bacon,  and  which  caused  so  many  of 
the  planters  to  sustain  him.  His  effort,  however,  proved 
of  no  efficacy  in  restoring  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and 
the  oppressive  system  of  government  long  continued. 

Of  the  proprietary  colonies  of  America  the  oldest  was 
that  of  Maryland,  which  was  founded  under  a  grant  of 
land  made  to  Lord  Baltimore  in  1632.  Its  charter  was 
of  marked  liberality,  the  emigrants  having  the  right  to 
worship  God  as  they  wished,  while  politically  they  were 
equals.  The  laws  of  the  province  were  to  be  subject  to 
the  approbation  of  a  majority  of  the  freemen  or  their 
deputies.  At  first  the  members  of  the  colony  convened 
in  General  Assembly  for  legislative  purposes,  the  first  As- 
sembly being  held  in  1635.  But  in  1639  a  representative 
government  was  adopted,  the  people  sending  delegates  to 
the  Assembly.  The  governor  of  the  province  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  proprietor.  In  a  preceding  article  we  have 
considered  the  succession  of  political  events  in  Maryland, 
and  it  will  suffice  to  say  here  that,  after  a  long  subvei-sion 
of  the  proprietary  government,  the  Calverts  again  gained 
control,  and  that  Maryland  continued  under  their  rule 
until  the  Revolution. 

The  Carolinas  were  granted  to  a  body  of  eight  propri- 
etors in  1653,  under  a  charter  which  gave  the  people  re- 
ligious freedom  and  a  voice  in  legislation,  but  reserved 
nearly  the  whole  power  to  the  proprietary  corporation. 
Somewhat  later  Locke's  despotic  scheme  of  government 
(explained  in  a  preceding  article)  was  adopted.  Yet  the 
effort  to  establish  it  proved  abortive.  The  people  saw  the 


MORRIS]    POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     393 

colonies  to  the  north  of  them  governing  themselves,  and 
refused  to  submit  to  a  government  in  which  they  had  no 
voice.  They  established  a  republican  government  of  their 
own,  elected  delegates  to  a  popular  Assembly,  drove  out 
tyrannical  governors  and  replaced  them  by  men  of  their 
own  choice,  and  in  all  displayed  an  aptness  for  and  a  ten- 
dency to  self-government  equal  to  those  of  any  other  of  the 
colonies.  For  a  short  period  the  Church  of  England  was 
made  supreme  in  South  Carolina  by  the  proprietors,  and 
all  dissenters  were  excluded  from  the  legislature.  Com- 
plaint was  made  to  the  English  Parliament,  and  soon  after 
the  disfranchising  laws  were  repealed  by  the  colonial  As- 
sembly ;  but  the  Church  of  England  remained  the  estab- 
lished form  of  religion  till  the  Eevolution. 

In  New  York,  under  the  Dutch,  the  example  of  self- 
government  displayed  in  New  England  caused  much  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  arbitrary  rule  which  prevailed,  and 
gave  rise  to  popular  demands  for  greater  privileges  and  a 
share  in  the  government.  The  people  were  very  ready, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  English  invasion,  to  submit  to  their 
new  rulers,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  increased  liberty.  Yet 
they  found  themselves  under  as  severe  a  despotism  as  be- 
fore, and  made  the  same  protest  that  had  been  heard  in 
the  other  colonies,  that  taxation  without  representation 
was  unjust  and  oppressive.  They  obtained  answer  from 
their  governor  that  the  taxes  should  be  made  so  heavy 
that  they  would  have  time  to  think  of  nothing  else  but 
how  to  pay  them.  This  oppression  continued  till  1683, 
when,  under  the  advice  of  William  Penn,  the  Duke  of 
York  ordered  the  governor  to  call  an  Assembly  of  repre- 
sentatives. This  Assembly  passed  an  important  "  charter 
of  liberties,"  which  was  approved  by  the  governor.  This 
charter  placed  the  supreme  legislative  power  in  the  gov- 
ernor, council,  and  people  met  in  general  assembly,  gave 


394:  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

to  every  freeman  full  right  to  vote  for  representatives, 
established  trial  by  jury,  required  that  no  tax  whatever 
should  be  assessed  without  the  consent  of  the  Assembly, 
and- that  no  professing  Christian  should  be  questioned  con- 
cerning his  religion.  The  privileges  here  claimed  were 
not  fully  conceded.  Several  of  the  governors  proved  op- 
pressive and  ruled  the  colony  despotically.  But  the  right 
of  self-government,  so  far  as  it  had  been  attained,  was 
never  again  yielded.  The  dispute,  of  which  we  have  pre- 
viously spoken,  in  1732,  between  the  liberal  and  the  aristo- 
cratic parties,  which  was  decided  in  favor  of  the  former, 
showed  clearly  the  prevailing  liberal  sentiments  of  the 
people.  The  editor  who  had  been  thrown  into  prison  for 
a  libel  against  the  government  was  acquitted,  and  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  one  of  his  counsel,  was  highly  applauded 
for  his  eloquent  defence  of  the  rights  of  mankind  and  of 
free  speech  by  the  press. 

The  charter  granted  by  Charles  II.  to  "William  Penn 
for  the  government  of  Pennsylvania  was  very  liberal  in 
its  provisions,  but  not  sufficiently  so  to  meet  the  enlarged 
views  of  the  proprietor,  who  at  the  outstart  promised  his 
colonists  that  they  should  be  a  free  people  and  be  governed 
by  laws  of  their  own  making.  In  1682  he  published  his 
"  frame  of  government,"  which  was  to  be  submitted  to  the 
people  of  the  province  for  approval.  In  1683  this  was 
amended,  in  the  second  Assembly  of  the  province,  and  a 
charter  of  liberties  granted  which  made  Pennsylvania 
almost  fully  a  representative  democracy.  The  right  of 
appointment  of  judicial  and  executive  officers,  which  was 
reserved  by  the  proprietors  of  the  other  colonies,  was  sur- 
rendered by  William  Penn  to  the  people,  and  the  govern- 
ment consisted  of  the  proprietor  and  the  Assembly,  with 
no  intermediate  council,  as  in  Maryland  and  elsewhere. 
Yet,  liberal  as  this  constitution  was,  the  people  soon  de- 


MORRIS]   POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  AMERICA.     395 

manded  further  concessions  and  privileges,  and  Penn,  in 
his  last  visit  to  his  province,  granted  a  new  charter,  still 
more  liberal,  and  conferring  greater  powers  upon  the 
people,  who  from  this  time  forward  possessed  a  very  full 
measure  of  political  liberty. 

The  brief  review  we  have  here  given  of  the  develop- 
ment of  political  institutions  in  the  English  colonies  in 
America  will  serve  to  show  that  they  had  attained  a 
fair  measure  of  political  liberty  at  the  period  which  we 
have  now  reached  (the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian 
War),  and  had  little  or  no  occasion  for  discontent  concern- 
ing their  governmental  rights  and  privileges.  Unlike  the 
French  and  Spanish  colonists,  who  had  no  experience  of 
parliamentary  government  and  readily  submitted  to  the 
rule  of  despotic  governors,  the  British  colonists  were 
thoroughly  indoctrinated  in  legislative  principles,  and 
came  from  a  country  in  which  at  the  period  of  some  of 
the  emigrations  the  people  were  rising  in  defence  of  their 
natural  rights,  and  at  the  period  of  others  had  subverted 
the  monarchy  and  founded  a  democracy  on  its  ruins.  Very 
naturally,  therefore,  the  American  colonists  insisted  upon 
a  considerable  degree  of  self-government  in  their  new 
home,  and  extended  this  civil  liberty  even  beyond  the 
measure  of  that  of  the  English  Commonwealth,  taking 
advantage  of  the  many  opportunities  afforded  them  by 
the  dissensions  existing  in  the  mother-country.  As  a  con- 
sequence of  this  persistent  struggle  for  the  privilege  of 
self-government,  New  England  became  almost  a  full  repub- 
lic, Pennsylvania  was  little  behind  it  in  the  legislative  free- 
dom of  its  people,  and  the  other  colonies  gained  the  right 
of  making  their  own  laws,  with  more  or  less  interference 

O  ' 

from  the  royal  governors. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  legislative  power  and  religious  free- 
dom were  concerned,  the  colonists  had  little  to  complain 


396  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [MORRIS 

of.  and  had  there  been  no  deeper  cause  of  discontent  the 
American  Eevolution  would  never  have  taken  place.  And 
through  this  long  expei'ience  of  self-government  by  the 
people  of  the  colonies  was  acquired  an  extended  knowl- 
edge of  the  principles  of  government,  and  a  vigorous  dem- 
ocratic sentiment,  which  rendered  the  form  of  government 
adopted  by  independent  America  an  inevitable  necessity 
of  the  situation,  while  the  political  ability  displayed  by 
its  founders  was  the  resultant  of  a  long  experience  in 
self-rule,  and  no  original  outburst  of  legislative  genius,  as 
is  so  generally  supposed. 

The  causes  of  the  discontent  which  we  have  now  to 
consider  were  industrial  and  executive,  not  legislative, 
and  consisted  of  those  stringent  commercial  and  manufac- 
turing regulations,  and  the  claim  of  the  crown  to  unre- 
stricted powers  of  taxation,  which  had  for  a  long  period 
been  resisted  by  the  colonies.  In  their  earlier  and  weaker 
days  these  evils  were  of  secondary  importance,  but  with 
every  step  of  growth  in  population,  and  of  development 
of  the  resources  of  America,  the  right  to  trade  with  whom 
they  pleased  and  to  manufacture  what  they  pleased  be- 
came of  greater  importance  to  the  colonists,  until  finally 
the  restrictions  in  these  respects  grew  insupportable.  In 
regard  to  the  question  of  taxation,  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts at  an  early  date  strongly  disputed  the  right  of 
taxation  without  representation.  As  time  went  on,  this 
sentiment  spread  to  the  other  colonies,  and  had  become 
vigorously  implanted  in  the  minds  of  all  Americans  by  the 
era  immediately  preceding  the  Eevolution.  That  principle 
which  had  been  long  fought  for  and  eventually  gained  in 
the  home  country,  that  the  people,  through  their  represent- 
atives, alone  had  the  power  to  lay  taxes,  was  naturally 
claimed  in  America  as  an  essential  requisite  of  a  repre- 
sentative government ;  and  it  was  mainly  to  the  effort  of 


HOWITT]         ENGLAND  AND  HER   COLONIES.  397 

the  English  authorities  to  deprive  the  colonists  of  this 
right  that  the  American  Eevolution  was  due. 


ENGLAND  AND  HER  COLONIES. 

MARY  HOWITT. 

[From  the  gracefully-written  work  of  an  English  author  we  select 
a  description  of  the  condition  of  the  colonies,  and  their  relations  to 
the  mother-country,  in  the  period  immediately  succeeding  the  French 
and  Indian  War,  extending  the  review  to  the  date  of  the  passage  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  The  most  important  event  of  the  period,  outside 
of  the  political  difficulties,  was  that  known  as  Pontiac's  Conspiracy, 
an  Indian  war  of  extended  proportions  and,  for  a  time,  of  phenome- 
nal success.  Pontiac,  a  Shawnee  chief,  in  the  year  1763,  organized  a 
scheme  of  attack  upon  the  frontier  forts  and  settlements,  the  details 
of  which  were  arranged  with  the  utmost  craft  and  secrecy.  The 
Cherokees,  and  the  Six  Nations  with  the  exception  of  the  Senecas, 
kept  out  of  the  conspiracy,  but  the  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  and  most  of 
those  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  in  the  vicinity  of 
Detroit,  were  included,  the  leading  tribes  being  the  Shawnees  and 
Dela  wares. 

At  the  appointed  time  the  warriors  fell  furiously  upon  the  fron- 
tiers of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania.  Great  numbers  of 
the  settlers  were  massacred,  though  many  took  the  alarm  in  time  to 
escape.  For  twenty  miles  inland  the  settlements  were  ruined.  The 
traders  among  the  Indians  were  murdered  and  their  effects  seized  by 
the  savages.  But  the  most  important  result  of  the  outbreak,  from  a 
military  point  of  view,  was  the  capture  of  several  of  the  frontier  forts. 
A  number  of  the  smaller  forts — Le  Boeuf,  Venango,  Presque  Isle, 
Michilimackinac,  and  others — were  taken  by  the  savages,  and  the 
garrisons  generally  massacred.  The  large  and  important  forts  of  De- 
troit, Niagara,  and  Pitteburg  were  fiercely  assailed.  Amherst  quickly 
sent  detachments  to  relieve  these  forts.  That  sent  to  Detroit,  after 
reinforcing  the  garrison,  fell  into  an  ambuscade  of  the  enemy,  and  met 
I.  84 


398  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HowiTT 

with  heavy  loss.  The  remainder  took  refuge  in  the  fort,  from  which 
the  besiegers  soon  after  retired. 

The  fort  of  Pittsburg  was  assailed  with  unusual  skill  and  obstinacy 
for  Indian  combatants.  The  post  was  ill  prepared  for  a  siege,  and  was 
maintained  with  difficulty  against  the  furious  assault.  An  expedition 
under  Colonel  Bouquet,  sent  to  its  relief,  was  ambuscaded  on  the 
march,  and  furiously  assailed.  The  assault  was  one  of  the  most  per- 
sistent and  skilfully  conducted  ever  made  by  Indians,  and  only  the 
steady  discipline  of  the  English  and  the  skill  of  their  leader  saved 
them  from  destruction.  For  seven  hours  the  battle  continued,  and  it 
was  renewed  the  next  day  with  undiminished  fury.  The  English 
were  worn  out  by  the  repeated  assaults  of  the  ferocious  enemy,  who 
displayed  a  combined  caution  and  intrepidity  which  were  gradually 
wasting  away  the  troops.  Advance  and  retreat  became  alike  impos- 
sible, and  complete  destruction  seemed  inevitable.  At  this  crisis 
Colonel  Bouquet  essayed  a  manoeuvre  which  fortunately  proved  suc- 
cessful. Part  of  the  troops  retired  as  if  in  flight,  while  the  others 
seemed  endeavoring  to  cover  the  flight.  On  perceiving  this,  the  sav- 
ages abandoned  their  cautious  tactics,  and,  emerging  from  their  covers, 
rushed  in  rage  and  triumph  on  the  seemingly  flying  army.  This  was 
what  Bouquet  had  desired,  and,  the  English  turning  on  them  with  the 
skill  and  vigor  of  disciplined  troops,  they  were  routed  with  immense 
slaughter.  Several  of  their  ablest  chiefs  fell,  and,  despairing  of  success, 
they  fled  in  terror.  Four  days  afterwards,  Bouquet  reached  the  fort, 
from  which  the  besiegers  at  once  withdrew. 

An  assault  was  now  made  on  the  fort  at  Niagara.  The  same  tactics 
were  applied  here.  A  convoy  of  provisions  was  assailed  and  captured  ; 
and  a  lake-fight  took  place  between  canoes  and  a  provision-schooner, 
in  which  the  savages  were  repulsed.  Finally  the  fort  was  relieved  ; 
but  the  Indians  continued  a  predatory  warfare  until  the  following 
spring  and  summer,  when  they  were  assailed  with  such  spirit  and  suc- 
cess that  they  were  forced  to  sue  for  peace.  The  articles  of  the  treaty 
were  very  stringent,  and  greatly  increased  the  strength  of  the  English 
hold  on  the  Western  country. 

One  unfortunate  result  of  this  war  was  the  inflaming  of  the  passions 
of  the  settlers  to  deeds  of  unprovoked  murder.  A  society  of  peaceful 
Indians,  converted  to  Christianity  by  the  Moravian  missionaries,  re- 
siding in  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania,  were  attacked  and  indis- 
criminately butchered  by  a  party  of  settlers  from  the  neighboring 
township  of  Paxton.  These  "  Paxton  Boys"  even  broke  open  the  jail 


HOWITT]         ENGLAND  AND  HER  COLONIES.  399 

at  Lancaster,  and  murdered  the  Indians  who  had  been  placed  there  as 
a  measure  of  safety.  The  proclamations  of  the  governor  against  these 
outrages  were  disdained,  and  the  sanguinary  mob  marched  upon  Phila- 
delphia, with  the  purpose  of  slaughtering  the  Indians  who  had.  been 
taken  thither.  There  was  much  sympathy  with  the  murderers  in  the 
city ;  but  a  body  of  the  more  respectable  inhabitants,  including  many 
young  Quakers,  armed  in  defence  of  the  refugees.  The  Paxton  Boys 
advanced  to  Germantown,  the  governor  fled  in  dismay,  and  the  prov- 
ince seemed  on  the  brink  of  civil  war.  Franklin  and  some  others, 
however,  expostulated  with  the  insurgents,  and  finally  prevailed  on 
them  to  give  up  their  purpose  and  return  home. 

The  accompanying  account  of  political  events  we  extract  from  Mary 
Howitt's  "  History  of  the  United  States."] 

THE  war  between  England  and  France,  though  at  an 
end  on  the  continent  of  America,  was  still  continued 
among  the  West  India  islands,  France  in  this  case  also 
being  the  loser.  Martinique,  Grenada,  St.  Lucia,  St.  Vin- 
cent's,— every  island,  in  fact,  which  France  possessed 
among  the  Caribbees, — passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish. Besides  which,  being  at  the  same  time  at  war  with 
Spain,  England  took  possession  of  Havana,  the  key  to  the 
whole  trade  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

In  November,  1763,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at 
Paris,  which  led  to  further  changes,  all  being  favorable 
to  Britain ;  whilst  Martinique,  Guadeloupe,  and  St.  Lucia 
were  restored  to  France,  England  took  possession  of  St. 
Vincent's,  Dominica,  and  Tobago  islands,  which  had 
hitherto  been  considered  neutral.  By  the  same  treaty  all 
the  vast  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  with  the  exception  of  the  island 
of  New  Orleans,  was  yielded  up  to  the  British  ;  and  Spain, 
in  return  for  Havana,  ceded  her  possession  of  Florida. 
Thus,  says  Hildreth,  was  vested  in  the  British  crown,  as 
far  as  the  consent  of  rival  European  claimants  could  give 
it,  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole  eastern  half  of  North 


400  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Howrrr 

America,  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  Hudson's  Bay  and 
the  Polar  Ocean.  By  the  same  treaty  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  was  free  to  both  nations.  France  at  the 
same  time  gave  to  Spain,  as  a  compensation  for  her  losses 
in  the  war,  all  Louisiana  west  of  the  Mississippi,  which 
contained  at  that  time-  about  ten  thousand  inhabitants,  to 
whom  this  transfer  was  very  unsatisfactory.  .  .  . 

The  conquest  of  Canada  and  the  subjection  of  the  East- 
ern Indians  giving  security  to  the  colonists  of  Maine,  that 
province  began  to  expand  and  flourish.  The  counties 
of  Cumberland  and  Lincoln  were  added  to  the  former 
single  county  of  York,  and  settlers  began  to  occupy  the 
lower  Kennebec  and  to  extend  themselves  along  the  coast 
towards  the  Penobscot.  Nor  was  this  northern  expansion 
confined  alone  to  Maine;  settlers  began  to  occupy  both 
sides  of  the  upper  Connecticut,  and  to  advance  into  new 
regions  beyond  the  Green  Mountains  towards  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  a  beautiful  and  fertile  country  which  had  first  be- 
come known  to  the  colonists  in  the  late  war.  Homes  were 
growing  up  in  Yermont.  In  the  same  manner  population 
extended  westward  beyond  the  Allegbanies  as  soon  as  the 
Indian  disturbances  were  allayed  in  that  direction.  The 
go-ahead  principle  was  ever  active  in  British  America. 
The  population  of  Georgia  was  beginning  to  increase 
greatly,  and  in  1763  the  first  newspaper  of  that  colony 
was  published,  called  the  "  Georgia  Gazette."  A  vital 
principle  was  operating  also  in  the  new  province  of  East 
Florida,  now  that  she  ranked  among  the  British  posses- 
sions. In  ten  years  more  was  done  for  the  colony  than 
had  been  done  through  the  whole  period  of  the  Spanish 
occupation.  A  colony  of  Greeks  settled  about  this  time 
on  the  inlet  still  known  as  New  Smyrna ;  and  a  body  of 
settlers  from  the  banks  of  the  Roanoke  planted  themselves 
in  West  Florida,  near  Baton  Eouge. 


Ho  WITT]         ENGLAND  AND  HER  COLONIES.  401 

Nor  was  this  increase  confined  to  the  newer  provinces : 
the  older  ones  progressed  in  the  same  degree.  Hildreth 
calls  this  the  golden  age  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  South 
Carolina,  which  were  increasing  in  population  and  produc- 
tions at  a  rate  unknown  before  or  since.  In  the  North, 
leisure  was  found  for  the  cultivation  of  literature,  art,  and 
social  refinement.  The  six  colonial  colleges  were  crowded 
with  students ;  a  medical  college  was  established  in  Penn- 
sylvania, the  first  in  the  colonies ;  and  West  and  Copley, 
both  born  in  the  same  year, — the  one  in  New  York,  the 
other  in  Boston, — proved  that  genius  was  native  to  the 
New  World,  though  the  Old  afforded  richer  patronage. 
Besides  all  this,  the  late  wars  and  the  growing  difficulties 
with  the  mother-country  had  called  forth  and  trained  able 
commanders  for  the  field,  and  sagacious  intellects  for  the 
control  of  the  great  events  which  were  at  hand. 

A  vast  amount  of  debt,  as  is  always  the  case  with  war, 
was  the  result  of  the  late  contests  in  America.  With 
peace,  the  costs  of  the  struggle  began  to  be  reckoned. 
The  colonies  had  lost,  by  disease  or  the  sword,  above  thirty 
thousand  men ;  and  their  debt  amounted  to  about  four 
million  pounds,  Massachusetts  alone  having  been  reim- 
bursed by  Parliament.  The  popular  power  had,  however, 
grown  in  various  ways ;  the  colonial  Assemblies  had  re- 
sisted the  claims  of  the  royal  and  proprietary  governors 
to  the  management  and  irresponsible  expenditure  of  the 
large  sums  which  were  raised  for  the  war,  and  thus  the 
executive  influence  became  transferred  in  considerable 
degree  from  the  governors  to  the  colonial  Assemblies. 
Another  and  still  more  dangerous  result  was  the  martial 
spirit  which  had  sprung  up,  and  the  discovery  of  the 
powerful  means  which  the  colonists  held  in  their  hands  for 
settling  any  disputed  points  of  authority  and  right  with 
the  mother-country.  The  colonies  had  of  late  been  a 
l.—aa  34* 


402  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Howrrr 

military  college  to  her  citizens,  in  which,  though  they  had 
performed  the  hardest  service  and  had  been  extremely 
offended  and  annoyed  by  the  superiority  assumed  by  the 
British  officers  and  their  own  subordination,  yet  they  had 
been  well  trained,  and  had  learned  their  own  power  and 
resources.  The  conquest  of  New  France,  in  great  measure, 
cost  England  her  colonies. 

England  at  the  close  of  the  war — at  the  close,  in  fact, 
of  four  wars  within  seventy  years — found  herself  burdened 
with  a  debt  of  one  hundred  and  forty  million  pounds;  and 
as  it  was  necessary  now  to  keep  a  standing  army  in  her 
colonies,  to  defend  and  maintain  her  late  conquests,  the 
scheme  of  colonial  taxation  to  provide  a  regular  and  certain 
revenue  began  again  to  be  agitated.  Already  England 
feared  the  growing  power  and  independence  of  her  colo- 
nies, and  even  at  one  moment  hesitated  as  to  whether  it 
were  not  wiser  to  restore  Canada  to  France,  in  order  that 
the  proximity  of  a  powerful  rival  might  keep  them  in 
check  and  secure  their  dependence  on  the  mother-country. 
As  far  as  the  colonists  themselves  were  concerned,  we  are 
assured  by  their  earlier  historians  that  the  majority  had 
no  idea  of  or  wish  to  separate  themselves  from  England, 
and  that  the  utmost  which  they  contemplated  by  the 
conquest  of  Canada  was  the  freedom  from  French  and 
Indian  wars,  and  that  state  of  tranquil  prosperity  which 
would  leave  them  at  liberty  to  cultivate  and  avail  them- 
selves of  the  productions  and  resources  of  an  affluent  land. 
The  true  causes  which  slowly  alienated  the  colonies  from 
the  parent  state  may  be  traced  back  to  the  early  encroach- 
ments on  their  civil  rights  and  the  restrictive  enactments 
against  their  commerce. 

The  Americans  were  a  bold  and  independent  people  from 
the  beginning.  They  came  to  the  shores  of  the  New 
"World,  the  greater  and  better  part  of  them,  republicans 


HOWITT]         ENGLAND  AND  HER   COLONIES.  403 

in  feeling  and  principle.  "  They  were  men  who  scoffed  at 
the  rights  of  kings,  and  looked  upon  rulers  as  public  ser- 
vants bound  to  exercise  their  authority  for  the  benefit  of 
the  government,  and  ever  maintained  that  it  is  the  inalien- 
able right  of  the  subject  freely  to  give  his  money  to  the 
crown  or  to  withhold  it  at  his  discretion."  Such  were  the 
Americans  in  principle,  yet  were  they  bound  to  the  mother- 
country  by  old  ties  of  affection,  and  by  no  means  wished 
to  rush  into  rebellion.  It  was  precisely  the  case  of  the 
son  grown  to  years  of  discretion,  whom  an  unreasonable 
parent  seeks  still  to  coerce,  until  the  hitherto  dutiful 
though  clear-headed  and  resolute  son  violently  breaks  the 
bonds  of  parental  authority  and  asserts  the  independence 
of  his  manhood.  The  human  being  would  have  been  less 
'worthy  in  submission ;  the  colonies  would  have  belied  the 
strong  race  which  planted  them,  had  they  done  otherwise. 
England  believed  that  she  had  a  right  to  dictate  and 
change  the  government  of  the  colonies  at  her  pleasure, 
and  to  regulate  and  restrict  their  commerce  ;  and  for  some 
time  this  was,  if  not  patiently  submitted  to,  at  least  allowed. 
The  navigation  acts  declared  that,  for  the  benefit  of  Brit- 
ish shipping,  no  merchandise  from  the  English  colonies 
should  be  imported  into  England  excepting  by  English 
vessels ;  and,  for  the  benefit  of  English  manufacturers,  pro- 
hibited exportation  from  the  colonies,  nor  allowed  articles 
of  domestic  manufacture  to  be  carried  from  one  colony  to 
another ;  she  forbade  hats,  at  one  time,  to  be  made  in  the 
colony  where  beaver  abounded  ;  at  another,  that  any  hat- 
ter should  have  above  two  apprentices  at  one  time ;  she 
subjected  rum,  sugar,  and  molasses  to  exorbitant  duties  on 
importation;  she  forbade  the  erection  of  iron-works  and 
the  preparation  of  steel,  or  the  felling  of  pitch  and  white- 
pine  trees  unless  in  enclosed  lands.  To  some  of  these 
laws,  though  felt  to  be  an  encroachment  on  their  rights, 


404  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Howrrr 

the  colonies  submitted  patiently  ;  others,  as,  for  instance, 
the  duties  on  sugar  and  molasses,  they  evaded  and  opposed 
in  every  possible  way,  and  the  British  authorities,  from 
the  year  1733,  when  these  duties  were  first  imposed,  to 
1761,  made  but  little  resistance  to  this  opposition.  At  this 
latter  date,  however,  George  III.  having  then  ascended 
the  throne,  and  being,  as  Charles  Townshend  described 
him,  "  a  very  obstinate  young  man,"  it  was  determined  to 
enforce  this  law,  and  "  writs  of  assistance,"  in  other  words, 
search-warrants,  were  issued,  by  means  of  which  the  royal 
custom-house  officers  were  authorized  to  search  for  goods 
which  had  been  imported  without  the  payment  of  duty. 
The  people  of  Boston  opposed  and  resented  these  meas- 
ures ;  and  their  two  most  eminent  lawyers,  Oxenbridge 
Thacher  and  James  Otis,  expressed  the  public  sentiment 
in  the  strongest  language.  Spite  of  search-warrants  and 
official  vigilance,  the  payment  of  these  duties  was  still 
evaded,  and  smuggling  increased  to  a  great  extent,  while 
the  colonial  trade  with  the  West  Indies  was  nearly  de- 
stroyed. 

In  1764  the  sugar-duties  were  somewhat  reduced,  as  a 
boon  to  the  colonies,  but  new  duties  were  imposed  on  arti- 
cles which  had  hitherto  been  imported  free ;  at  the  same 
time,  Lord  Grenville  proposed  a  new  impost  in  the  form 
of  a  stamp-tax.  All  pamphlets,  almanacs,  newspapers,  all 
bonds,  notes,  leases,  policies  of  insurance,  together  with  all 
papers  used  for  legal  purposes,  in  order  to  be  valid  were 
to  be  drawn  on  stamped  paper,  to  be  purchased  only  from 
the  king's  officers  appointed  for  that  purpose.  This  plan 
met  with  the  entire  approbation  of  the  British  Parliament, 
but  its  enactment  was  deferred  until  the  following  year,  in 
order  that  the  colonies  might  have  an  opportunity  of  ex- 
pressing their  feelings  on  the  subject.  Though  deference 
was  thus  apparently  paid  to  their  wishes,  the  intention 


HOWITT]         ENGLAND  AND  HER   COLONIES.  405 

of  the  British  government  was  no  longer  concealed.  The 
preamble  of  the  bill  openly  avowed  the  intention  of  rais- 
ing revenue  from  "  his  majesty's  dominions  in  America ;" 
the  same  act  gave  increased  power  to  the  admiralty  courts, 
and  provided  more  stringent  means  for  enforcing  the  pay- 
ment of  duties  and  punishing  their  evasion. 

The  colonies  received  the  news  of  these  proposed  meas- 
ures with  strong  indignation.  Massachusetts  instructed 
her  agent  in  London  to  deny  the  right  of  Parliament  to 
impose  duties  and  taxes  on  a  people  who  were  not  repre- 
sented in  the  House  of  Commons.  "  If  we  are  not  repre- 
sented," said  they,  "  we  are  slaves."  A  combination  of  all 
the  colonies  for  the  defence  of  their  common  interests  was 
suggested. 

Otis,  who  had  published  a  pamphlet  on  Colonial  Eights, 
seeing  the  tide  of  public  indignation  rising  very  high, 
inculcated  "  obedience"  and  "  the  duty  of  submission ;"  but 
this  was  not  a  doctrine  which  the  Americans  were  then  in 
a  state  of  mind  to  listen  to.  Better  suited  to  their  feeling 
was  Thacher's  pamphlet  against  all  Parliamentary  taxa- 
tion. Ehode  Island  expressed  the  same ;  so  did  Maryland, 
by  the  secretary  of  the  province ;  so  did  Virginia,  by  a 
leading  member  of  her  House  of  Burgesses.  Strong  as 
the  expression  of  resentment  was  in  the  colonies,  addresses 
in  a  much  milder  strain  were  prepared  to  the  king  and 
Parliament  from  most  of  them,  New  York  alone  express- 
ing boldly  and  decidedly  the  true  nature  of  her  feelings, 
the  same  tone  being  maintained  by  Ehode  Island. 

But  the  minds  of  the  British  monarch  and  his  ministers 
were  not  to  be  influenced  either  by  the  remonstrances  and 
pleadings  of  the  colonies  or  their  agents  in  London,  or  of 
their  few  friends  in  Parliament.  Grenville,  the  minister, 
according  to  prearrangement,  brought  in  his  bill  for  col- 
lecting a  stamp-tax  in  America,  and  it  passed  the  House 


406  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HILDRETH 

of  Commons  five  to  one,  and  in  the  House  of  Lords  there 
was  neither  division  on  the  subject  nor  the  slightest  oppo- 
sition. This  act  was  to  come  into  operation  on  the  1st 
day  of  November  of  the  same  year.  It  was  on  the  occa- 
sion of  its  discussion  in  the  House  of  Commons  that 
Colonel  Barre,  who  had  fought  with  Wolfe  at  Louisburg 
and  Quebec,  electrified  the  House  with  his  burst  of  elo- 
quence in  reply  to  one  of  the  ministers  who  spoke  of  the 
colonists  as  "  children  planted  by  our  care,  nourished  by 
our  indulgence,  and  protected  by  our  arms."  "  They 
planted  by  your  care !"  retorted  Barre.  "  No ;  your  op- 
pression planted  them  in  America.  They  nourished  by 
your  indulgence !  They  grew  up  by  your  neglect  of  them. 
They  protected  by  your  arms !  Those  sons  of  liberty 
have  nobly  taken  up  arms  in  your  defence.  I  claim  to 
know  more  of  America  than  most  of  you,  having  been 
conversant  in  that  country.  The  people,  I  believe,  are  as 
truly  loyal  subjects  as  the  king  has,  but  a  people  jealous 
of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them  should  they 
ever  be  violated." 

The  day  after  the  Stamp  Act  had  passed  the  House, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  then  in  London  as  agent  for  Phila- 
delphia, wrote  the  news  to  his  friend  Charles  Thomson. 
"  The  sun  of  libei-ty,"  said  he,  "  is  set ;  you  must  light  up 
the  candles  of  industry  and  economy."  "  We  shall  light 
up  torches  of  quite  another  kind,"  was  the  reply. 


HOW  THE  STAMP  ACT  WAS  RECEIVED  IN  AMERICA. 

RICHARD   HILDRETH. 

[Although  the  British  Parliament  had  passed,  and  refused  to  repeal, 
highly  oppressive  acts  regarding  commerce  and  manufactures,  it  had 
never  hitherto  attempted  to  levy  direct  taxes.  The  nearest  approach 


HILDRETH]    HOW  THE  STAMP  ACT  WAS  RECEIVED.     407 

to  this  was  in  the  rates  for  postage  ;  but  in  these  the  pay  was  volun- 
tary and  for  services  rendered,  and  it  provoked  no  opposition.  The 
proposition,  therefore,  to  lay  a  direct  tax  on  the  colonies  was  re- 
ceived by  them  all  with  disapproval,  though  the  degrees  of  outspoken 
dissent  widely  differed.  In  Boston,  which  had  always  been  the  centre 
of  democratic  sentiment  in  America,  the  protest  was  made  in  no  un- 
certain tone.  The  House  of  Eepresentatives  resolved,  "  That  the  im- 
position of  duties  and  taxes  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  upon 
a  people  not  represented  in  the  House  of  Commons,  is  absolutely  ir- 
reconcilable with  their  rights."  The  pamphlet  issued  by  James  Otis, 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  article,  vigorously  asserted  this  principle, 
and  declared,  "  If  we  are  not  represented,  we  are  slaves."  He  main- 
tained, as  one  of  the  "  natural  rights  of  man,"  that  taxes  could  not  be 
levied  upon  the  people  "  but  by  their  consent  in  person  or  by  deputa- 
tion." The  energetic  protests  published  greatly  intensified  the  feeling 
of  resistance  to  the  Parliamentary  scheme.  The  passage  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  therefore,  was  regarded  throughout  America  as  a  high-handed 
violation  of  the  liberties  of  the  people.  At  the  same  time  a  clause 
had  been  inserted  into  the  Mutiny  Act,  authorizing  as  many  troops  to 
be  sent  to  America  as  the  ministers  saw  fit.  The  colonies  in  which 
these  might  be  stationed  were  required  to  furnish  them  with  quarters,. 
fire-wood,  bedding,  drink,  soap,  and  candles.  The  story  of  the  events 
which  followed  the  passage  of  these  dictatorial  acts  we  select  from 
Richard  Hildreth's  "  History  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  a  work 
which,  while  lacking  vivacity  of  manner,  is  justly  valued  for  its  merit 
as  a  trustworthy  history.] 


of  the  passage  of  these  acts  reached  Virginia 
while  the  Assembly  was  sitting.  The  aristocratic  leaders 
in  that  body  hesitated.  The  session  approached  its  close, 
and  not  one  word  seemed  likely  to  be  said.  But  the  rights 
of  the  colonies  did  not  fail  of  an  advocate.  Patrick  Henry 
had  already  attracted  the  attention  of  the  House  by  his 
successful  opposition  to  Eobinson's  proposed  paper  money 
loan.  Finding  the  older  and  more  weighty  members  un- 
likely to  move,  he  assumed  the  responsibility  of  intro- 
ducing a  series  of  resolutions  which  claimed  for  the  inhab- 
itants of  Virginia  all  the  rights  of  born  British  subjects; 


408  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HILDRETH 

denied  any  authority  anywhere,  except  in  the  provincial 
Assembly,  to  impose  taxes  upon  them;  and  denounced  the 
attempt  to  vest  that  authority  elsewhere,  as  inconsistent 
with  the  ancient  Constitution,  and  subversive  of  British 
as  well  as  of  American  liberty.  Upon  the  introduction  of 
these  resolutions  a  hot  debate  ensued.  "  Casar  had  his 
Brutus,"  said  Henry,  "  Charles  I.  his  Cromwell,  and  George 

III. "     "  Treason !  treason  !"  shouted  the  Speaker,  and 

the  cry  was  re-echoed  from  the  House.  "  George  III.," 
said  Henry,  firmly,  "  may  profit  by  their  example.  If  that 
be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it !"  In  spite  of  the  opposi- 
tion of  all  the  old  leaders,  the  resolutions  passed,  the  fifth 
and  most  emphatic  by  a  majority  of  only  one  vote.  The 
next  day,  in  Henry's  absence,  the  resolutions  were  recon- 
sidered, softened,  and  the  fifth  struck  out.  But  a  manu- 
script copy  had  already  been  sent  to  Philadelphia ;  and, 
circulating  through  the  colonies  in  their  original  form, 
these  resolutions  gave  everywhere  a  strong  impulse  to  the 
popular  feeling. 

[In  Massachusetts  a  committee  recommended  that  a  convention  or 
congress,  composed  of  deputies  from  the  several  colonies,  should  meet 
at  New  York  in  the  following  October,  to  consider  what  action  the 
colonies  should  take  in  regard  to  the  recent  acts.] 

Before  the  stamps  reached  America,  symptoms  of  a 
violent  ferment  appeared.  A  great  elm  in  Boston,  at  the 
corner  of  the  present  Washington  and  Essex  Streets,  under 
which  the  opponents  of  the  Stamp  Act  were  accustomed 
to  assemble,  soon  became  famous  as  "  liberty  tree."  Those 
persons  supposed  to  favor  the  ministry  were  hung  in  effigy 
on  the  branches  of  this  elm.  A  mob  attacked  the  house 
of  Oliver,  secretary  of  the  colony,  who  had  been  appointed 
stamp-distributor  for  Massachusetts,  broke  his  windows, 
destroyed  his  furniture,  pulled  down  a  small  building  sup-, 
posed  to  be  intended  for  a  stamp  office,  and  frightened 


HILDRETH]    HO  W  THE  STAMP  ACT  WAS  RECEIVED.     409 

Oliver  into  a  resignation.  Jonathan  Mayhew,  the  able 
minister  of  the  West  Church  in  Boston,  .  .  .  preached  a 
warm  sermon  against  the  Stamp  Act,  taking  for  his  text, 
"I  would  they  were  even  cut  off  which  trouble  you!" 
The  Monday  evening  after  this  sermon  the  riots  were  re- 
newed. The  mob  attacked  the  house  of  Story,  registrar 
of  the  Admiralty,  and  destroyed  not  only  the  public  files 
and  records,  but  his  private  papers  also.  Next  they  en- 
tered and  plundered  the  house  of  the  controller  of  the 
customs ;  and,  maddened  with  liquor  and  excitement,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  mansion  of  Hutchinson,  in  North  Square. 
The  lieutenant-governor  and  his  family  fled  for  their  lives. 
The  house  was  completely  gutted,  and  the  contents  burned 
in  bonfires  kindled  in  the  square.  Along  with  Hutchin- 
son's  furniture  and  private  papers  perished  many  invalu- 
able manuscripts  relating  to  the  history  of  the  province, 
which  Hutchinson  had  been  thirty  years  in  collecting,  and 
which  it  was  impossible  to  replace. 

[These  acts  were  disclaimed  by  the  more  respectable  citizens.  Yet 
the  rioters,  though  well  known,  went  unpunished,  and  had  undoubtedly 
the  secret  sympathy  of  the  community.] 

Throughout  the  Northern  colonies,  associations  on  the 
basis  of  forcible  resistance  to  the  Stamp  Act,  under  the 
name  of  "  Sons  of  Liberty,"  sprang  suddenly  into  existence. 
Persons  of  influence  and  consideration,  though  they  might 
favor  the  object,  kept  aloof,  however,  from  so  dangerous 
a  combination,  which  consisted  of  the  young,  the  ardent, 
those  who  loved  excitement  and  had  nothing  to  lose.  The 
history  of  these  "  Sons  of  Liberty"  is  very  obscure ;  but 
they  seem  to  have  spread  rapidly  from  Connecticut  and 
New  York  into  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and  New- 
Jersey,  and  to  have  taken  up  as  their  special  business  the 
intimidation  of  the  stamp  officers.  In  all  the  colonies  these 

35 


410  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HILDRETH 

officers  were  persuaded  or  compelled  to  resign  ;  and  such 
stamps  as  arrived  either  remained  unpacked,  or  else  were 
seized  and  burned.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  unan- 
imously adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  denouncing  the 
Stamp  Act  as  "  unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  their 
dearest  rights."  Public  meetings  to  protest  against  it  were 
held  throughout  the  colonies.  The  holding  of  such  meet- 
ings was  quite  a  new  incident,  and  formed  a  new  era  in 
colonial  history. 

[On  the  day  appointed  by  Massachusetts  for  the  meeting  of  the 
First  Colonial  Congress,  committees  from  nine  colonies  met  in  New 
York.  Various  reasons  prevented  the  others  from  joining.] 

In  the  course  of  a  three  weeks'  session,  a  Declaration 
of  the  Rights  and  Grievances  of  the  Colonies  was  agreed 
to.  All  the  privileges  of  Englishmen  were  claimed  by  this 
declaration  as  the  birthright  of  the  colonists, — among  the 
rest,  the  right  of  being  taxed  only  by  their  own  consent. 
Since  distance  and  local  circumstances  made  a  represen- 
tation in  the  British  Parliament  impossible,  these  repre- 
sentatives, it  was  maintained,  could  be  no  other  than  the 
several  colonial  Legislatures.  Thus  was  given  a  flat  neg- 
ative to  a  scheme  lately  broached  in  England  by  Pownall 
and  others  for  allowing  to  the  colonies  a  representation  in 
Parliament,  a  project  to  which  both  Otis  and  Franklin 
seem  at  first  to  have  leaned. 

A  petition  to  the  king  and  memorials  to  each  House  of 
Parliament  were  also  prepared,  in  which  the  cause  of  the 
colonies  was  eloquently  pleaded.  .  .  .  The  several  colonial 
Assemblies,  at  their  earliest  sessions,  gave  to  the  proceed- 
ings a  cordial  approval.  .  .  . 

The  first  day  of  November,  appointed  for  the  Stamp 
Act  to  go  into  operation,  came  and  went,  but  not  a  stamp 
was  anywhere  to  be  seen.  Two  companies  of  rioters 


HILDBETH]    HOW  THE  STAMP  ACT  WAS  RECEIVED.     411 

paraded  that  evening  the  streets  of  New  York,  demanding 
the  delivery  of  the  stamps,  which  Colden,  on  the  resigna- 
tion of  the  stamp-distributor  and  his  refusal  to  receive 
them,  had  taken  into  the  fort.  Colden  was  hung  in  effigy. 
His  carriage  was  seized,  and  made  a  bonfire  of  under  the 
muzzles  of  the  guns ;  after  which  the  mob  proceeded  to  a 
house  in  the  outskirts,  then  occupied  by  Major  James,  of 
the  Koyal  Artillery,  who  had  made  himself  obnoxious  by 
his  free  comments  on  the  conduct  of  the  colonists.  James's 
furniture  and  property  were  destroyed,  as  Hutchinson's 
had  been.  General  Gage,  the  commander-in- chief  of  the 
British  forces  in  America,  was  at  New  York,  but  the 
regular  garrison  in  the  fort  was  very  small.  Alarmed  for 
the  safety  of  the  city,  and  not  willing  to  take  any  respon- 
sibility, as  Sir  Henry  Moore,  the  recently-appointed  gov- 
ernor, was  every  day  expected,  Colden  agreed,  by  Gage's 
advice,  the  captain  of  a  British  ship  of  war  in  the  harbor 
having  refused  to  receive  them,  to  give  up  the  stamps 
to  the  mayor  and  corporation.  They  were  accordingly 
deposited  in  the  City  Hall,  under  a  receipt  given  by  the 
mayor. 

[A  committee  was  next  day  appointed  which]  soon 
brought  forward  an  agreement  to  import  no  more  goods 
from  Great  Britain  till  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed, — the 
commencement  of  a  system  of  retaliation  on  the  mother- 
country  repeatedly  resorted  to  in  the  course  of  the  strug- 
gle. This  non-importation  agreement,  to  which  a  non- 
consumption  agreement  was  presently  added,  besides  being 
extensively  signed  in  New  York,  was  adopted  also  in 
Philadelphia  and  Boston.  At  the  same  time,  and  as  part 
of  the  same  plan,  a  combination  was  entered  into  for  the 
support  of  American  manufactures,  the  wearing  of  Amer- 
ican cloths,  and  the  increase  of  sheep  by  ceasing  to  eat 
lamb  or  mutton. 


412  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HILDRETH 

Business,  suspended  for  a  while,  was  presently  resumed. 
Stamped  papers  were  required  in  judicial  proceedings,  but 
by  continuing  the  cases  before  them,  or  going  on  without 
notice  of  the  deficiency,  even  the  judges,  after  some  hesita- 
tion, concurred  in  nullifying  the  act. 

[A  change  in  the  English  ministry,  news  of  which  now  reached 
America,  encouraged  the  colonists  in  their  policy  of  resistance.  Gren- 
ville,  the  promoter  of  the  Stamp  Act,  had  been  succeeded  by  the 
Marquis  of  Roekingham.] 

In  the  address  from  the  throne  at  the  opening  of  the 
session,  the  new  ministry  brought  the  state  of  colonial 
affairs  before  Parliament.  They  produced  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  colonial  governors  and  other  papers  relating 
to  the  late  disturbance.  Numerous  petitions  from  British 
merchants  for  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  were  also 
presented  to  the  two  Houses. 

Pitt,  for  some  time  past  withdrawn  by  sickness  from 
public  affairs,  was  unconnected,  at  this  moment,  with 
either  Grenville's  or  Rockingham's  party.  He  now  ap- 
peared in  his  place  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  de- 
livered his  opinion  "  that  the  kingdom  had  no  right  to 
levy  a  tax  on  the  colonies."  "  The  Commons  in  America, 
represented  in  their  several  Assemblies,  have  invariably 
exercised  the  constitutional  right  of  giving  and  granting 
their  own  money ;  they  would  have  been  slaves  if  they 
had  not;  at  the  same  time,  this  kingdom  has  ever  pos- 
sessed the  power  of  legislative  and  commercial  control. 
The  colonies  acknowledge  your  authority  in  all  things, 
with  the  sole  exception  that  you  shall  not  take  their 
money  out  of  their  pockets  without  their  consent." 

This  decisive  avowal  by  Pitt  made  a  profound  impres- 
sion on  the  House.  After  a  long  pause,  Grenville  rose  to 
vindicate  the  Stamp  Act.  The  tumults  in  America  bor- 


HILDRETH]    HOW  THE  STAMP  ACT  WAS  RECEIVED.     413 

dered,  he  averred,  on  open  rebellion ;  but  if  the  doctrines 
now  promulgated  were  upheld,  they  would  soon  lose  that 
name,  and  become  a  revolution.  Taxation  was  a  branch 
of  the  sovereign  power,  constantly  exercised  by  Parlia- 
ment over  the  unrepresented.  Resorting,  then,  to  a 
method  of  intimidation  common  with  politicians,  "the 
seditious  spirit  of  the  colonies,"  he  said,  "owes  its  birth 
to  the  faction  in  this  House."  This  invidious  assault  was 
met  by  Pitt  with  characteristic  intrepidity.  "  A  charge  is 
brought  against  gentlemen  sitting  in  this  House  of  giving 
birth  to  sedition  in  America.  The  freedom  with  which 
they  have  spoken  their  sentiments  against  this  unhappy 
act  is  imputed  to  them  as  a  crime.  But  the  imputation 
shall  not  discourage  me."  "  We  are  told  America  is  obsti- 
nate— America  is  almost  in  open  rebellion.  Sir,  I 'rejoice 
that  America  has  resisted.  Three  millions  of  people  so 
dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty  as  voluntarily  to  submit 
to  be  slaves,  would  have  been  fit  instruments  to  make 
slaves  of  all  the  rest."  "  The  Americans  have  been 
wronged !  They  have  been  driven  to  madness  by  in- 
justice !  "Will  you  punish  them  for  the  madness  you  have 
occasioned  ?  No !  Let  this  country  be  the  first  to  resume 
its  prudence  and  temper;  I  will  pledge  myself  for  the 
colonies,  that  on  their  part  animosity  and  resentment  will 
cease." 

The  new  ministry  were  under  no  obligation  to  support 
the  policy  of  their  predecessors.  Anxious  to  escape  the 
difficulty  by  the  readiest  means,  they  brought  in  a  bill  for 
repealing  the  Stamp  Act.  Franklin,  summoned  to  the  bar 
of  the  House  as  a  witness,  testified  that  the  act  could 
never  be  enforced.  His  prompt  and  pointed  answers 
gained  him  great  credit  for  information,  acuteness,  and 
presence  of  mind.  In  favor  of  repeal,  Burke,  introduced 
into  Parliament  by  Eockingham,  to  whom  he"  had  been 
i.  35* 


414  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FRANKLIN 

private  secretary,  and  for  one  of  whose  rotten  boroughs 
he  sat,  gave  his  eloquent  support.  In  spite  of  a  very 
strenuous  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  supporters  of  the 
late  ministry,  the  bill  of  repeal  was  carried  in  the  Com- 
mons by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  to  one 
hundi'ed  and  sixty-seven. 

But  the  ministers  by  no  means  went  the  length  of  Pitt. 
They  placed  the  repeal  on  the  ground  of  expediency 
merely,  and  they  softened  the  opposition  by  another  bill 
previously  passed,  which  asserted  the  power  and  right  of 
Parliament  "  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 
Lord  Camden,  formerly  Chief-Justice  Pratt,  made  a  vig- 
orous opposition  to  this  bill  in  the  House  of  Lords.  "  My 
position  is  this — I  repeat  it ;  I  will  maintain  it  to  the  last 
hour — taxation  and  representation  are  inseparable.  The 
position  is  founded  in  the  law  of  nature.  It  is  more ;  it  is 
itself  an  eternal  law  of  nature."  Lord  Mansfield,  on  the 
other  hand,  maintained  the  sovereign  power  of  Parliament 
as  including  the  right  to  tax, — an  idea  quite  too  flattering 
to  the  pride  of  authority  to  be  easily  relinquished. 


A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

[As  a  very  interesting  feature  of  the  literature  relating  to  the  pas- 
sage and  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  we  select  from  the  works  of  Frank- 
lin some  of  the  more  striking  features  of  his  examination  before  the 
House  of  Commons,  referred  to  in  the  preceding  article.  This  selec- 
tion we  credit  to  Franklin  (though  its  actual  source  is  the  Journal  of 
the  House  of  Commons),  since  all  in  it  beyond  the  brief  questions  is 
due  to  Franklin  himself.  As  a  whole  it  presents  an  important  picture 


FRANKLIN]   A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION.  415 

of  the  condition  and  sentiments  of  the  Americans,  as  reflected  in  the 
mind  of  their  ablest  advocate.] 

1.  Q.  What  is  your  name,  and  place  of  abode  ? 
A.  Franklin,  of  Philadelphia. 

2.  Q.  Do   the  Americans   pay  any  considerable   taxes 
among  themselves? 

A.  Certainly  many,  and  very  heavy  taxes. 

3.  Q.  What  are  the  present  taxes  in  Pennsylvania,  laid 
by  the  laws  of  the  colony  ? 

A.  There  are  taxes  on  all  estates  real  and  personal ;  a 
poll-tax ;  a  tax  on  all  offices,  professions,  trades,  and  busi- 
nesses, according  to  their  profits ;  an  excise  on  all  wine, 
rum,  and  other  spirits  ;  and  a  duty  of  ten  pounds  per  head 
on  all  negroes  imported,  with  some  other  duties. 

4.  Q.  For  what  purposes  are  those  taxes  laid  ? 

A.  For  the  support  of  the  civil  and  military  establish- 
ments of  the  country,  and  to  discharge  the  heavy  debt 
contracted  in  the  last  war.  .  .  . 

7.  Q.  Are  not  all  the  people  very  able  to  pay  those 
taxes? 

A.  No.  The  frontier  counties,  all  along  the  continent, 
having  been  frequently  ravaged  by  the  enemy  and  greatly 
impoverished,  are  able  to  pay  very  little  tax.  And  there- 
fore, in  consideration  of  their  distresses,  our  late  tax  laws 
do  expressly  favor  those  counties,  excusing  the  sufferers  j 
and  I  suppose  the  same  is  done  in  other  governments.  .  .  . 

22.  Q.  How  many  white  men  do  you  suppose  there  are 
in  North  America  ? 

A.  About  three  hundred  thousand,  from  sixteen  to  sixty 
years  of  age. 

23.  Q.  What  may  be  the  amount  of  one  year's  imports 
into  Pennsylvania  from  Britain  ? 

A.  I  have  been  informed  that  our  merchants  compute 


416  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FRANKLIN 

the  imports  from  Britain  to  be  above  five  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds. 

24.  Q.  What  may  be  the  amount  of  the  produce  of  your 
province  exported  to  Britain  ? 

A.  It  must  be  small,  as  we  produce  little  that  is  wanted 
in  Britain.  I  suppose  it  cannot  exceed  forty  thousand 
pounds.  .  .  . 

27.  Q.  Do  you  think  it  right  that  America  should  bo 
protected  by  this  country  and  pay  no  part  of  the  expense  ? 

A.  That  is  not  the  case.  The  colonies  raised,  clothed, 
and  paid,  during  the  last  war,  near  twenty-five  thousand 
men,  and  spent  many  millions. 

28.  Q.  Were  you  not  reimbursed  by  Parliament  ? 

A.  We  were  only  reimbursed  what,  in  your  opinion, 
we  had  advanced  beyond  our  proportion,  or  beyond  what 
might  reasonably  be  expected  from  us ;  and  it  was  a  very 
small  part  of  what  we  spent.  Pennsylvania,  in  particular, 
disbursed  about  five  hundred  thousand  pounds,  and  the 
reimbursements,  in  the  whole,  did  not  exceed  sixty  thou- 
sand pounds. 

29.  Q.  You  have  said  that  you  pay  heavy  taxes  in  Penn- 
sylvania ;  what  do  they  amount  to  in  the  pound  ? 

A.  The  tax  on  all  estates,  real  and  personal,  is  eighteen 
pence  in  the  pound,  fully  rated ;  and  'the  tax  on  the  profits 
of  trades  and  professions,  with  other  taxes,  do,  I  suppose, 
make  full  half  a  crown  in  the  pound.  .  .  . 

36.  Q.  What  was  the  temper  of  America  towards  Great 
Britain  before  the  year  1763  ? 

A.  The  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted  willingly  to 
the  government  of  the  crown,  and  paid,  in  their  courts, 
obedience  to  the  acts  of  Parliament.  Numerous  as  the 
people  are  in  the  several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you 
nothing  in  forts,  citadels,  garrisons,  or  armies,  to  keep  them 
in  subjection.  They  were  governed  by  this  country  at  the 


A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION.  417 

expense  only  of  a  little  pen,  ink,  and  paper;  they  were  led 
by  a  thread.  They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but  an  affection 
for  Great  Britain ;  for  its  laws,  its  customs  and  manners, 
and  even  a  fondness  for  its  fashions,  that  greatly  increased 
the  commerce.  Natives  of  Britain  were  always  treated 
with  particular  regard ;  to  be  an  Old-England  man  was 
of  itself  a  character  of  some  respect,  and  gave  a  kind  of 
rank  among  us. 

37.  Q.  And  what  is  their  temper  now  ?     • 

A.  Oh,  very  much  altered.  .  .  . 

40.  Q.  In  what  light  did  the  people  of  America  use  to 
consider  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  ? 

A.  They  considered  the  Parliament  as  the  great  bul- 
wark and  security  of  their  liberties  and  privileges,  and 
always  spoke  of  it  with  the  utmost  respect  and  venera- 
tion. Arbitrary  ministers,  they  thought,  might  possibly, 
at  times,  attempt  to  oppress  them ;  but  they  relied  on  it 
that  the  Parliament,  on  application,  would  always  give 
redress.  They  remembered,  with  gratitude,  a  strong  in- 
stance of  this,  when  a  bill  was  brought  into  Parliament, 
with  a  clause  to  make  royal  instructions  laws  in  the  colo- 
nies, which  the  House  of  Commons  would  not  pass,  and  it 
was  thrown  out. 

41.  Q.  And  have  they  not  still  the  same  respect   for 
Parliament  ? 

A.  No ;  it  is  greatly  lessened. 

42.  Q.  To  what  cause  is  that  owing? 

A.  To  a  concurrence  of  causes :  the  restraints  lately  laid 
on  their  trade,  by  which  the  bringing  of  foreign  gold  and 
silver  into  the  colonies  was  prevented ;  the  prohibition 
of  making  paper  money  among  themselves,  and  then  de- 
manding a  new  and  heavy  tax  by  stamps,  taking  away, 
at  the  same  time,  trials  by  juries,  and  refusing  to  receive 
and  hear  their  humble  petitions, 
i.—  bb 


418  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FRANKLIN 

43.  Q.  Don't  you  think  they  would  submit  to  the 
Stamp  Act,  if  it  was  modified,  the  obnoxious  parts  taken 
out,  and  the  duty  reduced  to  some  particulars  of  small 
moment  ? 

A.  No,  they  will  never  submit  to  it.  ... 

59.  Q.  You  say  the  colonies  have  always  submitted  to 
external  taxes,  and  object  to  the  right  of  Parliament  only 
in  laying  internal  taxes:  now  can  you  show  that  there  is 
any  kind  of  difference  between  the  two  taxes  to  the  colony 
on  which  they  may  be  laid  ? 

A.  I  think  the  difference  is  very  great.  An  external 
tax  is  a  duty  laid  on  commodities  imported ;  that  duty  is 
added  to  the  first  cost  and  other  charges  on  the  com- 
modity, and,  when  it  is  offered  to  sale,  makes  a  part  of 
the  price.  If  the  people  do  not  like  it  at  that  price,  they 
refuse  it ;  they  are  not  obliged  to  pay  it.  But  an  internal 
tax  is  forced  from  the  people  without  their  consent,  if  not 
laid  by  their  own  representatives.  The  Stamp  Act  says, 
we  shall  have  no  commerce,  make  no  exchange  of  property 
with  each  other,  neither  purchase,  nor  grant,  nor  recover 
debts,  we  shall  neither  marry  nor  make  our  wills,  unless 
we  pay  such  and  such  sums;  and  thus  it  is  intended  to 
extort  our  money  from  us,  or  ruin  us  by  the  consequences 
of  refusing  to  pay  it. 

60.  Q.  But  supposing  the  external  tax  or  duty  to  be 
laid  on  the  necessaries  of  life,  imported  into  your  colony, 
will  not  that  be  the  same  thing  in  its  effects  as  an  internal 
tax? 

A.  I  do  not  know  a  single  article  imported  into  the 
northern  colonies,  but  what  they  can  either  do  without, 
or  make  themselves. 

61.  Q.  Don't  you  think  cloth  from  England  absolutely 
necessary  to  them  ? 

A.   No,  by  no   means   absolutely  necessary ;   with   in- 


FRANKLIN]   A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION.  419 

dustry  and  good  management,  they  may  very  well  supply 
themselves  with  all  they  want. 

62.  Q.  "Will  it  not  take  a  long  time  to  establish  that 
manufacture  among  them?  and  must  they  not  in  the 
mean  while  suffer  greatly? 

A.  I  think  not.  They  have  made  a  surprising  progress 
already.  And  I  am  of  opinion,  that  before  their  old 
clothes  are  worn  out,  they  will  have  new  ones  of  their 
own  making.  .  .  . 

82.  Q.  Can  anything  less   than  a  military  force  carry 
the  Stamp  Act  into  execution  ? 

A.  I  do  not  see  how  a  military  force  can  be  applied  to 
that  purpose. 

83.  Q.  Why  may  it  not  ? 

A.  Suppose  a  military  force  sent  into  America,  they  will 
find  nobody  in  arms;  what  are  they  then  to  do?  They 
cannot  force  a  man  to  take  stamps  who  chooses  to  do 
without  them.  They  will  not  find  a  rebellion ;  they  may 
indeed  make  one. 

84.  Q.  If  the  acjt  is  not  repealed,  what  do  }*ou  think 
will  be  the  consequences? 

A.  A  total  loss  of  the  respect  and  affection  the  people  of 
America  bear  to  this  country,  and  of  all  the  commerce 
that  depends  on  that  respect  and  affection. 

85.  Q.  How  can  the  commei-ce  be  affected  ? 

A.  You  will  find,  that  if  the  act  is  not  repealed,  they 
will  take  a  very  little  of  your  manufactures  in  a  short  time. 

86.  Q.  Is  it  in  their  power  to  do  without  them? 
A.  I  think  they  may  very  well  do  without  them. 

87.  Q.  Is  it  their  interest  not  to  take  them  ? 

A.  The  goods  they  take  from  Britain  are  either  neces- 
saries, mere  conveniences,  or  superfluities.  The  first,  as 
cloth,  etc.,  with  a  little  industry  they  can  make  at  home; 
the  second  they  can  do  without,  till  they  are  able  to  pro- 


420  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FRANKLIN 

vide  them  amon<j  themselves ;   and  the  last,  which  are 

O  ' 

much  the  greatest  part,  they  will  strike  off  immediately. 
They  are  mere  articles  of  fashion,  purchased  and  consumed 
because  the  fashion  in  a  respected  country ;  but  will  now 
be  detested  and  rejected. 

[Here  follow  a  series  of  questions  relating  to  the  operation  of  the 
post-office,  the  duties  on  tobacco  and  sugar,  the  condition  of  the 
American  people,  etc.] 

121.  Q.  If  the  act  should  be  repealed,  and  the  legisla- 
ture should  show  its  resentment  to  the  opposers  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  would  the  colonies  acquiesce  in  the  authority 
of  the  legislature  ?     What  is  your  opinion  they  would  do  ? 

A.  I  don't  doubt  at  all,  that  if  the  legislature  repeal  the 
Stamp  Act,  the  colonies  will  acquiesce  in  the  authority. 

122.  Q.  But  if  the  legislature  should  think  fit  to  ascer- 
tain its  right  to  lay  taxes,  by  any  act  laying  a  small  tax, 
contrary  to  their  opinion,  would  they  submit  to  pay  the 
tax? 

A.  The  proceedings  of  the  people  in  America  have  been 
considered  too  much  together.  The  proceedings  of  the 
Assemblies  have  been  very  different  from  those  of  the 
mobs,  and  should  be  distinguished,  as  having  no  connec- 
tion with  each  other.  The  Assemblies  have  only  peace- 
ably resolved  what  they  take  to  be  their  rights ;  they  have 
taken  no  measures  for  opposition  by  force,  they  have  not 
built  a  fort,  raised  a  man,  or  provided  a  grain  of  ammu- 
nition, in  order  to  such  opposition.  The  ringleaders  of 
riots,  they  think,  ought  to  be  punished ;  they  would  pun- 
ish them  themselves,  if  they  could.  Every  sober,  sensible 
man  would  wish  to  see  rioters  punished,  as,  otherwise, 
peaceable  people  have  no  security  of  person  or  estate ; 
but  as  to  an  internal  tax,  how  small  soever,  laid  by  the 
legislature  here  on  the  people  there,  while  they  have  no 


FRANKLIN]   A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION.  421 

representatives  in  this  legislature,  I  think  it  will  never  be 
submitted  to ;  they  will  oppose  it  to  the  last;  they  do  not 
consider  it  as  at  all  necessary  for  you  to  raise  money  on 
them  by  your  taxes ;  because  they  are,  and  always  have 
been,  ready  to  raise  money  by  taxes  among  themselves, 
and  to  grant  large  sums,  equal  to  their  abilities,  upon 
requisition  from  the  crown. 

[Franklin  proceeded  to  express  the  opinion  that  the  late  war  had 
been  conducted  by  England  for  her  own  interests,  und  that  it  was  not, 
in  a  proper  sense,  a  war  for  the  good  of  the  colonies.] 

127.  Q.  Is  it  not  necessary  to  send  troops  to  America 
to  defend  the  Americans  against  the  Indians  ? 

A.  No,  by  no  means;  it  never  was  necessary.  They 
defended  themselves  when  they  were  but  a  handful,  and 
the  Indians  much  more  numerous.  They  continually 
gained  ground,  and  have  driven  the  Indians  over  the 
mountains,  without  any  troops  sent  to  their  assistance 
from  this  country.  And  can  it  be  thought  necessary  now 
to  send  troops  for  their  defence  from  those  diminished 
Indian  tribes,  when  the  colonies  have  become  so  populous 
and  so  strong?  There  is  not  the  least  occasion  for  it; 
they  are  very  able  to  defend  themselves.  .  .  . 

132.  Q.  If  the  Stamp  Act  should  be  repealed,  and  an 
act  should  pass,  ordering  the  Assemblies  of  the  colonies  to 
indemnify  the  sufferers  by  the  riots,  would  they  obey  it? 

A.  That  is  a  question  I  cannot  answer. 

133.  Q.  "Suppose  the  King  should  require  the  colonies 
to  grant  a  revenue,  and  the  Parliament  should  be  against 
their  doing  it,  do  they  think  they  can  grant  a  revenue  to 
the  King,  without  the  consent  of  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain  ? 

A.  That  is  a  deep  question.     As  to  my  own  opinion,  I 
should  think  myself  at  liberty  to  do  it,  and  should  do  it, 
if  I  liked  the  occasion.  .  .  . 
i.  86 


422  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [FRANKLIN 

135.  Q.  If  the  act  should  pass  requiring  the  American 
Assemblies  to  make  compensation  to  the  sufferers,  and 
they  should  disobey  it,  and  then  the  Parliament  should,  by 
another  act,  lay  an  internal  tax,  would  they  then  obey  it  ? 

A.  The  people  will  pay  no  internal  tax ;  and  I  think  an 
act  to  oblige  the  Assemblies  to  make  compensation  is  un- 
necessary;  for  I  am  of  opinion  that  as  soon  as  the  present 
heats  are  abated  they  will  take  the  matter  into  considera- 
tion, and,  if  it  is  right  to  be  done,  they  will  do  it  of  them- 
selves. .  .  . 

152.  Q.  Don't  you  know  that  there  is  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania charter  an  express  reservation  of  the  right  of  Parlia- 
ment to  lay  taxes  there  ? 

A.  I  know  there  is  a  clause  in  the  charter  by  which  the 
King  grants  that  he  will  levy  no  taxes  on  the  inhabitants, 
unless  it  be  with  the  consent  of  the  Assembly,  or  by  act 
of  Parliament. 

153.  Q.  How,  then,  could  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
assert  that  laying  a  tax  on  them  by  the  Stamp  Act  was  an 
infringement  of  their  rights  ? 

A.  They  understand  it  thus ;  by  the  same  charter,  and 
otherwise,  they  are  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  liber- 
ties of  Englishmen  ;  they  find  in  the  Great  Charters,  and 
the  Petition  and  Declaration  of  Rights,  that  one  of  the 
privileges  of  English  subjects  is  that  they  are  not  to  be 
taxed  but  by  their  common  consent ;  they  have  therefore 
relied  upon  it,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the1  province, 
that  the  Parliament  never  would,  nor  could,  by  color  of 
that  clause  in  the  charter,  assume  a  right  of  taxing  them, 
till  it  had  qualified  itself  to  exercise  such  right,  by  admit- 
ting representatives  from  the  people  to  be  taxed,  who 
ought  to  make  a  part  of  that  common  consent. 

154.  Q.  Are  there  any  words  in  the  charter  that  justify 
that  construction  ? 


FRANKLIN]   A  PARLIAMENTARY  EXAMINATION.  423 

A.  "The  common  rights  of  Englishmen,"  as  declared 
by  Magna  Charta,  and  the  Petition  of  Eight,  all  justify 
it.  ... 

166.  Q.  If  the  Stamp  Act  should  be  repealed,  would  it 
induce  the  Assemblies  of  America  to   acknowledge  the 
rights  of  Parliament  to  tax  them,  and  would  they  erase 
their  resolutions? 

A.  No,  never. 

167.  Q.  Are  there  no  means  of  obliging  them  to  erase 
those  resolutions  ? 

A.  None  that  I  know  of;  they  will  never  do  it,  unless 
compelled  by  force  of  arms. 

168.  Q.  Is  there  a  power  on  earth  that  can  force  them 
to  erase  them? 

A.  No  power,  how  great  soever,  can  force  men  to  change 
their  opinions. 

169.  Q.  Do  they  consider  the  post-office  as  a  tax,  or  as 
a  regulation? 

A.  Not  as  a  tax,  but  as  a  regulation  and  conveniency ; 
every  Assembly  encouraged  it,  and  supported  it  in  its 
infancy,  by  grants  of  money,  which  they  would  not  other- 
wise have  done;  and  the  people  have  always  paid  the 
postage.  .  .  . 

173.  Q.  What  used  to  bo  the  pride  of  the  Americans? 
A.  To   indulge   in   the   fashions  and  manufactures  of 

Great  Britain. 

174.  Q.  What  is  now  their  pride? 

A.  To  wear  their  old  clothes  over  again  till  they  can 
make  new  ones. 


424  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [Locos 

THE  GROWTH  OF  DISCONTENT. 

HENRY   C.    LODGE. 

[One  important  result  of  the  dissensions  between  America  and  Eng- 
land, and  of  the  revolutionary  sentiment  which  was  rapidly  extending, 
was  the  growth  of  a  powerful  school  of  oratory,  the  necessary  outcome 
of  political  agitation.  Numbers  of  glowing  orators  appeared,  whose 
eloquent  appeals  did  much  towards  spreading  the  flame  of  discontent 
and  sustaining  the  people  in  their  ardent  resistance  to  the  tyranny  of 
the  British  Parliament.  The  most  important  of  these  political  leaders 
and  orators  were  natives  of  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  and  South  Caro- 
lina. In  Virginia  the  brilliant  declamations  of  Patrick  Henry  were 
firebrands  of  revolution.  Other  skilled  and  accomplished  orators  were 
Edmund  Pendleton,  Richard  Bland,  George  Wythe,  Peyton  Randolph, 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee.  Two  other  Virginians  of  extraordinary  abili- 
ties we  may  here  name,  George  Washington,  already  the  greatest  sol- 
dier in  America,  and  Thomas  Jeiferson,  a  man  of  remarkable  powers, 
all  of  which  were  steadily  exerted  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty. 

To  the  skill  and  ardor  of  Otis  and  Thacher,  as  defenders  of  the 
rights  of  their  countrymen,  we  have  already  adverted.  Not  less  ardent 
and  fearless  was  Samuel  Adams,  one  of  the  greatest  of  ante-Revolu- 
tionary Americans.  Other  prominent  leaders  in  Massachusetts  were 
John  Hancock,  Thomas  Gushing,  and  James  Bowdoin,  merchants ; 
Samuel  Cooper,  a  clergyman  ;  Josiah  Quincy  and  Robert  Treat  Paine, 
lawyers  ;  and  John  Winthrop,  a  Harvard  professor.  The  notable  ora- 
tors of  South  Carolina  were  John  Rutledge,  whose  powers  rivalled 
those  of  Patrick  Henry  ;  Christopher  Gadsden,  a  fearless  republican  ; 
Henry  Laurens,  David  Ramsay,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  brother  of  John, 
and  whose  eloquence  was  as  graceful  as  his  brother's  was  impetuous. 
"We  might  add  to  these  names  those  of  men  of  equal  ability,  daring, 
and  patriotism  in  the  other  provinces,  but  it  will  suffice  here  to  name 
Benjamin  Franklin  of  Pennsylvania,  to  whose  services  in  the  cause  of 
liberty  we  have  already  given  some  attention,  and  who,  mentally,  was 
one  of  the  greatest  men  that  the  world  has  ever  produced.  To  his 
name  may  be  added  that  of  Thomas  Paine,  an  advocate  of  liberty  of 
remarkable  brilliance  of  style  and  uncompromising  courage  in  pub- 
lishing his  sentiments.  Of  the  stirring  events  which  followed  the  re- 


LODGE]  THE  GROWTH  OF  DISCONTENT.  425 

peal  of  the  Stamp  Act  we  give  a  brief  but  lucid  review  from  Lodge's 
"  Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies  in  America."] 

THE  sound  of  the  rejoicings  called  forth  by  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act  had  hardly  died  away  before  it  was  seen 
how  little  had  really  been  gained  beyond  immediate  and 
temporary  relief.  The  Stamp  Act  was  gone,  but  the 
Declaratory  Act,  and  the  Sugar  Act,  and  the  Mutiny  Act, 
requiring  quarters  to  be  provided  for  English  troops,  and 
recently  extended  to  the  colonies,  remained  unmodified 
and  unchanged.  The  Rockingham  ministry  was  dissolved ; 
Pitt  came  again  to  the  helm,  and  was  made  the  Earl  of 
Chatham.  The  clouds  of  his  strange  illness  gathered 
about  the  prime  minister,  and  the  conduct  of  affairs  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Charles  Townshend,  a  believer  in  the 
Stamp  Act,  and  with  no  faith  in  Pitt's  distinction  between 
internal  and  external  taxation.  He  was  determined  to 
pursue  the  policy  of  Grenville,  and  laid  his  plans  to  quar- 
ter garrisons  in  the  large  towns  of  America  and  have 
them  supported  by  the  colonial  Assemblies,  and  to  exact 
a  revenue  from  the  colonies.  The  trouble  had,  indeed 
already  begun  in  New  York,  where  the  Assembly,  which 
had  passed  a  limited  act  for  the  supply  of  two  regiments 
in  December,  1766,  refused  to  provide  for  quartering 
troops,  and  stood  firm  through  a  long  controversy  with 
Sir  Henry  Moore.  In  the  following  spring.  Parliament, 
under  the  lead  of  Townshend,  suspended  the  legislative 
powers  of  New  York,  as  a  punishment  for  their  disobedi- 
ence. This  was  a  warning  which  could  not  be  mistaken. 
In  the  other  colonies,  even  when  requisitions  were  com- 
plied with,  there  was  careful  evasion  of  obedience  to  the 
terms  of  the  act,  and  sympathy  with  New  York  spread 
far  and  wide,  carrying  with  it  deep  disquiet  and  indigna- 
tion. Not  content  with  beginning  to  enforce  the  Mutiny 
Act,  Townshend  carried  measures  to  impose  port  duties 

80* 


426  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LODGE 

on  wine,  oil,  and  fruit  from  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  on 
glass,  paper,  lead,  colors,  and  tea.  The  revenue  thus  raised 
was  to  be  used  for  the  payment  of  the  crown  officers,  and 
for  the  establishment  of  a  civil  list.  This  was  a  blow  at 
the  most  vital  rights  of  the  colonies,  for  it  took  from  them 
the  control  of  their  governments.  The  new  policy,  un- 
checked by  the  death  of  Townshend  in  the  autumn  of 
1767,  excited  the  utmost  apprehension  in  America,  and 
fanned  into  flame  the  smouldering  embers  of  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  Stamp  Act.  Again  non-importation  agree- 
ments were  discussed,  but  without  combination  or  effect ; 
and  Massachusetts,  thoroughly  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of 
independent  crown  officers,  determined  on  stronger  meas- 
ures. The  Assembly  resolved  to  send  a  petition  to  the 
king,  and  letters  to  the  statesmen  of  England.  In  the 
petition,  drawn,  probably,  by  Samuel  Adams,  the  Assembly 
set  forth  the  conditions  of  their  settlement,  argued  against 
taxation  without  representation,  and  protested  against  the 
presence  of  a  standing  army,  and  the  project  of  render- 
ing the  judicial  and  executive  officers  independent  of  the 
people.  They  followed  this  action  by  a  resolve  inviting 
the  other  colonies  to  unite  with  them  in  petitions  to  the 
king  against  the  new  taxation.  At  every  step  Bernard  and 
Hutchinson  resisted  the  Assembly,  which  moved  forward 
steadily,  cautiously,  and  firmly,  making  no  mistakes,  and 
giving  no  openings.  Bernard  and  the  crown  officers  met 
the  action  of  the  Assembly  by  a  counter-memorial,  inveigh- 
ing against  the  freedom  and  independent  temper  of  the 
colonists,  and  advising  the  immediate  presence  of  fleets  and 
armies, — supporting  their  requests  with  tales  of  projected 
riots,  for  the  people  had  begun  to  be  restless,  although 
there  was  really  no  danger  of  any  serious  outbreak. 

Hillsborough,  the  new  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  king's 
friends  were  indignant  at  the  action  of  Massachusetts,  and 


LODGE]  THE  GROWTH  OF  DISCONTENT.  427 

letters  were  sent  to  the  other  colonies  denouncing  the 
Massachusetts  circular,  and  to  Bernard  instructing  him  to 
order  the  House  to  rescind  their  resolve,  and,  if  they  re- 
fused, to  dissolve  them.  Meantime,  the  excitement  in- 
creased. John  Hancock's  sloop  Liberty  was  seized,  on  the 
ground  of  evasion  of  the  customs.  There  was  a  slight 
disturbance,  and  revenue  officers,  in  pretended  fear  of  their 
lives,  took  refuge  on  the  Eomney  man-of-war,  while  the 
town  and  the  governor  quarrelled  about  the  affair.  "When 
the  general  court  met,  strengthened  by  the  sympathy  of 
Connecticut  and  New  Jersey,  and  by  the  letter  of  Virginia, 
where  their  principles  had  been  sustained  by  resolutions 
of  the  Burgesses,  Hillsborough's  letter  was  presented. 
The  House,  by  an  overwhelming  vote,  refused  to  rescind; 
the  court  was  dissolved,  and  Massachusetts  was  left  with- 
out a  legislature.  Boston  town  meeting  took  into  its  hands 
the  power  which  Hillsborough  and  Bernard  sought  to 
crush.  They  called  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the 
towns  of  the  province  while  troops  were  on  their  way  to 
Massachusetts;  and  this  convention  came  together,  de- 
manded in  vain  a  general  court,  passed  strong  resolutions 
against  taxation  and  a  standing  army,  and  adjourned, 
while  the  Council  refused  to  make  provision  for  the  ex- 
pected soldiers  until  the  barracks  were  filled,  and  the  old 
beacon  was  prepared  as  in  the  days  of  Andros.  Soon  after 
the  convention  dissolved,  two  regiments,  presently  in- 
creased to  four,  and  artillery,  landed  and  marched  into  the 
town.  The  Council  refused  quarters  until  the  barracks 
were  occupied ;  and,  after  camping  for  some  time  in  the 
open  air,  the  troops  were  finally  quartered  and  supplied  at 
the  expense  of  the  crown.  No  measure  could  possibly 
have  been  taken  better  calculated  to  produce  civil  war. 
The  troops  were  sent  to  overawe,  and  they  merely  irritated 
the  people.  Into  a  peaceful  town,  into  a  province  which 


428  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LODGE 

had  simply  remonstrated  and  petitioned  legally  and  prop- 
erly in  defence  of  their  rights,  were  suddenly  thrust  royal 
regiments.  The  strong  feeling  of  independence  in  a  coun- 
try where  garrisons  were  absolutely  unknown  was  out- 
raged, while  the  bad  character  and  licentious  habits  of  the 
soldiery  incensed  a  rigid,  austere,  and  sober  people.  At- 
tempts at  military  coercion  and  the  presence  of  troops 
were  sure  to  breed  trouble;  and,  worse  than  this,  they  not 
only  awakened  the  sympathy  of  the  other  colonies,  but 
alarmed  them  for  their  own  safety.  It  was  outside  press- 
ure and  peril  in  its  strongest  form,  and  nothing  tended 
BO  strongly  to  produce  the  union  which  alone  could  be 
fatal  to  English  rule. 

In  Virginia,  when  the  Burgesses  met,  resolutions  were 
passed  declaring  against  taxation,  and  asserting  the  right 
to  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage,  and  to  combination 
among  the  colonies.  Botetourt  dissolved  the  Assembly, 
and  the  Burgesses  met  in  convention  and  formed  a  strin- 
gent non-importation  agreement.  Virginia  carried  with 
her  the  Southern  colonies,  and  her  example  was  followed 
in  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania,  and  when  the  general 
court  came  together  again  in  Massachusetts  they  promptly 
adopted  the  resolutions.  Some  of  the  troops  had  been 
withdrawn ;  but  two  regiments  were  kept  on  Bernard's 
request,  and  he  and  the  legislature  were  in  no  good  humor 
when  they  met  at  Cambridge,  whither  the  governor  ad- 
journed them.  The  House  refused  flatly  to  provide  for 
ti'oops,  or  to  give  a  salary  for  the  year  to  Bernai'd,  who 
was  recalled,  and  who  soon  after,  having  prorogued  the 
refractory  Assembly,  departed  from  Boston,  amid  the 
noisy  rejoicings  of  the  populace,  leaving  Hutchinson  to 
rule  in  his  stead.  While  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  were 
thus  coming  together  and  preparing  the  American  Union, 
the  ministry  in  England,  halting  and  undecided,  rather 


LODGE]  THE  GROWTH  OF  DISCONTENT.  429 

frightened  at  the  results  of  their  energetic  policy,  and 
desperately  embroiled  with  Wilkes,  decided  to  recede. 
They  sent  a  circular  to  the  colonies,  promising  to  lay  no 
more  taxes,  and  to  repeal  the  duties  on  glass,  paper,  and 
colors,  retaining  only  that  on  tea.  Their  action  was  that 
of  well-meaning,  narrow,  and  weak  men.  They  should 
either  then  and  there  have  enforced  their  policy  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  or  they  should  have  fully  and  frankly 
given  way  on  every  point.  To  save  their  pride,  maintain 
their  doctrines,  and  please  the  king,  they  retained  one 
paltry  tax,  yielding  perhaps  three  hundred  pounds  a  year, 
but  which  carried  the  vital  principle  with  it  as  surely  and 
clearly  as  revenue  involving  millions.  The  course  of  the 
ministry  had  slowly  brought  the  conflict  to  the  point  at 
which  complete  victory  on  one  side  or  the  other  was  alone 
possible.  The  colonies  were  fully  alive  to  the  situation, 
and  saw  that  while  one  tax  remained  nothing  had  been 
gained.  The  non-importation  agreements  spread  every- 
where, and  were  strongly  enforced,  and  all  society  was 
drawn  into  a  refusal  to  use  tea.  Conflicts  with  the  rev- 
enue officers  in  Ehode  Island  and  elsewhere  grew  more 
and  more  frequent,  and  the  relations  of  the  people  with 
the  soldiery  in  New  York  and  Boston  more  and  more 
strained.  In  New  York  there  were  violent  affrays  between 
the  soldiers  and  the  people  over  the  erection  of  the  liberty- 
pole,  and  there  was  fighting  in  the  streets.  These  out- 
breaks heightened  the  feeling  in  Boston,  where  the  soldiers 
were  taunted  and  insulted,  and  where  recurring  fights 
between  populace  and  red-coats  showed  that  a  crisis  was 
at  hand.  On  the  3d  of  March  there  was  an  ugly  brawl, 
and  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  there  was  another  fray,  and 
trouble  with  the  sentry.  Before  quiet  was  restored  there 
was  renewed  fighting,  and  a  crowd  gathered  round  the 
sentry  in  King  Street.  Alarmed  and  angry,  the  man 


430  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LODGE 

called  out  the  guard  ;  the  mob  rapidly  increased  ;  insults 
were  followed  by  missiles  ;  one  soldier  discharged  his  gun  ; 
there  was  a  scattering  fire  from  the  troops,  and  three  of 
the  citizens  were  killed  and  two  mortally  wounded.  Blood 
had  been  shed,  and  it  looked  as  if  civil  war  had  begun. 
The  regiments  were  turned  out,  the  people  poured  into 
the  streets ;  it  was  a  mere  chance  that  the  American  Rev- 
olution was  not  then  to  open.  But  Hutchinson  appeared 
in  the  balcony  of  the  State-House,  promised  an  investiga- 
tion, and  besought  peace.  The  people  dispersed,  and  war 
was  for  the  moment  averted ;  but  nothing  could  efface  the 
memory  of  this  affray.  Eegular  troops  had  fired  upon 
the  citizens,  human  life  had  been  sacrificed,  and  the  ex- 
aggerated title  of  the  "  Boston  Massacre"  showed  the  im- 
portance attached  to  this  event,  which  served  for  years  to 
keep  alive  and  develop  resistance  to  England. 

The  morning  after  the  massacre  the  select-men  waited 
on  Hutchinson  and  urged  the  removal  of  the  troops.  At 
eleven  the  town  meeting  came  together,  and  chose  a  com- 
mittee, with  Samuel  Adams  at  its  head,  to  wait  upon  the 
governor  and  demand  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops. 
Hutchinson  wished  to  delay  and  postpone.  He  offered  to 
have  the  Twenty-Ninth  Regiment,  which  had  fired  on  the 
people,  removed  to  the  Castle,  and  the  other  put  under 
proper  restraint.  The  committee  went  back  through 
thronged  streets,  and  made  its  report,  which  was  pro- 
nounced unsatisfactory,  and  a  new  committee,  again  headed 
by  Adams,  went  back  to  the  governor.  The  interview 
which  followed  in  the  council-chamber,  as  the  daylight 
slowly  faded,  was  one  of  the  great  dramatic  scenes  of  the 
American  Revolution.  In  that  moment  Samuel  Adams 
was  pre-eminent,  and  all  the  greatness  and  force  of  his 
mind  and  character  concentrated  to  raise  him  up  as  the 
great  tribune  of  the  people.  The  incarnation  of  right  and 


GRAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     431 

justice,  the  true  champion  of  the  people,  he  stood  before 
the  fit  representative  of  a  weak,  vacillating,  proud,  and 
stupid  ministry,  and  made  the  representative  quail  before 
him.  "  If  you  can  remove  one,  you  can  remove  both,"  he 
said  to  Hutchinson ;  "  there  are  three  thousand  people  in 
yonder  town  meeting ;  the  country  is  rising ;  night  is  fall- 
ing ;  and  we  must  have  an  answer."  Hutchinson  hesitated 
a  moment,  trembled,  and  gave  way.  Before  a  week  elapsed, 
all  the  troops  were  withdrawn ;  and  meantime  they  had 
watched  the  funerals  of  their  victims,  seen  their  compan- 
ions arrested  for  murder,  beheld  a  town  meeting  called  to 
hurry  their  departure,  and  had  been  kept  under  strict 
guard  by  the  militia  of  the  town  they  went  forth  to  gar- 
rison. Staying  and  going  were  alike  full  of  humiliation 
and  defeat.  It  was  a  great  triumph ;  and  as  the  news  of 
the  events  at  Boston  spread,  a  strong  sense  of  relief  filled 
the  colonies. 


THE  TEA  TAX  AND  THE  BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 

JAMES  GRAHAME. 

[The  state  of  irritation  into  which  America  had  been  thrown  by  the 
injudicious  measures  of  the  British  Parliament  was  not  allayed  by  its 
subsequent  action.  Before  proceeding  with  the  record  of  these  events, 
reference  may  be  made  to  an  outbreak  which  at  this  time  occurred 
in  North  Carolina,  not  directly  due  to  English  action,  yet  arising 
from  the  corruption  and  inefficiency  of  functionaries  of  the  British 
government.  Abuses  in  the  collection  of  exorbitant  fees  by  public 
officers,  and  in  permitting  the  sheriffs  and  tax-collectors  to  delay  the 
payment  of  public  moneys,  produced  an  association  of  the  poorer  colo- 
nists, who  claimed  that  they  were  being  overtaxed  for  the  support 
of  dishonest  officers,  and  who  assumed  the  title  of  Regulators.  Other 
events  added  to  their  discontent,  and  they  broke  out  into  wild  out- 


432  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GKAHAME 

rages,  assembling  in  1771  to  the  number  of  two  thousand,  and  de- 
claring their  purpose  to  abolish  courts  of  justice,  exterminate  lawyers 
and  public  officers,  and  overturn  the  provincial  government  in  favor 
of  some  mad  scheme  of  democracy  devised  by  their  foolish  or  knavish 
leaders.  The  respectable  part  of  the  community  rose  in  opposition  to 
these  insurgents,  and  in  a  battle  at  Almansee,  on  May  16,  the  Regu- 
lators were  routed,  three  hundred  of  them  being  left  dead  on  the  field. 
Others  were  condemned  and  executed  for  high  treason,  and  peace  was 
restored  to  the  province.  Events  more  directly  connected  with  the 
struggle  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  rapidly  succeeded  in 
the  other  provinces,  a  statement  of  the  more  important  of  which  we 
select  from  Grahame's  "  Colonial  History  of  the  United  States."] 

AN  act  of  violence  committed  by  the  colonists  of  Rhode 
Island,  though  less  memorable  in  respect  of  its  intrinsic 
importance  than  the  insurrection  of  the  Eegulators  in 
North  Carolina,  excited  more  general  attention  from  its 
significance  as  an  indication  of  the  height  to  which  the 
general  current  of  American  sentiment  was  rising.  The 
commander  of  the  Gaspee,  an  armed  British  schooner 
stationed  at  Providence,  had  exerted  much  activity  in 
supporting  the  trade  laws  and  punishing  the  increasing 
contraband  traffic  of  the  Americans,  and  had  provoked 
additional  resentment  by  firing  at  the  Providence  packets 
in  order  to  compel  them  to  salute  his  flag  by  lowering 
theirs  as  they  passed  his  vessel,  and  by  chasing  them  even 
into  the  docks  in  case  of  refusal.  The  master  of  a  packet 
conveying  passengers  to  Providence  (June  9,  1772),  which 
was  fired  at  and  chased  by  the  Gaspee  for  neglecting  to 
pay  the  requisite  tribute  of  respect,  took  advantage  of  the 
state  of  the  tide  (it  being  almost  high  water)  to  stand  in 
so  closely  to  the  shore  that  the  Gaspee  in  the  pursuit 
might  be  exposed  to  run  aground.  The  artifice  succeeded ; 
the  Gaspee  presently  stuck  fast,  and  the  packet  proceeded 
in  triumph  to  Providence,  where  a  strong  sensation  was 
excited  by  the  tidings  of  the  occurrence,  and  a  project  was 


GRAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     433 

hastily  formed  to  improve  the  blow  and  destroy  the  ob- 
noxious vessel.  Brown,  an  eminent  merchant,  and  Whip- 
pie,  a  ship-master,  took  the  lead  in  this  bold  adventure, 
and  easily  collected  a  sufficient  band  of  armed  and  resolute 
men,  with  whom  they  embarked  in  whale-boats  to  attack 
the  British  ship  of  war.  At  two  o'clock  the  next  morning 
they  boarded  the  Gaspee  so  suddenly  and  in  such  num- 
bers that  her  crew  were  instantly  overpowered,  without 
hurt  to  any  one  except  her  commanding  officer,  who  was 
wounded.  The  captors,  having  despatched  a  part  of  their 
number  to  convey  him,  together  with  his  private  effects 
and  his  crew,  ashore,  set  fire  to  the  Gaspee  and  destroyed 
her,  with  all  her  stores.  The  issue  of  this  daring  act  of 
war  against  the  naval  force  of  the  king  was  as  remarkable 
as  the  enterprise  itself.  [A  large  reward  was  offered  for 
information,  and  commissioners  appointed  to  try  the  of- 
fenders.] But  no  trial  took  place.  Nobody  came  forward 
to  claim  the  proffered  reward ;  .  .  .  and  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  following  year  the  commissioners  reported  to 
the  British  ministry  their  inability,  notwithstanding  the 
most  diligent  inquisition,  to  procure  evidence  or  informa- 
tion against  a  single  individual. 

[In  Massachusetts  a  violent  enmity  had  arisen  between  Hutchin- 
Bon,  the  governor,  and  the  majority  of  the  Assembly,  which  produced 
several  controversies.  Among  the  most  notable  of  these  was  the  effort 
of  the  Assembly  to  abolish  the  slave-trade.  In  1712  the  importation 
of  slaves  into  Massachusetts  had  been  forbidden,  but  her  merchants 
were  not  restrained  from  conveying  slaves  to  other  provinces.  No 
fewer  than  four  bills  prohibiting  traffic  in  negroes  were,  during  the  ad- 
ministrations of  Governors  Bernard  and  Hutchinson,  passed  by  the 
Assembly,  but  they  were  all  negatived  by  the  governors.] 

The  British  government,  meanwhile,  having  rashly  de- 
termined to  enforce  the  Tea-duty  Act,  of  which  the  most 
considerable   effect   hitherto  was  a  vast  importation   of 
i. — T        ce  37 


434  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAME 

smuggled  tea  into  America  by  the  French,  the  Dutch,  the 
Danes,  and  the  Swedes,  attempted  to  compass  by  policy 
what  constraint  and  authority  had  proved  insufficient  to 
accomplish.  The  measures  of  the  Americans  had  already 
occasioned  such  diminution  of  exports  from  Britain  that 
the  warehouses  of  the  English  East  India  Company  con- 
tained above  seventeen  millions  of  pounds  of  tea,  for  which 
it  was  difficult  to  procure  a  market.  The  unwillingness 
of  the  Company  to  lose  their  commercial  profits,  and  of 
the  ministry  to  forego  the  expected  revenue  from  the  sale 
of  tea  in  America,  induced  a  compromise  for  their  mutual 
advantage.  A  high  duty  was  imposed  hitherto  on  the  ex- 
portation of  tea  from  England ;  but  the  East  India  Com- 
pany were  now  authorized  by  act  of  Parliament  to  export 
their  tea  free  of  duty  to  all  places  whatever  (May,  1773). 
By  this  contrivance  it  was  expected  that  tea,  though 
loaded  with  an  exceptionable  tax  on  its  importation  into 
America,  would  yet  readily  obtain  purchasers  among  the 
Americans ;  as  the  vendors,  relieved  of  the  British  export 
duty,  could  afford  to  sell  it  to  them  even  cheaper  than 
before  it  was  made  a  source  of  American  revenue. 

The  crisis  now  drew  near  when  the  Americans  were 
to  decide  whether  they  would  submit  to  be  taxed  by  the 
British  Parliament,  or  practically  support  their  own  princi- 
ples and  brave  the  most  perilous  consequences  of  their  in- 
flexibility. One  common  sentiment  was  awakened  through- 
out the  whole  continent  by  the  tidings  of  the  ministerial 
device,  which  was  universally  reprobated  as  an  attempt, 
at  once  injurious  and  insulting,  to  bribe  the  Americans 
to  surrender  their  rights  and  bend  their  own  necks  to 
the  yoke  of  arbitrary  power.  A  violent  ferment  arose; 
the  corresponding  committees  and  political  clubs  ex- 
erted their  utmost  activity  to  rouse  and  unite  the  people ; 
and  it  was  generally  declared  that,  as  every  citizen  owed 


GRAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     435 

to  his  country  the  duty  at  least  of  refraining  from  being 
accessory  to  her  subjugation,  every  man  who  countenanced 
the  present  measure  of  the  British  government  should  be 
deemed  an  enemy  of  America.  .  .  . 

The  East  India  Company,  confident  of  finding  a  market 
for  their  tea,  reduced  as  it  was  now  in  price,  freighted 
several  ships  to  America  with  this  commodity,  and  ap- 
pointed consignees  to  receive  and  dispose  of  it.  Some 
cargoes  were  sent  to  New  York,  some  to  Philadelphia,  some 
to  Charleston,  the  metropolis  of  South  Carolina,  and  some 
to  Boston.  The  inhabitants  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
prevailed  with  the  consignees  to  disclaim  their  functions, 
and  forced  the  ships  to  return  with  their  cargoes  to  London. 
The  inhabitants  of  Charleston  unladed  the  tea,  and  de- 
posited it  in  public  cellars,  where  it  was  locked  up  from 
use  and  finally  perished.  At  Boston,  the  consignees,  who 
were  the  near  kinsmen  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  at  .first 
refused  to  renounce  their  appointments  (November  5);  and 
the  vessels  containing  the  tea  lay  for  some  time  in  the 
harbor,  watched  by  a  strong  guard  of  the  citizens,  who, 
from  a  numerous  town  meeting,  despatched  peremptory 
commands  to  the  ship-masters  not  to  land  their  obnoxious 
cargoes.  .  .  .  [The  consignees]  proposed  then  to  the  people 
that  the  tea  should  be  landed,  and  preserved  in  some  public 
store  or  magazine ;  but  this  compromise  was  indignantly 
rejected.  At  length  the  popular  rage  broke  through  every 
restraint  of  order  and  decency.  From  the  symptoms  of 
its  dangerous  fervor  the  consignees  fled  in  dismay  to  the 
Castle ;  while  an  assemblage  of  men,  dressed  and  painted 
like  Mohawk  Indians,  boarded  the  vessels  and  threw  the 
tea  into  the  ocean  (December  16). 

It  was  remarked  with  some  surprise  that  during  the 
whole  of  this  transaction  the  civil  and  military  force  of 
government,  including  the  garrison  of  Castle  William  and 


436  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAMS 

several  ships  of  war  in  the  harbor,  remained  completely 
inactive.  The  governor,  indeed,  issued  a  proclamation  for- 
bidding the  people  to  assemble  in  factious  meetings.  But 
the  council,  when  their  protection  was  implored  by  the 
consignees,  refused  to  interfere  at  all  in  the  matter;  and 
though,  after  the  outrage  was  committed,  they  condemned 
its  perpetration  and  invoked  legal  vengeance  upon  all  who 
had  been  engaged  in  it,  the  futility  of  this  demonstration 
was  obvious  to  every  eye.  To  procure  legal  proof  that 
would  implicate  even  a  single  individual  was  notoriously 
impossible. 

[Another  source  of  popular  irritation  was  the  proceeding  of  the 
ministry  against  Franklin.  He  had  obtained  and  made  public  some 
letters  of  Hutchinson  and  others,  misrepresenting  the  occurrences  in 
America  and  pressing  the  ministry  to  support  their  schemes  by  mili- 
tary power.  The  Massachusetts  Assembly  now  petitioned  the  king 
to  remove  these  obnoxious  persons  from  office.  This  was  refused,  and 
severe  measures  were  taken  against  Franklin.] 

On  the  following  day  [after  the  rejection  of  the  petition] 
Franklin  was  dismissed  by  the  British  government  from 
the  office  of  postmaster-general  of  America.  These  pro- 
ceedings, and  especially  the  elaborate  malignity  of  insult 
heaped  [during  the  discussion]  upon  a  man  whom  they  so 
highly  admired  and  respected,  sank  deeply  into  the  minds 
of  the  Americans.  Another  act  of  British  power,  that 
was  directed  with  the  most  childish  absurdity  against  the 
scientific  repute  of  Franklin,  awakened  the  liveliest  de- 
rision and  disdain  in  America.  For  the  king,  shortly  after, 
transported  by  the  blindest  abhorrence  of  the  American 
philosopher,  for  whom  he  bad  once  professed  esteem,  actu- 
ally caused  the  electrical  conductors  invented  by  Franklin 
to  be  removed  from  the  palace  of  Buckingham  House  and 
replaced  by  instruments  of  far  less  skilful  construction  and 
efficient  capacity. 


GRAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     437 

[Hutchinson  was  soon  after  recalled  to  England,  ostensibly  to  inform 
the  ministers  regarding  the  state  of  the  colonies.] 

Along  with  Tryon,  who  was  afterwards  recalled  from 
New  York,  and  Carleton,  the  governor  of  Canada,  he  was 
desired  by  the  cabinet  to  declare  his  opinion  whether  the 
Americans,  in  the  last  extremity,  would  venture  to  resist 
the  arms  of  Britain.  Hutchinson  confidently  predicted 
that  they  would  either  not  fight  at  all,  or  at  most  offer  no 
farther  opposition  than  what  a  few  troops  could  easily 
quell.  Carleton  protested  that  America  might  certainly 
be  conquered,  but  that  a  considerable  army  would  be  neces- 
sary for  this  purpose,  and  that,  for  himself,  he  would  not 
venture  to  march  against  New  York  or  Boston  with  a 
smaller  force  than  ten  thousand  men.  Tryon  declared 
that  Britain  would  require  large  armies  and  long  efforts 
to  bring  America  to  her  feet;  that  her  power  was  equal 
to  anything,  but  that  all  her  power  must  be  exerted  in 
order  to  put  the  monster  in  chains.  The  representations  of 
Hutchinson  were  the  most  congenial  to  the  sentiments 
and  the  temper  of  the  British  government;  and,  unfortu- 
nately for  England,  they  were  corroborated  by  the  kin- 
dred folly  and  ignorance  of  many  British  statesmen  and 
officers.  "  The  Americans  are  a  degenei'ate  race  of  Euro- 
peans ;  they  have  nothing  of  the  soldier  in  them,"  was 
the  customary  language  of  men  who  were  destined  by 
their  own  defeats  to  illustrate  the  valor  which  they  depre- 
ciated, and  who  learned  too  late  to  consider  the  Americans 
as  a  regenerated  race  of  Europeans,  in  whom  the  energy 
of  freemen  more  than  supplied  the  mechanical  expcrtness 
of  severely-disciplined  slaves.  General  Clarke  ...  de- 
clared in  a  company  of  learned  men  at  London,  and  in 
the  hearing  of  Dr.  Franklin,  that  with  a  thousand  British 
grenadiers  he  would  undertake  to  march  from  one  end  of 
America  to  another.  .  .  .  Another  general  officer  asserted 

37* 


438  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAME 

in  the  House  of  Commons  that  "The  Yankees  (a  foolish 
nickname  which  now  began  to  be  applied  to  the  Ameri- 
cans) never  felt  bold." 

The  speeches  of  other  military  officers  in  Parliament,  and 
of  the  prime  minister,  Lord  North,  conveyed  ideas  equally 
calculated  to  delude  their  countrymen  and  to  inflame  by 
contumely  all  the  rage  and  courage  which  injustice  and 
injury  had  already  kindled  in  the  Americans.  " Believe 
me,  my  lords,"  said  the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  First  Lord  of 
the  Admiralty,  in  the  House  of  Peers,  "  the  first  sound  of 
a  cannon  will  send  the  Americans  a-running  as  fast  as 
their  feet  can  carry  them."  Unfortunately  for  his  country, 
he  was  believed. 

[During  the  period  here  indicated  the  population  of  America  was 
rapidly  increasing.  "We  have  few  statistics,  but  these  are  very  sugges- 
tive. Seventeen  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty  emigrants  reached 
America  from  the  north  of  Ireland  alone  in  1771  and  1772.  In  the 
first  fortnight  of  August,  1773,  three  thousand  five  hundred  emigrants 
from  Ireland  landed  at  Philadelphia.  Many  others  came  from  Scot- 
land, Holland,  Germany,  and  elsewhere.  The  country  was  fast  filling 
up  with  people  who  had  been  oppressed  at  home  and  who  were  in  the 
proper  temper  to  strike  for  liberty  abroad. 

With  the  infatuation  which  had  all  along  marked  the  acts  of  Par- 
liament and  the  ministry,  new  measures  of  coercion  were  now  adopted, 
calculated  to  increase  the  irritation  of  the  colonists.  Exasperated  by 
the  opposition  to  the  sale  of  tea  in  America,  and  in  particular  by  its 
destruction  at  Boston,  the  ministry  determined  on  more  stringent 
measures,  and  selected  this  town  as  the  culprit  to  be  disciplined.  A 
bill  was  hastily  passed,  suspending  the  trade  and  closing  the  harbor  of 
Boston.  It  was  followed  by  another  bill  destroying  the  representative 
government  of  Massachusetts,  by  declaring  that  the  provincial  council 
should  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  that  the  royal  governor  should  ap- 
point and  remove  all  important  executive  officers,  and  that  no  town 
meeting  should  be  held  without  written  permission  from  the  governor. 

Other  stringent  measures  were  passed,  despite  the  warning  protest 
of  an  old  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  :  "  If  there  ever  was  a 
nation  running  headlong  to  its  ruin,  it  is  this."  The  tidings  of  the 


GRAHAM E]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     439 

passage  of  these  bills  produced  universal  indignation  in  America. 
Philadelphia  made  a  liberal  contribution  in  aid  of  the  poorer  inhabi- 
tants of  Boston  who  might  be  injured  by  the  operation  of  the  Port 
Bill.  In  Virginia  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was  ordered,  and  Jef- 
ferson published  an  indignant  protest.  Strong  feeling  was  exhibited 
in  all  the  other  provinces.] 

On  the  day  when  the  operation  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill 
was  appointed  to  commence  (June  1,  1774)  all  the  com- 
mercial business  of  the  capital  of  Massachusetts  was  con- 
cluded at  noon,  and  the  harbor  of  this  flourishing  town 
was  closed,  till  the  gathering  storm  of  the  Kevolution 
was  to  reopen  it.  At  Williamsburg,  in  Virginia,  the  day 
was  devoutly  consecrated  to  the  religious  exercises  recom- 
mended by  the  Assembly.  At  Philadelphia  it  was  solem- 
nized by  a  great  majority  of  the  population  with  every 
testimonial  of  public  grief;  all  the  inhabitants,  except  the 
Quakers,  shut  up  their  houses ;  and  after  divine  service  a 
deep  and  ominous  stillness  reigned  in  the  city.  In  other 
parts  of  America  it  was  also  observed  as  a  day  of  mourn- 
ing; and  the  sentiments  thus  widely  awakened  were  kept 
alive  and  exasperated  by  the  distress  to  which  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Boston  were  reduced  by  the  continued  operation 
of  the  Port  Bill,  and  by  the  fortitude  with  which  they 
endured  it.  The  rents  of  the  landholders  in  and  around 
Boston  now  ceased  or  were  greatly  diminished ;  all  the 
wealth  vested  in  warehouses  and  wharves  was  rendered 
unproductive ;  from  the  merchants  was  wrested  the  com- 
merce they  had  reared,  and  the  means  alike  of  providing 
for  their  families  and  paying  their  debts;  the  artificers 
employed  in  the  numerous  crafts  nourished  by  an  exten- 
sive commerce  shared  the  general  hardship ;  and  a  great 
majority  of  that  class  of  the  community  who  earned  daily 
bread  by  their  daily  labor  were  deprived  of  the  means  of 
support.  But,  animated  still  by  that  enduring  and  daunt- 


4-40  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAME 

less  spirit  of  freedom  which  had  been  the  parent  principle 
of  the  New  England  communities,  the  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton sustained  the  presence  of  this  calamity  with  inflexible 
fortitude.  Their  virtue  was  cheered  by  the  sympathy, 
and  their  sufferings  were  mitigated  by  the  generosity,  of 
the  sister  colonies.  In  all  the  American  States  contribu- 
tions were  made  for  their  relief.  Corporate  bodies,  town 
meetings,  and  provincial  conventions,  from  all  quarters, 
transmitted  to  them  letters  and  addresses,  applauding  their 
conduct,  and  exhorting  them  to  perseverance. 

[The  royal  garrison  of  Boston  was  now  augmented,  and  its  fortifica- 
tions strengthened  and  increased,  thus  adding  to  the  irritation  of  the 
people.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly,  a  Congress 
of  the  provinces  was  called.  This  Congress,  embracing  members  from 
all  the  colonies  except  Georgia,  met  at  Philadelphia  on  September  5, 
1774.  Of  the  debates  of  this  body,  which  continued  in  session  eight 
weeks,  no  authentic  report  exists,  but  it  published  a  Declaration  of  the 
Eights  of  America,  with  many  other  acts  in  which  a  determined  spirit 
of  resistance  to  tyranny  was  indicated.  Before  dissolving,  it  was  de- 
creed to  meet  again  on  May  10,  1775,  if  no  redress  of  American  griev- 
ances was  granted.  A  cargo  of  tea  about  this  time  entered  the  harbor 
of  Annapolis,  Maryland,  but  the  ship-master  became  so  alarmed  by 
the  popular  excitement  that  he  asked  the  advice  of  an  able  lawyer, 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  as  to  whit  he  should  do.  Carroll  ad- 
vised him  to  burn  the  vessel  and  cargo.  This  advice  was  taken. 
"  The  sails  were  set,  the  colors  displayed,  and  the  vessel  burned  amidst 
the  acclamations  of  the  multitude." 

In  Massachusetts,  General  Gage  had  called  a  meeting  of  the  Assem- 
bly. But,  alarmed  by  the  temper  of  the  people,  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion suspending  its  meeting.  In  defiance  of  his  power  the  Assembly 
met,  elected  John  Hancock  its  president,  and  proceeded  to  the  bold 
and  extreme  measure  of  calling  out  the  militia  for  the  defence  of  the 
province.  A  portion  of  them  were  to  be  ready  to  meet  at  a  minute's 
warning,  and  generals  were  appointed  to  command  these  minute-men, 
and  the  militia  at  large.] 

And  now  a]l  America  was  aroused  by  expectation  of 


GRAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     441 

awful  conflict  and  mighty  change.  Now  England,  upon 
which  the  first  violence  of  the  storm  seemed  likely  to 
descend,  was  agitated  by  rumors  and  alarms,  of  which  the 
import  and  the  influence  strikingly  portrayed  the  senti- 
ments and  temper  of  the  people.  Reports  that  Gage  had 
commanded  his  troops  to  attack  the  Massachusetts  militia, 
or  to  fire  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  were  swallowed  with 
the  avidity  of  rage  and  hatred,  and  instantly  covered  the 
highways  with  thousands  of  armed  men,  mustering  in  hot 
Luste,  and  eager  to  rush  forward  to  death  or  revenge. 
Everything  betokened  the  explosion  of  a  tempest ;  and 
some  partial  gusts  announced  its  near  approach,  and  proved 
the  harbingers  of  its  fury.  In  the  close  of  the  year  there 
reached  America  a  proclamation  issued  by  the  king,  pro- 
hibiting the  exportation  of  military  stores  from  Great 
Britain.  The  inhabitants  of  Ehode  Island  no  sooner  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  this  mandate  than  they  removed 
from  the  public  battery  about  forty  pieces  of  cannon  ;  and 
the  Assembly  of  the  province  gave  orders  for  procuring 
arms  and  martial  stores,  and  for  the  immediate  equipment 
of  a  martial  force.  In  New  Hampshire,  a  band  of  four 
hundred  men,  suddenly  assembling  in  arms,  and  conducted 
by  John  Sullivan,  an  eminent  lawyer  and  a  man  of  great 
ambition  and  intrepidity,  gained  possession  by  surprise  of 
the  castle  of  Portsmouth,  and  confined  the  royal  garrison 
till  the  powder-magazine  was  ransacked  and  its  contents 
carried  away. 

[These  violent  demonstrations  provoked  new  measures  of  oppression 
in  Parliament.  Lord  Chatham,  indeed,  after  seeking  the  counsel  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  introduced  a  bill  calculated  to  remove  the  causes 
of  disaffection  in  America.  But  this  bill  was  rejected,  and  one  in- 
troduced by  Lord  North  was  passed,  which  virtually  extended  tho 
measures  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  to  all  New  England.  As  it  soon 
appeared  that  the  other  provinces  supported  New  England,  the  pn>vi«- 
ions  of  the  bill  to  restrain  commerce  were  extended  to  them  all,  with 


442  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [GRAHAME 

the  exception  of  New  York,  Delaware,  and  North  Carolina.  But  this 
exemption  failed  to  produce  its  designed  effect,  since  the  exempted 
colonies  at  once  declared  their  intention  to  accept  the  restraints  imposed 
on  their  neighbors.] 

The  example  of  Massachusetts  in  preparing  for  defence 
was  followed  by  the  other  provinces;  and  warlike  counsels 
were  boldly  broached  in  the  provincial  Assemblies  and 
Congresses.  When  some  members  of  the  Virginia  Assem- 

O  ~ 

bly  urged  the  postponement  of  those  preparations,  remind- 
ing their  colleagues  of  the  power  of  Britain  and  the  com- 
parative weakness  of  America,  and  insisting  that  it  would 
be  time  enough  to  fly  to  arms  when  every  well-founded 
hope  of  peace  had  entirely  vanished,  Patrick  Henry,  with 
vehement  and  victorious  eloquence,  contended  that  that  time 
had  already  come.  "  It  is  natural,"  said  he,  "  to  man  to  in- 
dulge in  the  illusions  of  hope.  We  are  prone  to  shut  our 
eyes  against  a  painful  truth,  and  listen  to  the  song  of  that 
enchantress  till  she  transforms  us  into  beasts.  There  is  no 
longer  any  room  for  hope.  We  must  fight.  I  repeat  it,  sir, 
we  must  fight.  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of  hosts 
is  all  that  is  left  us.  They  tell  us  that  we  are  weak,  and 
unable  to  cope  with  so  formidable  an  adversary.  But 
when  shall  we  be  stronger  ?  Will  it  be  when  our  supineness 
shall  have  enabled  our  enemies  to  bind  us  hand  and  foot  ? 
Sir,  we  are  not  weak,  if  we  make  use  of  those  means 
which  the  God  of  nature  has  placed  in  our  power.  Three 
millions  of  people  armed  in  the  holy  cause  of  liberty,  and 
in  such  a  country  as  ours,  are  invincible  by  any  force  which 
our  enemy  can  send  against  its.  Nor  shall  we  fight  our 
battles  alone.  That  God  who  presides  over  the  destinies 
of  nations  will  raise  up  friends  to  aid  us.  The  battle  is 
not  to  the  strong  alone,  but  to  the  vigilant,  the  active,  the 
brave.  Besides,  we  have  no  longer  a  choice.  If  we  were 
base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to  retire  from 


GKAHAME]  THE  TEA  TAX  AND  BOSTON  PORT  BILL.     443 

the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat  but  in  submission  and 
slavery.  Our  chains  are  forged;  their  clanking  may  be 
heard  upon  the  plains  of  Boston.  The  war  is  inevitable 
— and  let  it  come !  Gentlemen  may  cry,  '  Peace !  Peace !' 
— but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is  actually  begun.  The 
next  gale  which  sweeps  from  the  north  will  bring  to  our 
ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms." 

[These  words  proved  prophetic.  Arms  and  provisions  were  being 
diligently  collected  in  Massachusetts,  in  preparation  for  an  expected 
conflict.  General  Gage  was  not  unaware  of  nor  indifferent  to  these 
proceedings.] 

Having  learned  that  some  military  stores  belonging  to 
the  colonists  were  deposited  in  Salem,  he  despatched 
Colonel  Leslie  from  Castle  William,  on  the  26th  of  Feb- 
ruary, with  one  hundred  and  forty  soldiers,  in  a  transport, 
to  seize  them.  The  troops,  landing  at  Marblehead,  pro- 
ceeded to  Salem ;  but,  not  finding  there  the  object  of  their 
expedition,  they  advanced  along  the  road  leading  to  Dan- 
vers,  whither  the  stores  had  been  removed,  and  reached  the 
drawbridge  laid  across  the  river.  Here  a  number  of  the 
country-people  were  assembled,  and  on  the  opposite  side 
the  American  colonel  Pickering  had  mustered  thirty  or 
forty  armed  men,  and,  having  drawn  up  the  bridge,  stood 
prepared  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  river.  Leslie  com- 
manded them  to  lower  the  bridge ;  but,  as  they  peremp- 
torily refused,  he  was  preparing  to  cross  the  river  in  some 
boats  that  were  moored  to  the  shore,  when  the  people, 
who  had  gathered  round  him,  perceiving  his  intention, 
sprang  into  the  boats  and  scuttled  them  with  axes. 

[As  the  stores  were  now  removed,  and  the  purpose  of  the  British 
negatived,  it  was  decided  that  Leslie  might  cross  the  river  and  march 
thirty  paces  beyond  it,  as  a  point  of  honor,  and  then  return  without 
attempting  further  progress.] 


444  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

At  length  the  bridge  was  lowered ;  and  Pickering  with 
his  men,  still  facing  the  British  troops,  retired  to  the  line 
they  had  measured  and  marked.  Leslie  and  his  soldiers, 
after  advancing  to  the  stipulated  point,  returned  and  em- 
barked for  Boston.  Thus  ended  the  first  military  enter- 
prise of  the  Eevolutionary  War, — without  effect  and  with- 
out bloodshed. 

[Its  main  effect  was  to  add  to  the  bitterness  and  to  redouble  the 
vigilance  of  the  Americans  in  guarding  their  stores.  The  second  en- 
terprise of  this  kind  was  not  destined  to  end  so  harmlessly.] 


THE  FIRST  SHOTS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

THOMAS  WENTWORTH   HIGGINSON. 

[A  magazine  of  military  stores  had  been  collected  at  the  inland 
town  of  Concord,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Boston.  This  Gage  learned 
of,  and  determined  to  destroy.  For  this  purpose  he  sent  a  force  by 
night,  on  a  secret  and  rapid  march.  Several  British  officers  posted 
themselves  on  the  road  leading  to  Concord  to  intercept  any  messengers 
who  might  be  sent  out  to  give  warning  of  this  design.  But  the  patriots 
of  Bostori  were  too  alert  to  be  thus  checked.  No  sooner  had  indica- 
tions of  the  enterprise  appeared  than  messengers  were  abroad,  and 
the  alarm  was  rapidly  communicated  by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  dis- 
charge of  signal-guns.  One  citizen  of  Concord,  Reuben  Brown  by 
name,  "  rode  a  hundred  miles  in  the  space  of  twenty-four  hours  in 
order  to  disseminate  the  intelligence."  The  story  of  this  expedition 
we  select  from  Higginson's  "  History  of  the  United  States."] 

WHEN  France,  in  1763,  surrendered  Canada  to  England, 
it  suddenly  opened  men's  eyes  to  a  very  astonishing  fact. 
They  discovered  that  British  America  had  at  once  become 
a  country  so  large  as  to  make  England  seem  ridiculously 
small.  Even  the  cool-headed  Dr.  Franklin,  writing  that 


HIGGINSON]     FIRST  SHOTS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.          445 

same  year  to  Mary  Stevenson  in  London,  spoke  of  Eng- 
land as  "  that  petty  island,  which,  compared  to  America, 
is  but  a  stepping-stone  in  a  brook,  scarce  enough  of  it 
above  water  to  keep  one's  shoes  dry."  The  far-seeing 
French  statesmen  of  the  period  looked  at  the  matter  in 
the  same  way.  Choiseul,  the  prime  minister  who  ceded 
Canada,  claimed  afterward  that  he  had  done  it  in  order  to 
destroy  the  British  nation  by  creating  for  it  a  rival.  This 
assertion  was  not  made  till  ten  years  later,  and  may  very 
likely  have  been  an  after-thought,  but  it  was  destined  to 
be  confirmed  by  the  facts.  .  .  . 

Boston  in  the  winter  of  1774-75  was  a  town  of  some 
seventeen  thousand  inhabitants,  garrisoned  by  some  three 
thousand  British  troops.  It  was  the  only  place  in  the 
Massachusetts  colony  where  the  royal  governor  exercised 
any  real  authority,  and  where  the  laws  of  Parliament  had 
any  force.  The  result  was  that  its  life  was  paralyzed,  its 
people  gloomy,  and  its  commerce  dead.  The  other  colo- 
nies were  still  hoping  to  obtain  their  rights  by  policy  or 
by  legislation,  by  refusing  to  import  or  to  consume,  and 
they  watched  with  constant  solicitude  for  some  riotous 
demonstration  in  Boston.  On  the  other  hand,  the  popular 
leaders  in  that  town  were  taking  the  greatest  pains  that 
there  should  be  no  outbreak.  There  was  risk  of  one  when- 
ever soldiers  were  sent  on  any  expedition  into  the  country. 
One  might  have  taken  place  at  Marshfield  in  January,  one 
almost  happened  at  Salem  in  February,  yet  still  it  was 
postponed.  No  publicity  was  given  to  the  patriotic  mili- 
tary organizations  in  Boston  ;  as  little  as  possible  was  said 
about  the  arms  and  stores  that  were  gathered  in  the  coun- 
try. Not  a  life  had  been  lost  in  any  popular  excitement 
since  the  Boston  Massacre  in  1770.  The  responsibility  of 
the  first  shot,  the  people  were  determined,  must  rest  upon 
the  royal  troops.  So  far  was  this  carried  that  it  was  hon- 
i.  *  33 


446  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HiooiNSON 

estly  attributed  by  the  British  soldiers  to  cowardice  alone. 
An  officer,  quoted  by  Frothingham,  wrote  home  in  No- 
vember, 1774,  "As  to  what  you  hear  of  their  taking  arms 
to  resist  the  force  of  England,  it  is  mere  bullying,  and  will 
go  no  further  than  words ;  whenever  it  conies  to  blows  he 
that  can  run  the  fastest  will  think  himself  best  off.  Be- 
lieve me,  any  two  regiments  here  ought  to  be  decimated 
if  they  did  not  beat  in  the  field  the  whole  force  of  the 
Massachusetts  province;  for,  though  they  are  numerous, 
they  are  but  a  mere  mob,  without  order  or  discipline,  and 
very  awkward  at  handling  their  arms." 

But,  whatever  may  have  been  the  hope  of  carrying 
their  point  without  fighting,  the  provincial  authorities 
were  steadily  collecting  provisions,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
Unhappily,  these  essentials  were  hard  to  obtain.  On  April 
19, 1775,  the  committee  of  safety  could  only  count  up  twelve 
field-pieces  in  Massachusetts;  and  there  had  been  collected 
in  that  colony  21,549  fire-arms,  17,441  pounds  of  powder, 
22,191  pounds  of  ball,  144,699  flints,  10,108  bayonets, 
11,979  pouches,  15,000  canteens.  There  were  also  17,000 
pounds  of  salt  fish,  35,000  pounds  of  rice,  with  large  quan- 
tities of  beef  and  pork.  Viewed  as  an  evidence  of  the 
forethought  of  the  colonists,  these  statistics  are  remark- 
able ;  but  there  was  something  heroic  and  indeed  almost 
pathetic  in  the  project  of  going  to  war  with  the  British 
government  on  the  strength  of  twelve  field-pieces  and 
seventeen  thousand  pounds  of  salt  fish. 

Yet  when,  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  April,  1775,  Paul 
Revere  rode  beneath  the  bright  moonlight  through  Lex- 
ington to  Concord,  with  Dawes  and  Prescott  for  comrades, 
he  was  carrying  the  signal  for  the  independence  of  a 
nation.  He  had  seen  across  the  Charles  Eiver  the  two 
lights  from  the  church-steeple  in  Boston  which  were  to 
show  that  a  British  force  was  going  out  to  seize  the  patri- 


HIGGINSON]     FIRST  SHOTS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.          447 

otic  supplies  at  Concord ;  he  had  warned  Hancock  and 
Adams  at  Eev.  Jonas  Clark's  parsonage  in  Lexington,  and 
had  rejected  Sergeant  Monroe's  caution  against  unneces- 
sary noise,  with  the  rejoinder,  "  You'll  have  noise  enough 
here  before  long:  the  regulars  are  coming  out."  As  he 
galloped  on  his  way  the  regulars  were  advancing  with 
steady  step  behind  him,  soon  warned  of  their  own  danger 
by  alarm-bells  and  signal-guns.  When  Eevere  was  cap- 
tured by  some  British  officers  who  happened  to  be  near 
Concord,  Colonel  Smith,  the  commander  of  the  expedition, 
had  already  halted,  ordered  Pitcairn  forward,  and  sent 
back  prudently  for  reinforcements.  It  was  a  night  of  ter- 
ror to  all  the  neighboring  Middlesex  towns,  for  no  one 
knew  what  excesses  the  angry  British  troops  might  com- 
mit on  their  return  march.  .  .  . 

Before  5  A.M.  on  April  19,  1775,  the  British  troops  had 
reached  Lexington  Green,  where  thirty-eight  men,  under 
Captain  Parker,  stood  up  before  six  hundred  or  eight  hun- 
dred to  be  shot  at,  their  captain  saying,  "  Don't  fire  unless 
you  are  fired  on  ;  but  if  they  want  a  war,  let  it  begin  here." 
It  began  there ;  they  were  fired  upon ;  they  fired  rather 
ineffectually  in  return,  while  seven  were  killed  and  nine 
wounded.  The  rest,  after  retreating,  reformed  and  pur- 
sued the  British  towards  Concord,  capturing  seven  strag- 
glers,— the  first  prisoners  taken  in  the  war.  Then  followed 
the  fight  at  Concord,  where  four  hundred  and  fifty  Ameri- 
cans, instead  of  thirty  eight,  were  rallied  to  meet  the  Brit- 
ish. The  fighting  took  place  between  two  detachments  at 
the  North  Bridge,  where 

"  once  the  embattled  farmers  stood, 
And  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world." 

There  the  American  captain,  Isaac  Davis,  was  killed  at 
the  first  shot, — he  who  had  said,  when  his  company  was 


448  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [HIQGINSON 

placed  at  the  head  of  the  little  column,  "  I  haven't  a  man 
that  is  afraid  to  go."  He  fell,  and  Major  Buttrick  gave 
the  order,  "  Fire !  for  God's  sake,  fire !"  in  return.  The 
British  detachment  retreated  in  disorder,  but  their  main 
body  was  too  strong  to  be  attacked,  so  they  disabled  a  few 
cannon,  destroyed  some  barrels  of  flour,  cut  down  the 
liberty-pole,  set  fire  to  the  court-house,  and  then  began 
their  return  march.  It  ended  in  a  flight;  they  were  ex- 
posed to  a  constant  guerilla  fire;  minute-men  flocked  behind 
every  tree  and  house;  and  only  the  foresight  of  Colonel 
Smith  in  sending  for  reinforcements  had  averted  a  sur- 
render. At  2  P.M.,  near  Lexington,  Percy  with  his  troops 
met  the  returning  fugitives,  and  formed  a  hollow  square, 
into  which  they  ran  and  threw  themselves  on  the  ground 
exhausted.  Then  Percy  in  turn  fell  back.  Militia  still 
came  pouring  in  from  Dorchester,  Milton,  Dedham,  as  well 
as  the  nearer  towns.  A  company  from  Danvers  marched 
sixteen  miles  in  four  hours.  The  Americans  lost  ninety- 
three  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  that  day;  the  British, 
two  hundred  and  seventy-three.  But  the  important  result 
was  that  every  American  colony  now  recognized  that  war 
had  begun.  .  .  . 

The  committee  [of  safety]  had  authority  from  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  to  order  out  the  militia,  and  General 
Heath,  who  was  a  member  of  the  committee,  rode  to  take 
command  of  the  provincials,  with  Warren  by  his  side,  who 
was  sufficiently  exposed  that  day  to  have  a  musket-ball 
strike  the  pin  out  of  the  hair  of  his  ear-lock.  The  two 
continued  together  till  the  British  army  had  crossed 
Charlestown  Neck  on  its  retreat,  and  made  a  stand  on 
Bunker  Hill.  There  they  were  covered  by  the  ships.  The 
militia  were  ordered  to  pursue  no  further,  and  General 
Heath  held  the  first  council  of  war  of  the  Eevolution  at 
the  foot  of  Prospect  Hill.  .  .  . 


HIGOINSON]     FIRST  SHOTS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  449 

It  is  always  hard  to  interpret  the  precise  condition  of 
public  feeling  just  before  a  war.  It  is  plain  that  the 
Massachusetts  committee  expected  something  more  than  a 
contest  of  words  when  they  made  so  many  preparations. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  evident  that  hardly  any  one  looked 
forward  to  any  serious  and  prolonged  strife.  Dr.  Warren 
wrote,  soon  after  the  19th  of  April,  "The  people  never 
seemed  in  earnest  about  the  matter  until  after  the  engage- 
ment of  the  19th  ult.,  and  I  verily  believe  that  the  night 
preceding  the  barbarous  outrages  committed  by  the  sol- 
diery at  Lexington,  Concord,  etc.,  there  were  not  fifty 
people  in  the  whole  colony  that  ever  expected  any  blood 
would  be  shed  in  the  contest  between  us  and  Great 
Britain."  Yet  two  days  after  the  fight  at  Lexington  the 
Massachusetts  committee  of  safety  resolved  to  enlist  eight 
thousand  men.  Two  days  after  that  the  news  reached 
New  York  at  noon.  There  was  a  popular  outbreak ;  the 
royal  troops  were  disarmed,  the  forts  and  magazines  seized, 
and  two  transports  for  Boston  unloaded.  At  five  o'clock 
on  Monday  afternoon  the  tidings  reached  Philadelphia, 
when  the  bell  in  Independence  Hall  was  rung,  and  the 
people  gathered  in  numbers.  When  it  got  so  far  as  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  the  people  seized  the  arsenal,  and  the 
Provincial  Congress  proclaimed  them  "ready  to  sacrifice 
their  lives  and  fortunes."  In  Savannah,  Georgia,  a  mob 
took  possession  of  the  powder-magazine,  and  raised  a 
liberty-pole.  In  Kentucky  a  party  of  hunters,  hearing  of 
the  battle,  gave  their  encampment  the  name  of  Lexington, 
which  it  still  bears ;  and  thus  the  news  went  on. 

Meanwhile,  on  May  10,  the  Continental  Congress  con- 
vened, and  on  the  same  day  Ethan  Allen  took  possession 
of  the  strong  fortress  of  Ticonderoga.  It  was  the  first 
act  of  positive  aggression  by  the  patriotic  party,  for  at 
both  Lexington  and  Concord  they  were  acting  on  the  de- 
i.—dd  38* 


450  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CUTTER 

fensive.  The  expedition  was  planned  in  Connecticut  and 
reinforced  in  western  Massachusetts,  but  the  main  reliance 
was  to  be  placed  on  Ethan  Allen  and  his  "  Green  Mountain 
Boys,"  whose  daring  and  energy  were  already  well  known. 
Benedict  Arnold,  who  had  been  commissioned  in  Massachu- 
setts for  the  same  purpose,  arrived  only  in  time  to  join 
the  expedition  as  a  volunteer.  On  May  10,  1775,  eighty- 
three  men  crossed  the  lake  with  Allen.  When  they  had 
landed,  he  warned  them  that  it  was  a  dangerous  enterprise, 
and  called  for  volunteers.  Every  man  volunteered.  The 
rest  took  but  a  few  moments.  They  entered  with  a  war- 
whoop  the  open  wicket-gate,  pressing  by  the  sentinel,  and 
when  the  half-clad  commander  appeared  and  asked  their 
authority,  Allen  answered  with  the  words  that  have  be- 
come historic,  "  In  the  name  of  the  great  Jehovah  and  the 
Continental  Congress." 

The  Congress  was  only  to  meet  that  day,  but  it  appeared 
already  to  be  exercising  a  sort  of  antenatal  authority,  and 
a  fortress  which  had  cost  eight  million  pounds  sterling 
and  many  lives  was  placed  in  its  hands  by  a  mere  stroke 
of  boldness.  Crown  Point  gave  itself  up  with  equal  ease 
to  Seth  Warner,  and  another  dramatic  surprise  was  given 
to  the  new-born  nation. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL. 

WILLIAM   CUTTER. 

[The  obstinate  effort  of  the  British  ministry  to  oblige  the  Americans 
to  pay  taxes  in  the  laying  of  which  they  had  had  no  voice,  and  to 
force  them  to  submit  to  their  will  by  military  force  and  severe  com- 
mercial restrictions,  had  laid  a  train  of  irritation  through  the  colonies 


CUTTER]         THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  451 

which  needed  but  a  spark  to  kindle  it  into  a  blaze.  That  spark  the  fire 
of  musketry  at  Lexington  gave.  A  people  who  ten  years  before  were 
fully  loyal  to  England  had  been  filled  with  rebellious  sentiment  by  the 
effort  to  reduce  them  below  the  standard  of  liberty  that  was  enjoyed 
by  the  English  people.  It  was  not,  however,  too  late  yet  to  bring 
them  back  to  a  state  of  loyalty.  Had  the  troops  been  removed,  tho 
commercial  restrictions  abated,  and  the  laying  of  taxes  left  to  them- 
selves, it  is  not  impossible  that  the  region  of  the  United  States  might 
yet  have  remained  a  portion  of  the  British  empire.  It  became  impos- 
sible from  the  moment  of  the  firing  upon  the  militia  at  Lexington  and 
Concord.  The  train  which  the  ministry  had  laid  was  ignited  by  that 
act,  and  the  whole  people  flamed  up  into  war  with  a  suddenness  that 
must  have  greatly  amazed  those  good  easy  legislators  who  were  so 
firmly  convinced  that  the  Americans  would  not  fight.  In  New  Eng- 
land, in  particular,  the  tide  was  definitely  turned  from  peace  to  war. 
As  the  tidings  were  spread  by  rapidly-riding  messengers,  the  farmers 
and  artisans  on  all  sides  dropped  the  implements  of  industry,  seized 
those  of  war,  and  marched  in  all  haste  upon  Boston.  One  incident  of 
this  kind  has  become  famous.  Israel  Putnam,  who  had  won  honors  in 
the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  Captain  Hubbard,  were  at  work  on 
their  farms  in  adjoining  fields,  when  a  man  on  horseback,  with  a  drum, 
stopped  to  tell  them  of  the  fight.  Hubbard,  a  man  of  method,  at  once 
walked  home,  put  things  in  order,  filled  his  knapsack,  and  started  for 
the  camp ;  but  fiery  old  Putnam  simply  unyoked  his  team  from  the 
plough,  sent  his  son  home  to  tell  his  mother  what  had  happened, 
mounted  his  horse,  and  dashed  away  for  Boston,  which  he  reached  in 
twenty-four  hours,  though  it  was  nearly  one  hundred  miles  distant. 

The  militia  were  gathering  with  surprising  rapidity.  Within  a  few 
days  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  was  encamped  around  Boston, 
extending  from  Dorchester  to  the  Mystic  River,  and  completely  enclos- 
ing the  British  troops  within  the  city.  Generals  "Ward  and  Putnam 
were  made  commanders  of  the  army,  Ward  having  the  chief  com- 
mand. In  all  haste  they  constructed  lines  of  intrenchment  sufficiently 
strong  to  encourage  their  undisciplined  forces.  During  this  interval, 
Gage,  who  had  made  no  effort  to  face  the  provincials,  was  reinforced 
by  troops  under  Generals  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne,  and  had  now 
an  army  of  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  trained  soldiers.  Thus 
strengthened,  he  prepared  to  act  with  more  energy,  and  issued  a 
proclamation  declaring  those  in  arms  rebels  and  traitors,  and  offering 
pardon  to  all  who  would  go  quietly  home,  with  the  exception  of  the 


452  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CUTTER 

arch-rebels  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock.  The  story  of  the 
stirring  events  which  immediately  followed  we  extract  from  Cutter's 
"  Life  of  Israel  Putnam."] 

THE  American  commanders,  having  ascertained  that 
the  British  intended  to  take  possession  of  the  heights  of 
Charlestown,  as  a  vantage-ground  from  which  to  dislodge 
them  from  some  of  their  intrenchments,  and  thus  make  a 
way  into  the  country,  resolved,  by  a  sudden  and  secret 
movement,  to  defeat  the  project,  by  advancing  to  that 
position  a  portion  of  the  left  wing  of  their  own  camp. 

Putnam,  who  had  already  carefully  examined  the  ground, 
was  strenuously  in  favor  of  this  movement,  and  had  urged 
it  again  and  again  in  council,  with  all  the  arguments  at 
his  command.  In  common  with  Prescott,  and  other  vet- 
erans, who  understood  the  character  of  the  American  sol- 
diery and  knew  the  immense  advantage  to  the  oi'der  and 
discipline  of  the  army  which  would  be  derived  from  active 
and  hazardous  service,  he  had  repeatedly  proposed  to  lead 
a  party  which  should  invite  an  engagement  with  the 
enemy.  .  .  . 

The  measure  was  ably  opposed  b}7  some  of  the  best  and 
bravest  men  in  the  council,  and  there  were  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  its  accomplishment  which  would  have  appalled 
any  other  men  than  those  who  planned  and  achieved  it. 
One  of  these  was  the  want  of  powder.  There  were,  at 
that  time,  only  eleven  barrels  in  the  public  depots,  and 
sixty-seven  barrels  in  all  Massachusetts, — scarcely  enough, 
under  the  most  prudent  management,  for  one  day's  fight- 
ing. To  this  objection  General  Pomeroy  answered  that 
he  was  ready  to  lead  his  men  to  battle  with  but  five  car- 
tridges apiece.  They  were  all  experienced  marksmen,  and 
would  fire  no-random  shots;  and  if  every  American  killed 
his  five,  they  would  have  but  little  occasion  for  more 
powder.  .  .  . 


CUTTER]         THE  BATTLE   OF  BUNKER  HILL.  453 

The  bolder  counsels  prevailed,  and  orders  were  issued 
to  Colonels  Prescott  and  Bridge,  and  the  regiment  of 
Colonel  Frye,  to  be  prepared  for  an  expedition  with  all 
their  men  who  were  fit  for  service,  and  with  one  day's 
provision.  The  same  order  was  issued  to  one  hundred 
and  twenty  men  of  General  Putnam's  regiment,  under  the 
command  of  the  brave  Captain  Knowlton,  and  one  com- 
paTiy  of  artillery,  with  two  field-pieces.  Putnam,  having 
the  general  superintendence  of  the  expedition,  and  Colonel 
Gridley,  the  chief  engineer,  accompanied  the  troops.  .  .  . 

The  detachment  drafted  for  this  expedition,  consisting 
of  about  one  thousand  men,  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Prescott,  were  assembled  on  the  common 
at  Cambridge  at  an  early  hour  on  the  evening  of  the  16th 
of  June,  where  prayers  were  offered  by  Rev.  President 
Langdon,  of  Harvard  College.  Immediately  after  dark 
they  commenced  their  silent  mai-ch  through  Cambridge 
and  across  the  Neck,  Colonel  Prescott  leading  the  way. 
He  was  attended  only  by  two  sergeants,  carrying  dark 
lanterns,  open  only  in  the  rear. 

Arrived  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill,  they  found  the 
wagon  laden  with  intrenching-tools,  and  then  only  were 
the  men  made  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  purpose 
of  the  expedition.  A  serious  question  now  arose  among 
the  leaders. 

[It  was  perceived  that  intrenchments  on  Bunker  Hill  would  be  of 
minor  importance  unless  the  elevation  known  as  Breed's  Hill,  nearer 
Boston,  was  seized  and  fortified.  After  a  long  consultation,  Putnam's 
counsel  was  taken,  to  erect  the  main  work  on  Breed's  Hill,  with  a 
subsidiary  one  on  Bunker  Hill,  as  a  protection  to  the  rear,  and  as  a 
rallying-point  in  case  of  defeat.] 

It  was  midnight  before  the  first  spade  entered  the 
ground.  It  was  then  within  four  days  of  the  summer 
solstice.  They  had,  consequently,  but  about  four  hours  to 


454  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CUTTER 

work,  before  the  dawning  light  would  disclose  their  opera- 
tions to  the  enemy  and  expose  them  to  an  immediate  can- 
nonading from  the  batteries  in  Boston  and  the  ships  in 
the  harbor.  But  such  was  the  spirit  and  resolution  of  the 
whole  party,  officers  and  men,  that  the  work  was  effected 
in  that  brief  space.  Instructed  and  stimulated  by  Putnam 
and  Prescott,  who  did  not  fear  a  spade  or  a  pickaxe  any 
more  than  a  sword  or  a  musket,  and  feeling  that  life  and 
liberty  alike  depended  on  their  success,  they  performed 
prodigies  of  labor  during  that  notable  night, — surpassed 
only  by  the  prodigies  of  valor  by  which  they  signalized 
the  following  day.  The  works  being  in  a  state  of  prom- 
ising forwardness,  and  every  man  cheerfully  doing  his 
whole  duty,  Putnam  repaired  to  his  camp  at  an  early  hour, 
to  make  all  necessary  preparations  for  the  coming  crisis. 

The  crisis  came  with  the  dawning  light.  When  the 
British  officers,  aroused  at  peep  of  day  by  their  startled 
sentinels,  beheld  their  daring  foes  above  them,  overlooking 
their  whole  position  with  formidable  intrenchments,  which 
had  sprung  up  as  by  enchantment  in  the  night,  they  could 
scarcely  credit  the  evidence  of  their  own  senses.  It  was 
instantly  perceived  that,  if  the  Americans  were  not  driven 
from  their  bold  position  at  once,  Boston  would  be  no  longer 
tenable  by  the  British.  A  council  of  war  was  called,  which 
directed  an  immediate  assault. 

Meanwhile,  as  preparations  for  the  assault  were  going 
on,  a  brisk  but  unavailing  fire  was  opened  upon  the  Amer- 
icans from  the  armed  vessels  and  floating  batteries,  and 
from  the  battery  on  Copp's  Hill.  .  .  .  General  Putnam,  on 
discovering  the  design  of  the  enemy,  returned  immediately 
to  Cambridge,  and  urgently  advised  that  a  reinforcement 
should  be  sent  to  Colonel  Prescott's  aid,  and  that  his  men 
should  be  supplied  with  suitable  refreshment  before  the 
action  should  commence.  His  application  for  reinforce- 


CUTTER]         THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  455 

ments  was  unsuccessful.  General  Ward  was  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  idea  that  the  British  would  land  on  Leche- 
mere's  Point,  or  Inman's  farm,  in  Cambridge,  and  make 
an  assault  upon  the  camp,  and  so  cut  off  the  rear  of  the 
party  in  Charlestown.  He  was  the  more  convinced  of  this, 
as  the  scanty  depots  of  ammunition  and  military  stores  on 
which  the  salvation  of  the  American  army  depended  were 
at  Cambridge  and  Watertown,  and  in  no  way  could  the 
British  gain  so  decided  an  advantage  over  them  as  by  se- 
curing or  destroying  them.  And  this  had  been  the  direct 
object  of  all  their  active  operations  hitherto.  It  appears, 
also,  that  a  formidable  party  in  General  Gage's  council  of 
war,  among  whom  were  Generals  Clinton  and  Grant,  were 
urgently  in  favor  of  making  an  attack  at  this  place.  Ward, 
therefore,  thought  it  unsafe  to  weaken  his  own  force,  as 
that  would  not  only  invite  an  attack,  but  render  it  difficult 
to  repel  it.  On  the  same  grounds  he  resisted  the  earnest 
solicitation  of  Putnam's  troops  to  follow  their  commander 
to  the  battle,  assuring  them  that  theirs  was  the  post  of 
danger,  and,  consequently,  of  honor.  .  .  . 

The  cannonading  from  the  British  ships  and  floating 
batteries,  though  kept  up  incessantly  during  all  the  morn- 
ing, effected  nothing.  The  Americans  kept  on  steadily  at 
their  works,  suffering  more  from  hunger  and  fatigue  than 
from  the  fire  or  the  fear  of  the  enemy.  Putnam  was  very 
anxious  to  avail  himself  of  the  time  required  for  the  Brit- 
ish troops  to  prepare  for  engagement,  to  throw  up  another 
redoubt,  according  to  the  original  plan,  and  in  obedience 
to  orders,  on  Bunker  Hill.  He  accordingly,  with  a  hand- 
ful of  men,  commenced  an  intrenchment  on  that  summit, 
which,  if  it  could  have  been  completed  so  far  as  to  afford 
a  tolerable  protection  to  his  troops,  would  have  enabled 
him  to  check  the  advance  of  the  British  and  prevent  them 
from  occupying  the  redoubt  on  Breed's  Hill.  The  two 


456  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CUTTER 

summits  were  within  gunshot  of  each  other,  the  former, 
which  was  nearly  thirty  feet  higher,  having  complete  com- 
mand of  the  latter. 

[Little  was  done  on  this  breastwork,  the  attack  of  the  British  making 
more  urgent  work  for  the  men.] 

The  veteran  General  Pomeroy,  on  hearing  the  distant 
roar  of  the  artillery,  borrowed  a  horse  to  carry  him  to  the 
field.  On  approaching  the  neck,  which  was  swept  by  a  tre- 
mendous firing  from  the  British  ships,  he  became  alarmed, 
not  for  his  own  safety,  but  for  that  of  the  horse  he  had 
borrowed.  He  accordingly  left  his  charger  in  charge 
of  a  sentinel,  and  coolly  walked  ov.er,  mounted  the  hill, 
and  advanced  to  the  rail  fence.  He  was  received  with 
the  highest  exultation,  and  the  name  of  Pomeroy  rang 
through  the  line. 

[General  Warren  had  previously  made  his  way  to  the  same  point. 
Later,  when  it  became  evident  that  an  assault  would  be  made  upon 
the  works,  General  Ward  sent  reinforcements  to  Prescott.] 

The  British  van  soon  appeared  in  view.  The  Americans, 
eager  to  salute  them,  were  with  difficulty  restrained  from 
firing  too  soon.  General  Putnam  rode  along  the  line, 
giving  strict  orders  that  no  one  should  fire  till  the  enemy 
had  arrived  within  eight  rods,  nor  then,  till  the  word  of 
command  should  be  given.  "  Powder  is  scarce,"  said  he, 
"  and  must  not  be  wasted.  Do  not  fire  at  the  enemy  till 
you  see  the  whites  of  their  eyes;  then  fire  low, — take  aim 
at  their  waistbands, — aim  at  the  handsome  coats, — pick 
off  the  commanders."  The  same  orders  were  given  by 
Prescott,  Pomeroy,  Stark,  and  all  the  veteran  officers. 

The  eifect  of  these  orders  was  tremendous.  With  a 
bold  and  confident  front,  assured  of  an  easy  victory  over 
the  raw,  undisciplined  troops  of  the  Provinces,  the  British 


CUTTER]         THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  457 

troops  advanced  to  the  fatal  line,  eight  rods  in  advance  of 
the  defences,  when  a  well-aimed  volley  from  the  deadly 
muskets  within  swept  away  the  whole  front  rank,  and 
laid  many  a  gallant  officer  in  the  dust.  Rank  succeeded 
rank,  and  volley  following  volley  mowed  them  down,  till 
at  length  they  were  compelled  to  retreat.  .  .  . 

Three  times  did  the  brave  veterans  of  the  British  re- 
treat before  the  deadly  fire  of  the  American  militia,  with 
the  loss  of  whole  ranks  of  men  and  the  very  elite  of  their 
officers ;  and  three  times,  in  the  face  of  this  almost  certain 
death,  they  returned  to  the  charge.  They  had  expected 
an  easy  victory,  and  promised  themselves  that  at  the  first 
approach  of  a  regular  army  the  raw,  undisciplined  Ameri- 
cans would  fly  like  frightened  sheep.  They  now  found, 
not  less  to  their  cost  than  to  their  surprise,  that  they  had 
men  to  deal  with,  and  that  courage,  daring,  and  the  high- 
est heroism  were  less  a  matter  of  training  than  of  prin- 
ciple. 'As  Colonel  Abercrombie  led  up  his  men  to  the 
charge,  he  was  saluted  by  a  familiar  stentorian  voice  from 
the  redoubt,  reminding  him,  probably,  of  a  reproachful 
epithet  he  had  applied  to  his  enemies:  "Colonel  Aber- 
crombie, are  the  Yankees  cowards  ?" 

Hitherto  the  British  had  neglected  the  only  manoeuvre 
by  which  they  could  possibly  defeat  their  enemy,  so  long 
as  their  ammunition  should  last.  This  was  to  charge  with 
the  bayonet.  The  Americans  were  wholly  unprovided 
with  bayonets,  and  therefore  could  not  resist  nor  with- 
stand a  charge.  But  this  the  assailants  did  not  know. 
They  relied  upon  their  fire,  which  was  for  the  most  part 
aimless  and  ineffectual,  while  every  shot  from  the  re- 
doubt, the  breastwork,  and  the  rail  fence,  being  reserved 
and  deliberate,  found  its  victim. 

While  these  terrible  scenes  were  enacting,  several  rein- 
forcements arrived  from  Boston  to  the  aid  of  the  British, 
i.— u  89 


458  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [C0TTKR 

till  their  whole  number  amounted  to  not  less  than  eight 
thousand.  To  add  new  horrors  to  the  scene,  vast  columns 
of  smoke  were  observed  over  Charlestown,  and  the  village 
was  seen  to  be  on  fire  in  several  places. 

[The  British  had  been  annoyed  by  a  fire  from  this  place,  and  sent  a 
detachment  of  men  to  burn  it.  "While  they  were  doing  so,  and  seek- 
ing to  gain  the  rear  of  the  Americans  under  cover  of  the  smoke, 
Putnam  saw  them,  and  opened  on  them  with  some  cannon  which  had 
been  deserted.] 

The  pieces  were  well  aimed,  General  Putnam  dismount- 
ing and  pointing  them  himself,  and  every  ball  took  effect. 
One  canister  was  so  well  directed  that  it  made  a  complete 
lane  through  the  columns  of  the  enemy,  and  threw  them 
into  momentary  confusion.  With  wonderful  courage,  how- 
ever, they  closed  their  ranks,  and  advanced  again  to  the 
charge.  The  Americans,  their  cartridges  being  spent,  re- 
sorted to  their  muskets,  and,  suffering  their  assailants  to 
approach  still  nearer  than  before,  poured  in  a  volley  with 
such  deliberate  aim  that  the  front  rank  was  swept  wholly 
away,  and  officers  and  men  fell  in  promiscuous  heaps.  .  .  . 

In  the  midst  of  this  thunder  of  artillery  and  rattling 
of  musketry,  the  sulphurous  smoke  rolling  up  in  heavy 
volumes,  and  the  balls  whistling  by  on  every  side,  Cap- 
tain Foster,  of  Colonel  Mansfield's  regiment,  arrived  with 
a  supply  of  powder  from  the  American  camp.  It  was 
brought  in  casks  in  wagons,  and  distributed  loose  to  the 
soldiers,  as  they  were  able  to  take  it ;  some  receiving  it  in 
their  horns,  some  in  their  pockets,  and  some  in  their  hats, 
or  whatever  else  they  had  that  would  hold  it. 

More  than  a  thousand  of  the  best  of  the  British  troops 
had  now  fallen  before  the  murderous  fire  of  an  enemy 
whom  they  affected  to  despise  as  peasants  and  rebels. 
Among  these  was  a  large  number  of  their  bravest  and 
most  accomplished  officers.  .  .  .  Meanwhile,  the  Ameri- 


CUTTER]         THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  459 

cans,  protected  by  their  intrenchments,  had  suffered  but 
little  loss.  But  now  the  crisis  was  to  come.  Their  am- 
munition was  exhausted,  and  there  was  no  alternative  but 
to  retreat.  General  Howe  had  learned,  by  a  terrible  ex- 
perience, that  it  was  vain  to  think  of  frightening  the  "  un- 
disciplined rebels"  from  their  defences  by  the  mere  smell 
of  gunpowder.  With  the  advice  of  the  accomplished  and 
chivalrous  General  Clinton,  who  had  just  come  to  his  aid, 
he  commanded  the  works  to  be  scaled  and  the  enemy 
driven  out  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  He  led  the  charge 
in  person,  as  he  had  done  before.  General  Clinton  joined 
General  Pigot,  with  a  view  to  turn  the  right  flank  of  the 
enemy.  The  artillery  were  ordered  to  advance  at  the 
same  time,  turn  the  left  of  the  breastwork,  and  rake  the 
line.  This  was  the  most  vulnerable  point  in  the  American 
defences,  and  had  hitherto  been  wholly  overlooked. 

[Every  possible  preparation  was  made  to  meet  this  charge,  but  the 
powder  of  the  Americans  was  exhausted.] 

They  had  sent  in  vain  to  the  camp  for  a  further  supply. 
The  magazine  there  was  reduced  to  less  than  two  barrels. 
The  few  who  had  a  charge  remaining  reserved  their  last 
lire  till  the  artillery,  now  advancing  to  turn  the  flank  of 
their  breastwork,  had  approached  within  the  prescribed 
distance.  Then  every  shot  took  effect.  The  gallant  Howe, 
who  had  escaped  unhurt  hitherto,  received  one  of  the  last 
of  the  American  balls  in  his  foot. 

The  fire  of  the  Americans  gradually  diminished,  and 
then  ceased.  Instantly  their  muskets  were  clubbed,  and 
the  stones  of  their  defences  were  seized  and  hurled  at  the 
advancing  foe.  This  only  served  to  betray  their  weakness, 
and  infused  a  new  energy  into  their  assailants.  No  longer 
exposed  to  that  destructive  fire  which  had  so  fearfully 
thinned  their  ranks,  they  now  marched  forward,  scaled 


460  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [CUTTER 

the  redoubt,  and  began  the  work  of  retribution.  The  ar- 
tillery, advancing  at  the  same  instant  to  the  open  space 
on  the  north,  between  the  breastwork  and  the  rail  fence, 
•enfiladed  the  line,  and  'sent  their  balls  through  the  open 
gate- way,  or  sally-port,  directly  into  the  redoubt,  under 
cover  of  which  the  troops  at  the  breastwork  were  com- 
pelled to  retire. 

The  heroic  but  diminutive  Pigot  was  the  first  to  scale 
the  works.  He  was  instantly  followed  by  his  men,  now 
confident  of  an  easy  victory.  Troops  succeeded  troops 
over  the  parapet,  till  that  little  arena,  where  the  first  great 
effort  of  American  prowess  was  put  forth,  was  filled  with 
combatants,  prepared  to  contest  its  possession. 

To  contend,  without  a  bayonet  in  his  company,  against 
such  a  superior  force,  would  have  been  worse  than  mad- 
ness. Prescott  saw  this,  and  reluctantly  ordered  a  retreat. 
He  and  Warren  were  the  last  to  leave  the  redoubt.  The 
latter  seemed  to  disdain  to  fly,  even  when  nothing  else 
remained  to  him.  With  sullen  reluctance  he  followed  his 
countrymen  to  the  port,  which  he  had  scarcely  passed  when 
a  ball  from  the  enemy  arrested  him.  Major  Small  [of  the 
British  army],  as  a  personal  friend,  .  .  .  endeavored  to 
save  him.  But  Warren  would  neither  yield  nor  fly.  He 
fell  between  the  retreat  and  the  pursuit,  having  won  the 
respect  of  his  enemies  and  the  everlasting  gratitude  of 
his  countrymen,  and  leaving  his  name  as  one  of  the  watch- 
words of  liberty  throughout  the  world.  .  .  . 

The  retreating  Americans  were  now  between  the  two 
wings  of  the  British  army,  so  that  they  could  not  fire 
without  endangering  the  lives  of  each  other.  A  brave 
and  orderly  retreat  was  effected.  .  .  .  Putnam,  though 
the  balls  fell  around  him  like  hail,  was  wholly  insensible 
of  danger.  Coming  to  one  of  the  deserted  field-pieces,  he 
dismounted,  took  his  stand  by  its  side,  and  seemed  resolved 


CTJTTEK]         THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.  461 

to  brave  the  foe  alone.  One  sergeant  alone  dared  to  stand 
by  him  in  this  perilous  position.  He  was  soon  shot  down, 
and  the  general  himself  retired  only  when  the  British 
bayonets  were  close  upon  him  and  he  was  in  imminent 
danger  of  being  made  a  prisoner.  .  .  . 

The  Americans  had  retreated  about  twenty  rods,  before 
the  enemy  had  time  to  rally.  They  were  then  suddenly 
exposed  to  a  destructive  fire,  which  proved  more  fatal  to 
them  than  all  the  previous  contest.  Some  of  the  best  and 
bravest  men  were  left  on  this  part  of  the  field,  and  several 
officers,  whose  behavior  that  day  had  given  promise  of  the 
highest  military  distinction.  The  retreat  was  maintained 
in  good  order,  over  the  Neck,  to  Prospect  and  "Winter  Hills, 
where  they  took  up  their  position  for  the  night,  throwing 
up  hasty  intrenchments,  which  were  soon  strengthened 
and  fortified,  so  as  to  present  to  the  enemy  another  line 
of  defence,  equally  formidable  with  that  they  had  just  pur- 
chased at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood. 

[The  story  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  is  so  familiar  to  readers  as 
ordinarily  presented  that  we  offer  the  above  account  as  a  picture  of  the 
same  scene  from  a  somewhat  different  point  of  view.  Though  Putnam 
was  the  superior  in  rank,  Prescott  was  the  actual  commander.  Yet 
Putnam's  deeds  upon  the  field  were  of  sufficient  interest  to  warrant  our 
bringing  him  into  the  foreground  of  the  picture.  The  result  of  this 
battle,  though  technically  unfavorable  to  the  Americans,  was  of  the 
utmost  importance  as  inspiring  them  to  the  determined  prosecution 
of  the  war.  The  number  of  British  regulars  engaged,  though  not 
so  great  as  above  stated,  was  double  that  of  the  Americans,  and  the 
bravery  of  the  latter  in  holding  their  imperfect  works  until  their 
powder  gave  out,  and  until  they  had  killed  and  wounded  a  number  of 
the  enemy  nearly  equal  to  their  whole  force  engaged,  gave  a  sufficient 
and  satisfactory  answer  to  the  question  which  had  been  broached  in 
England,  "  Will  the  Americans  fight?"] 


39* 


462  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ARNOLD 

ARNOLD  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 

ISAAC    N.    AKNOLD. 

[The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was  quickly  followed  by  decided  action 
on  the  part  of  Congress,  then  in  session  at  Philadelphia.  An  address 
was  made  to  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  world  was 
advised  of  the  reason  of  the  appeal  to  arms.  "  We  are  reduced,"  said 
they,  "  to  the  alternative  of  choosing  an  unconditional  submission  to 
the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or  resistance  by  force.  The  latter  is 
our  choice.  We  have  counted  the  cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  noth- 
ing so  dreadful  as  voluntary  slavery."  An  army  of  twenty  thousand 
men  was  ordered  to  be  enlisted,  and  George  Washington  was  elected 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  colonial  forces. 

Washington,  who  refused  any  compensation  for  his  services,  soon 
proceeded  to  Cambridge,  where  he  undertook  to  organize  the  army 
there  present.  The  task  was  a  difficult  one.  The  militia  were  undis- 
ciplined, insubordinate,  and  destitute  of  most  of  the  requirements  of 
an  army.  But  by  his  energy  and  skill,  and  the  assistance  of  General 
Gates,  the  men  were  reduced  to  discipline,  stores  collected,  and  a 
regular  siege  instituted. 

While  this  was  being  performed,  the  authority  of  the  royal  govern- 
ors everywhere  ended  in  the  colonies.  The  only  one  who  made  any 
effort  to  retain  his  power  was  Lord  Dunmore,  of  Virginia.  He  seized 
a  quantity  of  the  public  powder  and  placed  it  on  board  a  vessel,  but 
was  forced  to  pay  for  it  by  an  armed  body  of  people,  led  by  Patrick 
Henry.  He  then  retired  to  a  man-of-war,  armed  some  vessels,  and 
manned  them  with  slaves  to  whom  he  promised  freedom.  He  attacked 
the  provincials  near  Norfolk,  but  sustained  a  severe  defeat.  In  re- 
venge for  this  he  soon  after  burned  Norfolk  to  the  ground.  He  then 
retired,  and  royal  government  ceased  to  exist  in  America. 

As  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  opened  an  easy 
gateway  to  Canada,  it  was  determined  to  invade  that  province.  This 
was  done  partly  to  anticipate  the  British,  who  appeared  to  design  an 
invasion  from  that  quarter,  and  partly  with  the  belief  that  success 
would  induce  the  Canadians  to  join  the  revolted  colonies.  A  force 
under  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery  passed  up  Lake  Champlain 
and  besieged  St.  John's,  the  frontier  post  of  Canada.  During  the 


ARNOLD]        ARNOLD   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  463 

siege,  Ethan  Allen,  with  eighty  men,  rashly  assailed  Montreal.  He 
was  defeated,  captured,  and  sent  in  irons  to  England.  Schuyler  having 
retired  through  illness,  Montgomery  captured  St.  John's  on  Novem- 
her  3,  and  proceeded  to  Montreal,  which  surrendered  on  the  13th. 

Meanwhile,  a  force  of  one  thousand  men  under  General  Benedict 
Arnold  was  marching  north  through  Maine.  This  march  through  the 
unbroken  wilderness  was  one  of  extraordinary  difficulty  and  hardship. 
A  part  of  the  force  turned  back,  and  it  was  with  but  six  hundred  ex- 
hausted and  half-starved  men  that  Arnold  reached  Point  Levi,  op- 
posite Quebec,  on  November  13.  Without  delay  he  crossed  the  St. 
Lawrence,  ascended  the  heights  which  Wolfe  had  scaled  before  him, 
and  marshalled  his  small  force  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham.  As  the 
garrison  could  not  be  induced  to  assail  him,  and  as  his  force  was  too 
small  to  attempt  to  storm  the  walls,  he  retired,  and  awaited  the  arrival 
of  Montgomery  from  Montreal. 

Their  united  forces  numbered  but  nine  hundred  men,  but  with  these, 
on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  they  made  an  early  morning  attack  on 
Quebec,  in  the  midst  of  a  driving  snow-storm.  At  the  very  beginning 
of  the  assault  Montgomery,  with  several  of  his  officers,  fell  dead  before 
the  discharge  of  a  cannon  loaded  with  grape.  Their  men  retreated  in 
disorder,  and  the  garrison  turned  against  Arnold,  who  had  entered  the 
town.  He  received  a  ball  in  the  leg,  and  was,  almost  by  compulsion, 
removed  from  the  field.  The  contest  continued  for  several  hours,  but 
ended  in  the  surrender  of  a  portion  of  Arnold's  force,  while  the  re- 
mainder retired. 

Keinforcements  being  received,  the  siege  of  the  city  was  kept  up 
until  the  following  May,  when  a  British  fleet  ascended  the  St.  Law- 
rence, and  the  Americans  were  forced  to  retreat.  Step  by  step  they 
were  driven  back,  until  obliged  to  evacuate  Canada  entirely.  Carleton, 
the  Canadian  governor,  soon  followed,  and  both  sides  prepared  to  con- 
test the  possession  of  Lake  Champlain,  building  ships,  and  sailing  to 
meet  each  other  on  that  inland  sea.  As  this  was  the  first  naval  battle 
ever  fought  between  England  and  America,  and  as  it  was  contested  by 
the  Americans  with  consummate  skill  and  courage,  a  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  it  must  prove  of  interest  to  readers.  We  select  a  fully-detailed 
narrative  of  the  engagement  from  Isaac  N.  Arnold's  "  Life  of  Benedict 
Arnold."] 

SIR  GUY  CARLETON  early  saw  the  importance  of  obtain- 
ing naval  supremacy  on  these  waters,  that  he  might  bring 


464  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ARNOLD 

the  English  troops  to  Ticonderoga,  within  convenient  dis- 
tance of  Albany,  looking  to  a  junction  ultimately  with  the 
king's  forces  from  the  city  of  New  York,  and  thereby  sepa- 
rating and  isolating  New  England  from  the  other  States. 
These  lakes  and  their  connections  formed  the  most  prac- 
ticable route  by  which  the  United  States  could  be  invaded 
from  Canada ;  and  both  parties,  in  the  summer  of  1776, 
prepared  vigorously  to  contest  their  control. 

Carleton,  the  British  leader,  had  many  advantages  over 
Gates  and  Arnold  in  the  race  of  preparation.  He  had  con- 
tractors and  ship-builders  from  England,  and  naval  stores 
in  abundance  from  the  fleet  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and  from 
Quebec.  The  English  admiralty  contributed  liberally  in 
material  for  ship-building  and  in  naval  equipments.  It 
sent  out  three  vessels  of  war  fully  prepared  for  service ; 
more  than  two  hundred  flat-bottomed  boats  were  built  at 
Montreal  and  taken  to  St.  John's;  and  the  larger  vessels, 
unable  to  ascend  the  rapids,  were  taken  to  pieces  and 
reconstructed  at  the  last-mentioned  place.  One  of  these, 
the  Inflexible,  was  a  three-masted  ship,  carrying  twenty 
twelve-pound  guns  and  ten  smaller  guns.  About  seven 
hundred  experienced  sailors,  and  the  very  best  of  young 
naval  officers,  were  selected  from  the  vessels  of  war  and 
transports  to  man  and  command  the  lake  fleet. 

The  Americans  had  to  cut  from  the  forest  every  stick 
of  timber  for  the  additions  to  their  small  fleet.  All  their 
naval  stores  and  material  had  to  be  brought  from  tide- 
water and  the  Atlantic,  over  roads  nearly  impassable. 
They  lacked  money,  skilled  ship-builders,  naval  stores, — 
everything;  still,  they  were  zealous,  active,  hopeful,  and 
energetic.  General  Arnold,  having  some  knowledge  of 
ships,  ship-building,  and  navigation,  was  selected  to  super- 
intend the  construction  of  the  fleet,  and  to  command  it 
when  ready  for  service.  .  .  . 


ARNOLD]        ARNOLD   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  465 

He  was  constantly  going  to  and  fro.  urging  on  the  work, 
making  requisition  for  mechanics,  for  seamen,  for  naval 
stores,  for  ordnance,  for  everything  necessary  to  build, 
equip,  arm,  and  man  his  little  fleet.  But  no  degree  of 
energy  and  activity  could  enable  him  to  equal  the  arma- 
ment which  Sir  Guy  Carleton  could  bring  from  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  the  theatre  of  conflict.  ...  On  the  1st  of 
October,  Arnold,  writing  to  Gates,  complains  that  the  sea- 
men have  not  been  sent,  and  hopes  he  shall  be  excused 
"if  with  five  hundred  men,  half  naked,"  he  should  not  be 
able  to  beat  the  enemy  in  their  overwhelming  numbers 
and  complete  preparation.  He  sends  for  shot,  musket- 
balls,  buckshot,  grenades,  clothing,  and  "  one  hundred  sea- 
men,— no  landlubbers." 

Gates  replies  on  the  3d,  and  sends  what  he  can,  but  says, 
"  What  is  not  to  be  had,  you  and  the  princes  of  the  earth 
must  go  unprovided  with."  .  .  . 

Gates  gave  to  Arnold  careful  instructions,  and,  among 
other  directions,  said,  "  Should  the  enemy  come  up  the  lake 
and  attempt  to  force  their  way  through  the  pass  you  are 
stationed  to  defend,  in  that  case  you  will  act  with  such 
cool,  determined  valor  as  will  give  them  reason  to  repent 
of  their  temerity." 

******* 

The  time  at  which  the  desperate  struggle  for  supremacy 
between  the  fleet  of  Arnold  and  that  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
approached,  Schuyler,  Gates,  Washington, — all  were  con- 
scious of  the  great  superiority  of  the  British.  All  were 
anxious,  but  each  indulged  hope,  arising  mainly  from  the 
desperate  valor  of  Arnold.  Knowing  his  inferiority  in 
ships,  in  weight  of  metal,  and  in  men,  Arnold  avoided 
the  possibility  of  an  encounter  on  the  open  lake,  where  he 
might  have  been  flanked  or  surrounded,  by  anchoring  his 
fleet  in  a  line  between  Valcour  Island  and  the  western 


466  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ARNOLD 

shore.  In  this  position,  the  rear  being  unapproachable, 
and  his  line  extending  across  the  channel,  he  could  be  at- 
tacked in  front  only.  This  was  the  first  time  an  American 
fought  a  British  fleet.  .  .  . 

The  British  fleet  consisted  of  the  Inflexible,  a  large, 
three-masted  ship,  two  schooners,  the  Lady  Mary  and  the 
Carleton,  a  floating  battery  called  the  Thunderer,  twenty 
gun-boats,  besides  long-boats  and  transports.  "  They  had," 
says  Bancroft,  "  more  than  twice  his  [Arnold's]  weight  of 
metal,  and  twice  as  many  fighting-vessels,  and  skilled  sea- 
men and  officers  against  landsmen."  As  has  been  stated, 
the  British  armed  vessels  were  manned  by  about  seven 
hundred  selected  seamen  and  well-trained  gunners.  Cap- 
tain Pringle,  of  the  British  navy,  commanded,  but  Carle- 
ton  was  himself  on  board,  and  among  the  many  young 
officers  was  Edward  Pellew,  afterwards  distinguished  as 
Admiral  Yiscount  Exmouth.  This  fleet  cairied  ninety- 
three  guns,  some  of  them  of  heavy  calibre.  The  fleet 
of  Arnold  consisted  of  three  schooners,  two  sloops,  three 
galleys,  and  eight  gondolas,  carrying  in  all  seventy  guns. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of  October,  the  guard- 
boats,  stationed  as  sentinels,  gave  notice  that  the  British 
fleet  was  approaching,  and  it  soon  appeared  off  Cumber- 
land Head,  moving  before  a  fair  wind  up  the  lake.  Carle- 
ton  came  on,  conscious  of  his  greatly  superior  strength, 
with  his  battle-flags  proudly  flying,  and  when  the  fleet  of 
Arnold  was  discovered,  moored  in  the  passage  behind 
Yalcour  Island,  Captain  Pringle  expressed  his  belief  that 
they  would  not  encounter  much  resistance,  and  he  antici- 
pated an  easy  victory ;  but  Carleton,  remembering  Quebec, 
knew  that  Arnold  would  fight  to  desperation.  As  the 
enemy  approached,  the  Americans  made  ready  to  receive 
them.  As  they  advanced  around  the  southern  point  of 
Valcour  Island  and  attempted  to  beat  up  towards  the 


ARNOLD]        ARNOLD   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  407 

channel  in  which  the  Americans  had  formed  their  lino 
of  battle,  the  large  ships  fell  behind.  Arnold,  who  rarely 
waited  to  be  attacked,  determined  to  take  advantage  of 
the  wind  and  attack  the  smaller  vessels,  which  were  in 
advance,  before  the  large  ones  could  beat  up  to  their  as- 
sistance. With  the  schooner  Royal  Savage,  and  three 
galleys,  he  went  to  meet  the  British,  and  opened  a  rapid 
fire,  but  was  gradually  pushed  back  by  superior  force,  and 
attempting  to  return  to  the  line,  in  beating  back,  the 
Royal  Savage,  with  its  inexperienced  crew,  went  aground 
and  was  abandoned, — Arnold  losing  his  baggage  and  all 
his  papers,  but  the  men  were  saved. 

At  half-past  twelve,  the  British  having  brought  all  their 
gun-boats  and  schooners  within  musket-shot  of  the  Ameri- 
can line,  the  action  became  general,  and  from  the  shore  of 
the  mainland  to  the  island  the  hostile  fleets  fired  at  close 
range.  Arnold,  in  the  Congress  galley,  to  which  he  had 
gone  after  abandoning  the  Royal  Savage,  anchored  in  the 
hottest  part  of  the  fire,  and  here,  with  obstinate  determina- 
tion, he  held  his  position  against  all  odds  till  five  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  when  the  enemy  retired.  During  this 
long  afternoon,  a  terrific  cannonade  of  round-  and  grape- 
shot  was  continually  kept  up,  and  a  constant  blaze  of  rifles 
by  a  large  body  of  Indians  in  the  covers  of  the  forest  on 
the  shores  of  the  island  and  the  mainland.  But,  as  Arnold 
had  taken  the  precaution  to  protect  his  men  and  his  ships 
by  fascines  attached  to  the  sides  of  the  vessels,  the  rifles 
did  little  execution.  So  terrific  was  the  cannonade  that 
the  roar  of  the  heavy  guns  is  said  to  have  been  heard  at 
Crown  Point.  The  Congress  and  the  Washington  galleys 
received  the  most  injury.  Arnold,  in  the  former,  which 
was  armed  with  two  eighteen-pounders,  two  twelves,  and 
two  sixes,  fought  with  desperate  heroism.  In  the  absence 
of  experienced  gunners,  he  pointed  most  of  the  pieces  him- 


468  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ARNOLD 

self,  passing  rapidly  from  gun  to  gun,  and  firing  as  fast 
as  they  could  be  loaded.  The  vessel  received  seven  shots 
between  wind  and  water,  \vas  hulled  twelve  times,  the 
mainmast  was  wounded  in  two  places,  the  rigging  cut  to 
pieces ;  yet,  in  this  condition,  and  with  dead  and  wounded 
all  around  him,  he  refused  to  yield  or  retreat,  but  hour 
after  hour,  for  five  hours,  cheered  on  his  men  by  word  and 
example,  until,  as  night  approached,  the  British  withdrew, 
retiring  from  an  enemy  commanded  by  a  man  who  would 
never  know  that  he  was  beat,  and  who  would  rather  go 
down  with  flags  flying  than  surrender. 

The  Washington  galley  was  nearly  as  badly  shattered  as 
the  Congress,  the  first  lieutenant  killed,  and  the  captain  and 
master  wounded.  The  New  York  lost  all  her  officers  ex- 
cept her  captain.  The  Philadelphia  was  hulled  in  so  many 
places  that  she  sunk  one  hour  after  the  engagement.  The 
whole  number  of  killed  and  wounded  was  about  eighty. 

Never  has  there  been  exhibited  a  more  striking  illus- 
tration of  Arnold's  wonderful  power  of  leadership  and 
ability  to  inspire  his  men  with  heroic  bravery,  and  power 
to  make  militia  fight  with  unflinching  courage,  than  on 
this  occasion. 

As  darkness  fell  over  the  scene  of  this  terrible  conflict, 
the  British  commander  posted  his  fleet  across  the  channel 
through  which  Arnold  must  pass  to  effect  his  escape,  with 
the  expectation  that  in  the  morning,  with  his  greatly  su- 
perior force,  he  would  capture  the  whole  American  flotilla. 
Arnold,  however,  determined  to  make  an  effort  to  escape, 
and,  if  he  failed,  to  destroy  his  ships,  land  his  men,  and 
fight  his  way  through  the  Indians  to  Crown  Point.  .  .  . 
It  was  a  hazy  night,  and  a  fair  wind  had  sprung  up  from 
the  north,  and  so,  each  vessel,  putting  out  every  light  ex- 
cept a  single  signal-lantern  in  the  stern,  to  guide  the  ship 
that  followed,  attempted  to  pass  through  the  British  lines. 


ARNOLD]        ARNOLD   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  469 

As  the  darkness  of  the  misty  night  gathered  over  the 
waters,  the  first  vessel  started,  and  in  breathless  silence 
one  by  one  the  whole  flotilla  glided  through,  between  the 
hostile  vessels, — Arnold  in  the  Congress  bringing  up  the 
rear,  and,  as  usual,  the  last  to  leave,  as  he  was  ever  the 
first  to  reach,  the  post  of  danger.  They  were  undiscovered. 
It  was  skilfully,  gallantly,  admirably  done ;  and  now,  with 
a  fresh  breeze,  the  crippled  vessels  bore  away  as  rapidly 
as  possible  up  the  lake.  Using  all  possible  expedition, 
the  fleet  reached  Schuyler's  Island,  some  twelve  miles  from 
the  scene  of  the  battle ;  and  here  they  were  compelled  to 
lay  to,  and  stop  the  leaks  in  their  vessels  and  repair 
damages.  .  .  . 

Two  of  the  gondolas  were  so  badly  injured  that  they 
had  to  be  abandoned  and  sunk.  In  the  afternoon  the 
remainder  of  the  crippled  flotilla  again  got  under  way; 
but  the  wind  gradually  ceased,  and  soon  a  breeze  sprung 
up  from  the  south,  retarding  their  advance,  so  that  very 
little  progress  could  be  made  by  beating  and  rowing.  The 
next  morning,  as  the  fog  rose  and  the  sun  came  out,  the 
whole  British  fleet,  with  every  sail  set,  was  seen  crowding 
down  upon  them.  The  crippled  Congress,  with  Arnold 
on  board,  the  Washington,  and  some  gondolas,  were  in 
the  rear.  Ail  the  others,  with  every  inch  of  canvas 
spread,  and  urged  to  the  utmost,  were  flying  towards 
Crown  Point.  It  was  but  a  short  time,  however,  before 
the  enemy  came  up  and  opened  fire  on  the  Congress,  the 
Washington,  and  the  gondolas.  After  receiving  a  few 
broadsides,  the  Washington  struck  her  colors ;  but  Arnold 
had  no  thought  of  surrender.  He  determined  with  the 
Congress  and  the  crippled  gondolas  to  fight  the  whole  fleet 
of  the  enemy,  and  so  retard  their  advance  that  the  re- 
mainder of  his  vessels  might  make  good  their  escape,— 
to  sacrifice  himself,  if  necessary,  to  their  safety.  He  re- 

40 


470  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [ARNOLD 

ceived  the  whole  fire  of  the  hostile  fleet.  A  ship  mount- 
ing twelve  eighteen-pound  guns,  a  schooner  of  fourteen 
six-pounders,  and  another  of  twelve  sixes,  two  under  her 
stern  and  one  on  her  broadside,  poured  their  concentrated 
fire  of  round-  and  grape-shot  into  the  already  disabled 
Congress.  These  vessels  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  for 
four  hours  upon  this  one  ship,  which  Arnold  returned  as 
best  he  could.  Thus  the  English  fleet  was  delayed,  and 
the  remainder  of  his  own  were  making  good  their  escape. 
The  Congress  was  so  disabled  she  could  not  fly,  and  Ar- 
nold would  not  surrender.  Her  sails,  rigging,  and  hull 
were  shattered  and  torn  to  fragments ;  the  lieutenant 
killed ;  the  crew,  many  of  them,  killed  and  wounded. 
Still  her  stern  commander  had  no  thought  of  striking  his 
flag,  and  continued  the  contest,  until  still  other  vessels  of 
the  enemy  arrived,  and  he  found  himself  surrounded  with 
seven  sail,  each  pouring  in  upon  the  hapless  Congress 
broadside  after  broadside;  and  still,  in  the  openings  of  the 
enemy's  sails,  and  of  the  smoke  of  their  guns,  which  thickly 
enveloped  him,  his  flag  could  be  seen  still  flying. 

His  ship  was  now  a  complete  wreck,  and,  as  he  could 
fight  no  more,  he  managed  to  break  through  the  vessels 
which  surrounded  him,  and  ran  the  Congress  and  the  gon- 
dolas into  a  small  creek;  and,  ordering  the  marines  to 
leap  overboard  and  wade  ashore  with  their  small-arms,  he 
then  set  fire  to  the  ship  and  the  gondolas,  and,  protected 
from  the  approach  of  small  boats  by  the  muskets  of  the 
marines,  he  lingered  until  the  fire  had  extended  too  far  to 

j  O 

be  extinguished,  and  then,  his  flag  still  flying,  and  order- 
ing all  his  men  ashore,  he  himself  the  last  to  leave,  leaped 
from  the  bowsprit  to  the  beach,  and  both  he  and  his  men, 
escaping  an  Indian  ambuscade  by  taking  an  unusual  route, 
arrived  in  safety  at  Crown  Point,  and  passed  on  to  Ticon- 
deroga.  Where  has  there  been  a  braver  fight  ?  Well  may 


ARNOLD]        ARNOLD   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  471 

the  sober  Mr.  Sparks,  roused  by  the  magnetism  of  such 
conduct,  exclaim,  "  There  are  few  instances  on  record  of 
more  deliberate  courage  and  gallantry  than  were  displayed 
by  him  from  beginning  to  end  of  this  action."  .  .  . 

"  Such  were  the  skill,  bravery,  and  obstinate  resistance 
of  Arnold  and  his  men  against  a  vastly  superior  force :  the 
event  was  hailed  as  ominous  of  great  achievements  when 
such  fearful  odds  did  not  exist."  [Leasing.] 

"  General  Arnold  covered  himself  with  glory,  and  his 
example  appears  to  have  been  nobly  followed  by  most  of 
his  officers  and  men.  Even  the  enemy  did  justice  to  the 
resolution  and  skill  with  which  the  American  flotilla  was 
managed,  the  disparity  of  force  rendering  victory  out  of 
the  question  from  the  first.  The  manner  in  which  the 
Congress  was  fought  until  she  had  covered  the  retreat  of 
the  galleys,  and  the  stubborn  resolution  with  which  she 
was  defended  until  destroyed,  converted  the  disasters  of 
this  part  of  the  day  into  a  species  of  triumph."  [Cooper's 
Is  aval  History.] 

[The  above  article  displays  to  a  certain  extent  the  special  pleading 
of  an  ardent  advocate  of  General  Arnold;  yet  that  the  battle  waa 
fought  with  striking  bravery,  and  that  Arnold  was  a  man  of  unusual 
boldness  and  intrepidity,  is  undeniable.  Had  he  been  of  smaller 
calibre  his  subsequent  treason  would  have  been  of  less  importance. 
This  action  took  place  after  the  period  fixed  for  the  conclusion  of  the 
present  volume,  but,  as  it  is  a  direct  outcome  of  the  preceding  invasion 
of  Canada,  we  give  it  here,  as  a  fitting'close  to  that  episode.  The  con- 
trol of  Lake  Champlain,  gained  by  it  to  the  British,  opened  the  way 
to  events  which  were  among  the  moat  important  of  the  whole  war.] 


472  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [EAMSAT 

THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

DAVID   RAMSAY. 

[That  the  British  army  and  its  officers  permitted  themselves  to  be 
cooped  up  for  nearly  a  year  in  Boston,  without  an  effort  to  break 
through  the  weak  bonds  that  held  them  prisoners,  was  undoubtedly 
an  important  advantage  to  the  American  cause.  For  the  patriot 
army  of  that  day,  though  it  had  given  a  noble  account  of  itself  at 
Bunker  Hill,  was  ill  fitted  in  discipline,  in  arms,  in  condition,  and  in 
all  military  essentials,  to  cope  with  the  thoroughly-trained  and  well- 
appointed  British  regulars  had. they  made  a  determined  aggressive 
movement.  Washington,  on  reaching  Boston,  found  himself  provided 
with  very  poor  material  to  face  a  disciplined  force.  The  freedom  and 
equality  to  which  New-Englanders  had  long  been  accustomed  made 
them  highly  intractable  to  military  discipline,  and  democratically 
resistant  to  the  aristocratic  ideas  and  manner  in  which  Washington 
had  been  trained.  It  was,  therefore,  with  great  difficulty,  and  with 
much  bitterness  of  spirit  on  both  sides,  that  the  militia  were  brought 
into  anything  resembling  discipline.  An  account  of  the  operations 
of  this  army  we  select  from  Ramsay's  "  History  of  the  American 
Revolution,"  a  valuable  old  work,  written  but  a  few  years  after  the 
Revolution  had  ended.] 

As  the  year  1775  drew  to  a  close,  the  friends  of  Congress 
were  embarrassed  with  a  new  difficulty.  Their  army 
was  temporary,  and  only  engaged  to  serve  out  the  year. 
The  object  for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms  was  not 
yet  obtained.  Every  reason  which  had  previously  induced 
the  provinces  to  embody  a  military  force  still  existed,  and 
with  increasing  weight.  It  was  therefore  resolved  to 
form  a  new  army.  The  same  flattering  hopes  were  in- 
dulged, that  an  army  for  the  ensuing  year  would  answer 
every  purpose.  ...  It  was  presumed  that  the  spirit  which 
had  hitherto  operated  on  the  yeomanry  of  the  country 
would  induce  most  of  the  same  individuals  to  engage  for 


RAMSAY  J  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON.  473 

another  twelvemonth ;  but  on  experiment  it  was  found 
that  much  of  their  military  ardor  had  already  evaporated. 
The  first  impulse  of  passion  and  the  novelty  of  the  scene 
had  brought  many  to  the  field  who  had  great  objections 
against  continuing  in  the  military  line.  They  found  that 
to  be  soldiers  required  sacrifices  of  which  when  they  as- 
sumed that  character  they  had  no  idea.  So  unacquainted 
were  the  bulk  of  the  people  with  the  mode  of  carrying  on 
modern  war  that  many  of  them  flew  to  arms  with  the 
delusive  expectation  of  settling  the  whole  dispute  by  a 
few  decisive  and  immediate  engagements.  Experience 
soon  taught  them  that  to  risk  life  in  open  fighting  was 
but  a  part  of  the  soldier's  duty.  Several  of  the  inferior 
officers  retired  ;  the  men  frequently  refused  to  enlist  unless 
they  were  allowed  to  choose  their  officers.  Others  would 
not  engage  unless  they  were  indulged  with  furloughs. 
Fifty  would  apply  together  for  leave  of  absence.  Indul- 
gence threatened  less  ruinous  consequences  than  a  refusal 
would  probably  have  produced.  On  the  whole,  enlist- 
ments went  on  slowly.  ...  So  many  difficulties  retarded 
the  recruiting  service  that  on  the  last  day  of  the  year 
1775  the  whole  American  army  amounted  to  no  more  than 
nine  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty  men.  Of  the  re- 
markable events  with  which  this  important  year  was 
replete,  it  was  not  the  least  that  within  musket-shot  of 
twenty  British  regiments  one  army  was  disbanded  and 
another  enlisted. 

All  this  time  the  British  troops  at  Boston  were  suffering 
the  inconvenience  of  a  blockade.  From  the  19th  of  April 
they  were  cut  off  from  those  refreshments  which  their 
situation  required.  Their  supplies  from  Britain  did  u«-t 
reach  the  coast  for  a  long  time  after  they  were  expected. 
Several  were  taken  by  the  American  cruisers,  and  others 
were  lost  at  sea.  This  was  in  particular  the  fate  of  many 
i.  40* 


474  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [RAMSAY 

of  their  coal-ships.  The  want  of  fuel  was  particularly  felt 
in  a  climate  where  the  winter  is  both  severe  and  tedious. 
They  relieved  themselves  in  part  from  their  sufferings  on 
this  account  by  the  timber  of  houses  which  they  pulled 
down  and  burnt.  Yessels  were  despatched  to  the  West 
Indies  to  procure  provisions;  but  the  islands  were  so 
straitened  that  they  could  afford  but  little  assistance. 
Armed  ships  and  transports  were  ordered  to  Georgia  with 
an  intent  to  procure  rice ;  but  the  people  of  that  province, 
with  the  aid  of  a  party  from  South  Carolina,  so  effectually 
disposed  of  them  that  of  eleven  vessels  only  two  got  off 
safe  with  their  cargoes.  It  was  not  till  the  stock  of  the 
garrison  was  nearly  exhausted,  that  the  transports  from 
England  entered  the  port  of  Boston  and  relieved  the  dis- 
tresses of  the  garrison. 

While  the  troops  within  the  lines  were  apprehensive  of 
suffering  from  want  of  provisions,  the  troops  without  were 
equally  uneasy  for  want  of  employment.  Used  to  labor 
and  motion  on  their  farms,  they  but  illy  relished  the  in- 
activity and  confinement  of^a  camp  life.  Fiery  spirits 
declaimed  in  favor  of  an  assault.  They  preferred  a  bold 
spirit  of  enterprise,  to  that  passive  fortitude  which  bears 
up  under  present  evils  while  it  waits  for  favorable  junc- 
tures. To  be  in  readiness  for  an  attempt  of  this  kind,  a 
council  of  war  recommended  to  call  in  seven  thousand  two 
hundred  and  eighty  militia-men  from  New  Hampshire  or 
Connecticut.  This  number,  added  to  the  regular  army 
before  Boston,  would  have  made  an  operating  force  of 
about  seventeen  thousand  men. 

The  provincials  labored  under  great  inconveniences  from 
the  want  of  arms  and  ammunition.  Yery  early  in  the 
contest,  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  by  proclamation,  for- 
bade the  exportation  of  warlike  stores  to  the  colonies. 
Great  exertions  had  been  made  to  manufacture  saltpetre 


KAMSAY]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON.  475 

and  gunpowder,  but  the  supply  was  slow  and  inadequate. 
A  secret  committee  of  Congress  had  been  appointed,  with 
ample  powers  to  lay  in  a  stock  of  this  necessary  article. 
Some  swift-sailing  vessels  had  been  despatched  to  the  coast 
of  Africa  to  purchase  what  could  be  procured  in  that  dis- 
tant region ;  a  party  from  Charleston  forcibly  took  about 
seventeen  thousand  pounds  of  powder  from  a  vessel  near 
the  bar  of  St.  Augustine;  some  time  after,  Commodore 
Hopkins  stripped  Providence,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
of  a  quantity  of  artillery  and  stores ;  but  the  whole,  pro- 
cured from  all  these  quarters,  was  far  short  of  a  sufficiency. 
In  order  to  supply  the  new  army  before  Boston  with  the 
necessary  means  of  defence,  an  application  was  made  to 
Massachusetts  for  arms,  but  on  examination  it  was  found 
that  their  public  stores  afforded  only  two  hundred.  Orders 
were  issued  to  purchase  firelocks  from  private  persons,  but 
few  had  any  to  sell,  and  fewer  would  part  with  them.  In 
the  month  of  February  there  were  two  thousand  of  the 
American  infantry  who  were  destitute  of  arms.  Powder 
was  equally  scarce ;  and  yet  daily  applications  were  made 
for  dividends  of  the  small  quantity  which  was  on  hand 
for  the  defence  of  the  various  parts  threatened  with  in- 
vasion. 

The  eastern  colonies  presented  an  unusual  sight.  A 
powerful  enemy  safely  intrenched  in  their  first  city,  while 
a  fleet  was  ready  to  transport  them  to  any  part  of  the 
coast.  A  numerous  body  of  husbandmen  was  resolutely 
bent  on  opposition,  but  without  the  necessary  arms  and 
ammunition  for  self-defence.  The  eyes  of  all  were  fixed 
on  General  Washington,  and  from  him  it  was  unreasonably 
expected  that  he  would  by  a  bold  exertion  free  the  town 
of  Boston  from  the  British  troops.  The  dangerous  situa- 
tion of  public  affairs  led  him  to  conceal  the  real  scarcity 
of  arms  and  ammunition,  and,  with  that  magnanimity 


476  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [RAMSAY 

which  is  characteristic  of  great  minds,  to  suffer  his  char- 
acter to  be  assailed  rather  than  vindicate  himself  by  ex- 
posing his  many  wants.  There  were  not  wanting  persons 
who,  judging  from  the  superior  number  of  men  in  the 
American  army,  boldly  asserted  that  if  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  not  desirous  of  prolonging  his  importance  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  he  might  by  a  vigorous  exertion  gain 
possession  of  Boston.  Such  suggestions  were  reported  and 
believed  by  sevei'al,  while  they  were  uncontradicted  by 
the  general,  who  chose  to  risk  his  fame  rather  than  expose 
his  army  and  his  country. 

Agreeably  to  the  request  of  the  council  of  war,  about 
seven  thousand  of  the  militia  had  rendezvoused  in  Febru- 
ary. General  Washington  stated  to  his  officers  that  the 
troops  in  camp,  together  with  the  reinforcements  which 
had  been  called  for  and  were  daily  coming  in,  would 
amount  to  nearly  seventeen  thousand  men, — that  he  had 
not  powder  sufficient  for  a  bombardment,  and  asked  their 
advice  whether,  as  reinforcements  might  be  daily  expected 
to  the  enemy,  it  would  not  be  prudent,  before  that  event 
took  place,  to  make  an  assault  on  the  British  lines.  The 
proposition  was  negatived ;  but  it  was  recommended  to 
take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  To  conceal  this 
design,  and  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  garrison,  a  bom- 
bardment of  the  town  from  other  directions  commenced, 
and  was  carried  on  for  three  days  with  as  much  briskness 
as  a  deficient  stock  of  powder  would  admit.  In  this  first 
essay,  three  of  the  mortars  were  broken,  either  from  a  de- 
fect in  their  construction,  or,  more  probably,  from  igno- 
rance of  the  proper  mode  of  using  them. 

The  night  of  the  4th  of  March  was  fixed  upon  for  taking 
possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  A  covering  party  of 
about  eight  hundred  led  the  way.  These  were  followed 
by  the  carts  with  the  intrenching  tools,  and  twelve  hun- 


KAMSAT]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON.  477 

dred  of  a  working-party,  commanded  by  General  Thomas. 
In  the  rear  there  were  more  than  two  hundred  carts  loaded 
with  fascines  and  hay  in  bundles.  While  the  cannon  were 
playing  in  other  parts,  the  greatest  silence  was  kept  by 
this  working-party.  The  active  zeal  of  the  industrious 
provincials  completed  lines  of  defence  by  the  morning 
which  astonished  the  garrison.  The  difference  between 
Dorchester  Heights  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  and  the 
morning  of  the  5th  seemed  to  realize  the  tales  of  romance. 
The  admiral  informed  General  Howe  that  if  the  Ameri- 
cans kept  possession  of  these  heights  he  would  not  be  able 
to  keep  one  of  his  majesty's  ships  in  the  harbor.  It  was 
therefore  determined  in  a  council  of  war  to  attempt  to  dis- 
lodge them.  An  engagement  was  hourly  expected.  It 
was  intended  by  General  Washington,  in  that  case,  to  force 
his  way  into  Boston  with  four  thousand  men,  who  were 
to  have  embarked  at  the  mouth  of  Cambridge  Eiver.  The 
militia  had  come  forward  with  great  alertness,  each  bring- 
ing three  daj's'  provision,  in  expectation  of  an  immediate 
assault.  The  men  were  in  high  spirits  and  impatiently 
waiting  for  the  appeal. 

They  were  reminded  that  it  was  the  5th  of  March,  and 
were  called  upon  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  country- 
men killed  on  that  day.  The  many  eminences  in  and 
near  Boston  which  overlooked  the  ground  on  which  it  was 
expected  that  the  contending  parties  would  engage  were 
crowded  with  numerous  spectators.  But  General  Howe 
did  not  intend  to  attack  till  the  next  day.  In  order  to  bo 
ready  for  it,  the  transports  went  down  in  the  evening 
towards  the  castle.  In  the  night  a  most  violent  storm, 
and  towards  morning  a  heavy  flood  of  rain,  came  on.  A 
carnage  was  thus  providentially  prevented  that  would 
probably  have  equalled,  if  not  exceeded,  the  fatal  17th  of 
June  at  Bunker's  Hill.  In  this  situation  it  was  agreed  by 


478  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [RAMSAY 

the  British,  in  a  council  of  war,  to  evacuate  the  town  as 
soon  as  possible. 

[Their  enforced  delay  had  permitted  Washington  so  to  strengthen 
his  works  as  to  render  an  assault  on  them  too  dangerous  to  be  attempted.] 

In  a  few  days  after  a  flag  came  out  of  Boston,  with 
a  paper  signed  by  four  selectmen,  informing,  "that  they 
had  applied  to  General  Eobertson,  who,  on  an  application 
to  General  Howe,  was  authorized  to  assure  them  that  he 
had  no  intention  of  burning  the  town,  unless  the  troops 
under  his  command  were  molested  during  their  embarka- 
tion, or  at  their  departure,  by  the  armed  force  without." 
When  this  paper  was  presented  to  General  Washington, 
he  replied,  "  that  as  it  was  an  unauthenticated  paper,  and 
without  an  address,  and  not  obligatory  on  General  Howe, 
he  could  take  no  notice  of  it ;"  but  at  the  same  time  inti- 
mated his  good  wishes  for  the  security  of  the  town. 

A  proclamation  was  issued  by  General  Howe,  ordering 
all  woollen  and  linen  goods  to  be  delivered  to  Crean  Brush, 
Esq.  Shops  were  opened  and  stripped  of  their  goods.  A 
licentious  plundering  took  place.  Much  was  carried  off, 
and  more  was  wantonly  destroyed.  These  irregularities 
were  forbidden  in  orders,  and  the  guilty  threatened  with 
death  ;  but  nevertheless  every  mischief  which  disappointed 
malice  could  suggest  was  committed. 

The  British,  amounting  to  more  than  seven  thousand 
men,  evacuated  Boston,  leaving  their  barracks  standing, 
and  also  a  number  of  cannon  spiked,  four  lai'ge  iron  sea- 
mortars,  and  stores  to  the  value  of  thirty  thousand  pounds. 
They  demolished  the  castle,  and  knocked  off  the  trunnions 
of  the  cannon.  Various  incidents  caused  a  delay  of  nine 
days  after  the  evacuation,  before  they  left  Nantasket 
road. 

This   embarkation   was   attended   with   many   circum- 


KAMSAT]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON.  479 

stances  of  distress  and  embarrassment.  On  the  departure 
of  the  royal  army  from  Boston,  a  great  number  of  the  in- 
habitants attached  to  their  sovereign,  and  afraid  of  public 
resentment,  chose  to  abandon  their  country.  From  the 
great  multitude  about  to  depart,  there  was  no  possibility 
of  procuring  purchasers  for  their  furniture,  neither  was 
there  a  sufficiency  of  vessels  for  its  convenient  transpor- 
tation. Mutual  jealousy  subsisted  between  the  army  and 
navy,  each  charging  the  other  as  the  cause  of  some  part 
of  their  common  distress.  The  army  was  full  of  discon- 
tent. Eeinforcements,  though  long  promised,  had  not  ar- 
rived. Both  officers  and  soldiers  thought  themselves 
neglected.  Five  months  had  elapsed  since  they  had  re- 
ceived any  advice  of  their  destination.  Wants  and  incon- 
veniences increased  their  ill  humor.  Their  intended  voyage 
to  Halifax  subjected  them  to  great  dangers.  The  coast,  at 
all  times  hazardous,  was  eminently  so  at  that  tempestuous 
equinoctial  season.  They  had  reason  to  fear  they  would 
be  blown  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  without  a  sufficient 
stock  of  provisions.  They  were  also  going  to  a  barren 
country.  To  add  to  their  difficulties,  this  dangerous 
voyage,  when  completed,  was  directly  so  much  out  of  their 
way.  Their  business  lay  to  the  southward,  and  they  were 
going  northward.  Under  all  these  difficulties,  and  with 
all  these  gloomy  prospects,  the  fleet  steered  for  Halifax. 
Contrary  to  appearances,  the  voyage  thither  was  both 
short  and  prosperous.  They  remained  there  for  some  time, 
waiting  for  reinforcements  and  instructions  from  England. 
When  the  royal  fleet  and  army  departed  from  Boston, 
several  ships  were  left  behind  for  the  protection  of  vessels 
coming  from  England,  but  the  American  privateers  were 
so  alert  that  they  nevertheless  made  many  prizes.  Some 
of  the  vessels  which  they  captured  were  laden  with  arms 
and  warlike  stores.  Some  transports,  with  troops  on 


480  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIEB 

board,  were  also  taken.     These  had  run  into  the  harbor, 
not  knowing  that  the  place  was  evacuated. 

The  boats  employed  in  the  embarkation  of  the  British 
troops  had  scarcely  completed  their  business  when  General 
Washington,  with  his  army,  marched  into  Boston.  He 
was  received  with  marks  of  approbation  more  flattering 
than  the  pomps  of  a  triumph.  The  inhabitants,  released 
from  the  severities  of  a  garrison  life,  and  from  the  various 
indignities  to  which  they  were  subjected,  hailed  him  as 
their  deliverer.  Reciprocal  congratulations  between  those 
who  had  been  confined  within  the  British  lines,  and  those 
who  were  excluded  from  entering  them,  were  exchanged 
with  an  ardor  which  cannot  be  described.  General  Wash- 
ington was  honored  by  Congress  with  a  vote  of  thanks. 
They  also  ordered  a  medal  to  be  struck,  with  suitable 
devices,  to  perpetuate  the  remembrance  of  the  great  event. 
The  Massachusetts  council  and  house  of  representatives 
complimented  him'in  a  joint  address,  in  which  they  ex- 
pressed their  good  wishes  in  the  following  words :  "  May 
you  still  go  on  approved  by  Heaven,  revered  by  all  good 
men,  and  dreaded  by  those  tyrants  who  claim  their  fellow- 
men  as  their  property." 


THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  AND  ITS  DOINGS. 

EDMUND   OLLIER. 

[While  the  people  of  the  American  colonies  were  so  bitterly  resist- 
ing Parliamentary  oppression,  their  representatives  in  the  Continental 
Congress  were  feeling  their  way,  by  slow  and  cautious  steps,  towards 
that  decisive  measure,  the  declaration  of  American  independence. 
Their  action  was  as  important  as  that  of  the  soldiery  who  were  fighting 


OLLIEB]  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONOR  1  481 

for  liberty  in  the  field,  and  a  condensed  statement  of  it  is  here  requisite. 
"We  extract  some  illustrative  notes  of  the  doings  of  the  succ.—ivo 
American  Congresses,  from  1774  to  1776,  from  Edmund  Ollier's  "  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,"  an  impartially- written  work  by  an  English 
author.] 

MONDAY,  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  was  a  great  and 
important  day  in  the  annals  of  English  America.  It  was 
the  day  on  which  the  Congress  of  the  United  Provinc.-s 
met  in  solemn  session  at  Philadelphia.  The  members  de- 
puted by  the  several  colonies  had  been  arriving  for  some 
days,  and  they  greeted  one  another  with  enthusiasm  as 
the  vanguard  of  liberty  in  the  young  "Western  world.  .  .  . 
The  representatives  of  the  provinces  were  resolved  to  dis- 
cuss their  wrongs  in  a  freely-elected  Parliament  of  their 
own.  They  were  in  no  mood  to  pay  homage  either  to  the 
English  throne  or  to  the  English  legislature,  and  they  set 
to  work  without  delay  to  organize  a  chamber  for  the  effi- 
cient consideration  of  every  subject  bearing  on  the  political 
well-being  of  their  widely-separated,  but  still  in  some  re- 
spects homogeneous,  communities.  The  first  meeting  took 
place  in  a  tavern,  and  it  was  determined  to  accept  the  offer 
of  the  carpenters  of  Philadelphia,  who  placed  their  spacious 
hall  at  the  disposal  of  the  delegates.  The  number  of  mem- 
bers was  at  least  fifty-five,  including  such  men  as  George 
Washington,  Samuel  and  John  Adams,  Patrick  Henry, 
Eichard  Henry  Lee,  and  others  of  high  repute,  if  not  of 
equal  renown  ;  and  the  colonies  represented  were  eleven.  .  .  . 

The  resolution  with  respect  to  the  voting  power  of  each 
colony  was  arrived  at  on  the  second  day  of  the  meet- 
ing, when  Patrick  Henry,  speaking  on  behalf  of  Virginia, 
drew  forth  in  long  array  the  many  injuries  inflicted  on 
America  by  the  action  of  the  English  Parliament.  His 
speech  was  the  first  utterance  of  the  Congress  after  its 
organization.  .  .  .  The  magnificent  oratory  of  Patrick 
i— v  ff  41 


482  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIEB 

Henry  breathed,  or  rather  flashed,  a  spirit  of  life  into  the 
dead  assemblage  [which  had  before  sat  in  embarrassed 
silence].  .  .  .  British  oppression,  he  said,  had  made  one 
nation  of  the  several  colonies,  so  that  he  no  longer  con- 
sidered himself  a  Virginian,  but  an  American.  Many  con- 
tradictory opinions  were  expressed  ;  but  in  the  end  the 
matter  was  settled  in  the  way  indicated  by  Henry  [namely, 
to  consider  the  colonies  as  a  federation  of  independent 
States,  with  democratical  representation,  each  State  to 
have  a  voice  in  accordance  with  the  numbers  of  its  popu- 
lation], .  .  . 

The  Continental  Congress  sat  eight  weeks.  On  the  26th 
of  October  it  was  dissolved,  after  having  recommended  the 
appointment  of  a  similar  assembly,  to  meet  on  the  10th 
of  May  following  unless  a  redress  of  grievances  had  been 
obtained  ere  then;  and,  to  further  the  creation  of  this 
second  Congress,  it  was  recommended  that  all  the  colonies 
should  elect  deputies  as  soon  as  possible.  Thus  ended  a 
most  important  experiment  in  American  legislation.  That 
experiment  must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  turning- 
points  in  the  history  of  the  United  States.  The  assembling 
of  a  Congress  representing  most  of  the  colonies  was  a 
plain  assertion  of  national  existence,  and  foreshadowed  the 
nature  of  that  independent  government  which  was  clearly 
coming  on.  The  scattered  forces  of  Anglo-American  life 
were  concentrated  in  a  great  assembly  which  embodied 
the  will  of  many  distinct  communities.  The  old  divisions 
and  jealousies  were  to  some  extent  healed ;  a  country  was 
'slowly  forming  itself  out  of  the  chaos  of  discordant  settle- 
ments. ...  As  Patrick  Henry  observed,  the  oppression  of 
the  English  government  had  effaced  the  boundaries  of  the 
several  States,  and  a  common  pressure  on  the  freedom  and 
well-being  of  all  had  compacted  the  diffused  and  straggling 
life  of  the  colonies  into  an  intense  and  indivisible  force. 


OLLIER]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS.  483 

The  debates  in  Congress  had  proved,  on  a  grander  scale 
than  had  yet  been  seen,  that  the  Americans  possessed  a 
large  amount  of  debating  power,  and  the  genius  of  stati-s- 
manship  in  no  stinted  measure.  Chatham  himself— an 
authority  not  easily  to  be  surpassed — declared  that  the 
delegates  assembled  at  Philadelphia  were,  in  solidity  of 
reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conduct,  second 
to  no  human  assembly  of  which  history  has  preserved  the 
memorial.  Sweeping  and  facile  statements  of  this  char- 
acter were  very  much  in  the  taste  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  but  in  this  particular  instance  the  compliment 
involved  no  great  exaggeration. 

[Yet  the  petition  of  the  Congress  to  the  king,  presented  by  Franklin 
and  the  agents  of  Massachusetts,  proved  futile.  "  The  king  remained 
firm  in  his  policy  of  simple  and  unrelieved  coercion."  Efforts  were 
made  in  favor  of  conciliatory  measures,  but  George  III.  was  not  to  be 
moved  from  his  resolve  to  force  the  colonists  into  submission  to  his 
will.  The  proposition  to  remove  the  troops  was  negatived,  reinforce- 
ments were  ordered,  and  General  Gage  was  subsequently  invested  with 
almost  dictatorial  powers.  In  the  Congress  of  1775,  which  met  after 
the  war  had  actually  broken  out,  much  timidity  was  displayed,  though 
many  of  the  bold  spirits  of  the  preceding  Congress  were  present] 

Franklin,  who  was  by  this  time  back  at  Philadelphia, 
was  again  directing  his  attention  to  the  more  effective 
confederation  of  the  colonies.  Reverting  in  some  meas- 
ure to  his  Albany  scheme  of  1754,  he  submitted  to  Con- 
gress a  plan  for  uniting  the  colonies  in  one  nation.  Each 
colony  was  to  have  its  own  Parliament,  and  the  right  to 
amend  its  own  laws  and  constitution  whenever  it  pleased ; 
and  the  Federal  government  was  to  attend  to  affairs  of 
national  importance,  and  to  govern  the  waste  lands.  Con- 
gress was  to  consist  of  but  one  legislative  body,  to  be 
chosen  annually,  and  one  of  its  committees  was  to  wield 
the  executive  power.  .  .  .  Some  members  of  Congress, 


484  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIER 

however,  were  far  in  advance  of  the  collective  sentiment. 
John  Adams,  in  particular,  was  for  at  once  establishing  a 
constitution  and  a  general  government.  .  .  .  When  Con- 
gress adjourned  on  the  1st  of  August,  nothing  had  been 
settled  in  principle;  yet  a  great  many  steps  had  been 
taken  which  made  it  all  the  less  likely  that  the  quarrel 
would  be  compromised, — all  the  more  probable  that  a 
violent  separation  would  take  place.  .  .  . 

The  Continental  Congress  reassembled  on  the  13th  of 
September  ;  but  the  spirit  of  hesitation  which  had  per- 
plexed its  counsels  before  still  continued  in  an  unabated 
degree.  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  exercised  a  great 
influence  over  the  deliberations  of  the  Federal  body,  and 
his  love  of  moderation  was  carried,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
more  extreme,  to  the  point  of  timidity.  ... 

The  king's  proclamation,  denouncing  the  American  mal- 
contents as  rebels,  and  requiring  all  loyal  subjects  to  trans- 
mit information  of  traitorous  designs  to  one  of  the  secre- 
taries of  state,  reached  the  New  World  a  few  weeks  after 
its  publication  in  England,  which  was  on  the  23d  of  Au- 
gust. It  was  received  in  New  England  with  anger  and 
derision,  and  deepened  the  resolve  of  all  the  popular 
leaders  to  declare  the  independence  of  the  country.  .  .  . 

It  was  the  1st  of  November  when  the  proclamation 
became  known  to  the  Continental  Congress  at  Philadel- 
phia. Abandoning  their  mood  of  hesitation,  the  delegates 
now  resolved  to  act  on  the  petitions  of  those  ( provinces 
which  desired  to  institute  governments  of  their  own. 
Wentworth,  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  having  left 
his  post,  the  people  of  that  colony  requested  of  Congress 
that  they  might  be  allowed  to  provide  for  the  administra- 
tion of  their  affairs,  which  had  fallen  into  extreme  dis- 
order ;  and  the  prayer  was  granted.  South  Carolina  was 
permitted  to  act  in  the  same  way.  In  both  cases,  the 


OLLIEE]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGHESS.  435 

new  governments  were  to  exist  only  during  the  continu- 
ance of  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Ameri- 
can possessions ;  but  it  must  by  this  time  have  been  almost 
universally  perceived  that  the  approaching  struggle  could 
eventuate  in  nothing  but  the  entire  independence  of 
America  or  its  complete  subjugation. 

[The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  still  preserved  an  attitude  of  loyalty 
to  the  king.  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  Maryland  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  Pennsylvania.  In  New  York  much  loyalty  was  professed. 
The  strong  seats  of  rebellious  sentiment  were  New  England  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  some  of  the  more  southern  provinces.  Franklin,  who  had 
broken  with  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  and  declined  to  take  the 
seat  to  which  he  had  been  elected,  now  stimulated  Thomas  Paine, 
who  had  come  to  America  at  his  suggestion,  to  the  writing  of  those 
vigorous  democratic  pamphlets  which  did  so  much  towards  inspiring 
the  people  with  patriotic  sentiments.] 

As  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  hesitated,  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  grew  more  determined  and  resolute.  It 
empowered  a  secret  committee  to  import  gunpowder, 
field-pieces,  and  small-arms,  and  to  export  provisions  and 
produce  to  the  foreign  "West  Indies  in  exchange  for  these 
materials  of  war.  It  adopted  rules  for  the  government 
of  the  American  navy,  which  as  yet  had  scarcely  an  ex- 
istence except  in  design ;  directed  the  enlistment  of  two 
battalions  of  marines ;  authorized  the  colonists  to  seize  all 
ships  employed  as  carriers  for  the  British  fleet  or  army; 
and  sanctioned  tribunals  for  the  confiscation  of  their  car- 
goes. It  was  proposed  by  a  Maryland  delegate — who  cer- 
tainly went  far  beyond  the  feeling  generally  prevalent 
in  his  pi'ovince — that  envoys  should  bo  sent  to  France, 
with  conditional  instructions ;  but  the  motion  was  rejected. 
Nevertheless  Harrison,  Franklin,  Johnson,  Dickinson,  and 
Jay  were  appointed  a  secret  committee  for  corresponding 
with  any  persons  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  other 
i.  41* 


486  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIER 

parts  of  the  world,  who  might  be  favorable  to  the  Ameri- 
can cause ;  and  funds  were  appropriated  for  the  payment 
of  agents.  These  were  all  acts  practically  establishing  an 
independent  government,  though  the  absolute  declaration 
of  independence  was  still  delayed.  The  leaders  of  the 
popular  party  had  already  declared  that  the  people  are 
the  source  and  origin  of  power ;  and  this  doctrine  grew 
in  favor  with  all  who  supported  colonial  rights.  .  .  . 

In  December  the  Continental  Congress  determined  to 
build  thirteen  ships  of  war  and  to  establish  a  naval  depart- 
ment. .  .  .  This  was  another  and  very  important  step 
towards  the  creation  of  a  national  government  totally  dis- 
tinct from  that  of  the  parent  state.  Still  another  was  the 
opening  of  negotiations  with  foreign  powers.  .  .  .  Towards 
the  end  of  the  year,  De  Bonvouloir,  the  emissary  of  Ver- 
gennes  [of  France],  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  and  had  sev- 
eral conferences  with  Franklin  and  the  other  members  of 
the  secret  committee.  The  result  of  these  interviews  was 
that  the  Frenchman  gave  the  committee  to  understand, 
without  making  an  exact  promise  to  that  effect,  that  his 
king  would  aid  them  on  certain  conditions ;  and  that  the 
committee  made  it  very  clear  to  the  Frenchman  that  they 
would  be  glad  of  such  aid  in  the  furtherance  of  their  de- 
signs, though  they  still  kept  up  the  farce  of  pretending 
that  they  were  even  yet  indisposed  to  sever  their  connec- 
tion with  England  and  with  the  English  crown.  .  .  . 

By  the  1st  of  January,  1776,  "Washington  had,  by  ex- 
traordinary exertions,  got  together  a  new  Continental 
army  in  front  of  Boston, — an  army  of  less  than  ten  thou- 
sand men,  ill  appointed,  and  not  well  disciplined.  .  .  . 
"With  the  new  year  an  emblematical  banner  was  unfurled 
over  the  troops.  It  displayed  thirteen  alternate  red  and 
white  stripes  (indicative  of  the  thirteen  united  colonies), 
and  in  the  corner  the  red  and  white  crosses  of  St.  George 


OLLIEB]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS.  437 

and  St.  Andrew  on  a  blue  ground.  The  desire  for  com- 
plete independence  was  expressed  with  a  more  undisguised 
frankness,  and  Washington  openly  declared  his  opinion 
that  it  was  a  necessity  of  the  time. 

[This  feeling  was  strongly  aided  by  Thomas  Paine's  treatise,  named 
"  Common  Sense"  by  Dr.  Hush  of  Philadelphia,  and  expressing  in 
clear  and  forcible  statement  the  most  radical  democratic  opinions.] 

However  disputable  some  of  Paine's  arguments  may 
have  been,  they  were  admirably  calculated  to  produce  a 
powerful  effect  in  America,  and  to  influence  in  the  desired 
direction  many  who  might  still  be  inclined,  from  whatever 
cause,  to  hang  back.  Some,  however,  were  a  little  alarmed 
at  the  boldness  of  the  proposals,  and  Wilson,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, moved  in  Congress  for  the  appointment  of  a  com- 
mittee to  explain  to  their  constituents  and  to  the  world 
the  present  intentions  of  the  colonial  representatives  re- 
specting independence.  In  opposition  to  this  suggestion, 
Samuel  Adams  insisted  that  Congress  had  already  been 
explicit  enough  ;  but  Wilson  carried  his  motion.  .  .  .  Con- 
gress was  timid  about  taking  so  extreme  a  step  as  a  decla- 
ration of  independence,  but  was  none  the  less  advancing 
cautiously  towards  that  end.  .  .  .  The  state  of  war  was 
perfect;  independence  was  all  but  complete.  The  United 
Colonies  wanted  but  little  to  convert  them  into  the  United 
States. 

[Meanwhile,  France  and  Spain,  while  avowedly  friendly  to  Eng- 
land, covertly  wished  to  injure  her,  and  appropriated  a  sum  of  money 
amounting  to  nearly  a  million  dollars  for  the  purchase  of  military 
stores  to  be  secretly  transmitted  to  America.  Turgot,  the  French  min- 
ister of  finance,  advocated  entire  freedom  of  trade,  and  this  suggestion 
was  taken  up  by  Congress  and  debated  on  the  16th  of  February.  On 
the  6th  of  April  it  was  resolved  "  that  the  commerce  of  the  thirteen 
United  Colonies  should  be  thrown  open  to  all  nations,  excepting  the 
subjects  of  Great  Britain.  Henceforth  there  were  to  be  no  custom- 


488  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIKK 

houses ;  exports  and  imports  were  to  be  alike  free  from  all  restrictions 
and  from  all  taxation." 

Commissioners  were  sent  to  Canada,  to  endeavor  to  bring  tbat  prov- 
ince into  union  of  sentiment  with  the  other  colonies, — an  effort  which 
failed  through  the  failure  of  the  invading  army.  Privateering  was 
authorized,  and  quickly  became  active.  The  king  was  described  in  a 
Congressional  resolution  as  having  "rejected  their  petitions  with  scorn 
and  contempt."  Among  other  acts,  it  was  resolved  that  thereafter  no 
slaves  should  be  imported  into  the  United  Colonies.] 

Independence  was  close  at  hand ;  but  a  further  period 
of  doubt,  of  hesitation,  and  of  distracted  counsels  had  yet 
to  be  passed  through.  During  the  debate  on  the  proposal 
to  authorize  privateering,  Franklin  had  openly  avowed  his 
opinion  tbat  the  measure  ought  to  be  preceded  by  a  decla- 
ration of  war  against  Great  Britain  as  a  foreign  power. 
But  to  the  majority  this  seemed  to  be  moving  too  fast, 
though  only  a  small  number  of  enthusiasts  continued  to 
believe  in  the  possibility  of  the  old  political  conditions 
being  restored.  .  .  .  Samuel  Adams,  in  particular,  de- 
nounced the  policy  of  delay.  "  Is  not  America,"  he  asked 
in  Congress,  "  already  independent  ?  Why  not,  then,  de- 
clare it  ?"  No  foreign  power,  he  argued,  could  consistently 
yield  comfort  to  rebels,  or  enter  into  any  kind  of  treaty 
with  the  insurgent  colonies,  until  they  had  separated 
themselves  from  Great  Britain.  ...  It  was  with  perfect 
truth  that  Samuel  Adams  spoke  of  America  as  practically 
independent.  To  throw  off  its  allegiance  in  terms  was 
the  most  honest,  and  probably  by  this  time  the  most 
politic,  course  which  the  colonists  could  pursue. 

[The  Southern  colonies  had  now  become  as  extreme  in  their  views 
as  the  Northern.  South  Carolina  adopted  its  famous  rattlesnake  flag, 
ordered  Sullivan's  Island  to  be  fortified,  and  on  March  21  adopted  a 
constitution  which  created  two  legislative  bodies  and  the  other  essen- 
tials of  government.  John  Eutledge  delivered  vigorously-radical  ad- 
dresses. North  Carolina  went  still  further,  and  on  the  12th  of  April 


OLLIER]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS.  439 

empowered  her  representatives  to  vote  for  independence.  South  Caro- 
lina followed  this  lead  on  the  23d  of  April,  Chief-Justice  Druyton  de- 
claring that  the  government  of  the  province  was  independent  of  that 
of  Great  Britain.  Rhode  Island,  on  the  4th  of  May,  passed  an  act 
freeing  its  people  from  allegiance  to  the  king.  John  Adams's  resolu- 
tion, offered  a  year  before,  to  empower  any  of  the  colonies  to  create  a 
constitution  for  itself,  was  passed  on  the  10th  of  May.  On  the  6th  of 
this  month  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  declared  that  their  an- 
cient constitution  had  been  subverted,  and  dissolved  the  Assembly.  It 
was  immediately  succeeded  by  a  convention  which  declared  that  Vir- 
ginia had  no  alternative  left  but  an  abject  submission  or  a  complete 
separation.  The  country  was  therefore,  from  that  time  forward,  to 
govern  itself,  form  foreign  alliances,  and  promote  a  confederation 
of  the  colonies.  Patrick  Henry,  James  Madison,  and  George  Mason 
were  the  leading  members  of  a,  committee  appointed  to  prepare  a  decla- 
ration of  rights  and  a  plan  of  government.  Of  the  act  introduced  by 
this  committee,  and  passed,  we  give  the  leading  sentiments.] 

"All  men  are  by  nature  equally  free,  and  have  inherent 
rights,  of  which,  when  they  enter  into  a  state  of  society, 
they  cannot,  by  any  compact,  deprive  or  divest  their  pos- 
terity: namely,  the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty,  with 
the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property,  and  pur- 
suing and  obtaining  happiness  and  safety.  All  power  is 
vested  in,  and  consequently  derived  from,  the  people; 
magistrates  are  their  trustees  and  servants,  and  at  all 
times  amenable  to  them.  Government  is,  or  ought  to  be, 
instituted  for  the  common  benefit  and  security  of  the 
people,  nation,  or  community ;  and  whenever  any  govern- 
.ment  shall  be  found  inadequate  or  contrary  to  these  pur- 
poses, a  majority  of  the  community  hath  an  indubitable, 
inalienable,  and  indefeasible  right  to  reform,  alter,  or 
abolish  it,  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  be  judged  most  con- 
ducive to  the  common  weal.  Public  services  not  being  de- 
scendible, neither  ought  the  offices  of  magistrate,  legislator, 
or  judge  to  be  hereditary.  ...  All  men  having  sufficient 
evidence  of  permanent  common  interest  with,  or  attach- 


490  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIEK 

ment  to,  the  community,  have  the  right  of  suffrage,  and 
cannot  be  taxed  or  deprived  of  their  property  for  public 
uses  without  their  own  consent  or  that  of  their  representa- 
tives so  elected,  nor  bound  by  any  law  to  which  they  have 
not  in  like  manner  assented  for  the  public  good.  .  .  .  No 
man  ought  to  be  deprived  of  liberty,  except  by  the  law 
of  the  land  or  the  judgment  of  his  peers ;  and  the  ancient 
trial  by  jury  ought  to  be  held  sacred.  ...  A  well-regulated 
militia,  composed  of  the  body  of  the  people,  trained  to 
arms,  is  the  proper,  natural,  and  safe  defence  of  a  free 
state ;  standing  armies  in  times  of  peace  should  be  avoided 
as  dangerous  to  liberty;  and  in  all  cases  the  military  should 
be  under  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  power.  .  .  .  No 
free  government  can  be  preserved  but  by  a  firm  adherence 
to  justice,  moderation,  temperance,  frugality,  and  virtue, 
and  by  frequent  recurrence  to  fundamental  principles.  Be- 
ligion  can  be  directed  only  by  reason  and  conviction,  not 
by  force  or  violence ;  and,  therefore,  all  men  are  equally 
entitled  to  the  free  exercise  of  it,  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  conscience ;  and  it  is  the  natural  duty  of  all  to 
practise  Christian  forbearance,  love,  and  charity  towards 
each  other." 

[This  important  declaration  of  principles,  with  John  Adams's  resolu- 
tion tending  to  a  separation  from  Great  Britain,  had  a  powerful  effect 
on  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  which  receded  from  its  position  of 
loyalty  to  the  crown  and  on  the  6th  of  June  sent  more  liberal  instruc- 
tions to  its  delegates  in  Congress.] 

On  the  very  next  day,  Eichard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia, 
in  the  name  and  with  the  special  authority  of  that  prov- 
ince, submitted  to  Congress  a  set  of  resolutions  affirming 
that  the  United  Colonies  were,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  states ;  that  they  were  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown;  that  all  political  con- 
nection between  them  and  Great  Britain  was,  and  ought 


OLLIBR]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS.  491 

to  be,  totally  dissolved ;  that  it  was  expedient  forthwith 
to  take  the  most  effectual  measures  for  forming  foivi^n 
alliances;  and  that  a  plan  of  confederation  should  be  pre- 
pared, and  transmitted  to  the  respective  colonies  for  tlu'ir 
consideration  and  approbation.  The  questions  then  rui>i.-«l 
were  first  considered  on  the  8th.  The  speeches  were  re- 
sumed on  the  10th,  and  it  was  then  resolved,  after  further 
discussion,  to  postpone  the  debate  for  three  weeks,  and  in 
the  mean  time  to  appoint  a  committee  which  should  d run- 
up a  declaration  in  harmony  with  what  had  been  proposed. 

[Virginia  followed  her  declaration  of  principles  by  the  formation  of 
a  constitution,  which  was  a  virtual  declaration  of  independence.  Con- 
necticut and  Delaware  quickly  followed,  and  New  Hampshire,  on  June 
15,  resolved  that  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies  should  be  declared  a 
free  and  independent  state.  Massachusetts  declared  in  favor  of  com- 
plete separation  from  Great  Britain.  New  York  required  more  caution, 
on  account  of  the  approach  of  the  British  fleet,  yet  it,  too,  declared 
for  separation.  Somewhat  similar  action  was  taken  in  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland.] 

All  these  local  movements  prepared  the  way  for  the 
great  act  of  the  Continental  Congress  which  was  to  make 
the  4th  of  July,  1776,  one  of  the  most  memorable  dates  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  .  .  .  The  question  of  declaring 
the  complete  independence  of  the  colonies  [moved  by 
Eichard  Henry  Lee]  was  resumed  on  the  1st  of  July,  when 
about  fifty-one  delegates  appeared  in  their  places.  By  this 
time  the  opinion  in  favor  of  separation  was  nearly  unan- 
imous. .  .  .  Before  the  great  business  of  the  day  came  on, 
a  letter  was  read  from  Washington,  giving  a  very  bad 
account  of  his  forces  at  New  York.  The  accumulated  dis- 
asters of  the  invading  army  in  Canada  were  also  known ; 
and  news  had  been  received  of  the  threatening  movement 
of  Parker  and  Clinton  against  Charleston,  but  not  of  its 
defeat.  The  prospects  of  the  infant  republic,  whose  birth 


492  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [OLLIER 

was  about  to  be  formally  announced  to  the  world,  were, 
therefore,  far  from  encouraging ;  yet  the  faith  of  those 
daring  statesmen  in  the  force  and  vitality  of  their  idea 
was  sufficient  to  triumph  over  all  discouragements  and  all 
adverse  fortunes. 

[The  first  speaker  was  John  Adams,  who  had  seconded  Lee's  resolu- 
tion, and  who  recapitulated  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a  declaration  of 
independence.  He  was  replied  to  hy  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  who, 
though  patriotic,  thought  the  movement  injudicious.  A  long  and  im- 
passioned debate  followed,  after  which  action  was  postponed  till  the 
following  day.  On  putting  the  resolution  to  vote,  it  was  passed  hy  a 
majority  of  the  delegates  of  all  the  colonies,  with  the  exception  of 
New  York,  which  had  lacked  time  to  express  its  wishes.  The  sanc- 
tion of  New  York  was  given  a  week  afterwards.] 

John  Adams,  writing  to  his  wife  at  Boston,  on  the  3d 
of  July,  to  communicate  to  her  the  grand  event  in  which 
he  had  acted  so  important  a  part,  hailed  that  second  day 
of  July,  1776,  as  the  most  memorable  epoch  in  the  history 
of  America.  "  I  am  apt  to  believe,"  he  said,  "  that  it  will 
be  celebrated  by  succeeding  generations  as  the  great  an- 
niversary festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated,  as  the 
day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  God 
Almighty.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp  and 
parade,  with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires, 
and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  this  continent  to  the 
other,  from  this  time  forward,  for  evermore.  You  will 
think  me  transported  by  enthusiasm,  but  I  am  not.  I  am 
well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure  that  it  will 
cost  us  to  maintain  this  declaration  and  support  and  defend 
these  states.  Yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the 
rays  of  ravishing  light  and  gloiy.  I  can  see  that  the  end 
is  more  than  worth  all  the  means,  and  that  posterity  will 
triumph  in  that  day's  transaction,  even  though  we  should 
rue  it,  which  I  trust  in  God  we  shall  not."  .  .  . 


OLLIER]  THE  CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS.  493 

The  committee  for  drawing  up  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence had  intrusted  that  task  to  Thomas  Jefferson, 
who,  though  at  that  time  only  thirty-three  years  of  air.-. 
— between  seven  and  eight  years  younger  than  John 
Adams,  and  a  mere  juvenile  as  compared  with  Franklin, 
both  of  whom  were  on  the  committee, — was  chosen  for  a 
•work  of  great  difficulty  and  importance,  because  he  was 
held  to  possess  a  singular  felicity  in  the  expression  of 
popular  ideas  (as  evinced  in  previous  state  papers),  and 
because  he  represented  the  province  of  Virginia,  the  oldest 
of  the  Anglo-American  colonies.  Jefferson,  having  pro- 
duced the  required  document,  reported  it  to  the  House  on 
the  28th  of  June,  when  it  was  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on 
the  table.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  debate  on  the  reso- 
lution of  independence  on  the  2d  of  July,  the  Declaration 
was  passed  under  review.  During  the  remainder  of  that 
day  and  the  two  next,  this  remarkable  production  was 
very  closely  considered  and  sifted,  and  several  alterations 
were  made  in  it. 

[Several  changes  had  been  made  in  the  original  draft  by  the  com- 
mittee, though  just  what  they  were  is  not  known.  The  principal 
changes  made  by  Congress  were  the  omission  of  those  sentences  which 
reflected  upon  the  English  people,  and  the  striking  out  of  a  clause 
which  severely  reprobated  the  slave-trade.] 

The  debate  on  the  proposed  Declaration  came  to  a  ter- 
mination on  the  evening  of  the  4th  of  July.  The  docu- 
ment was  then  reported  by  the  committee,  agreed  to  by 
the  House,  and  signed  by  every  member  present,  exci-pi 
Dickinson. 

[The  signature  of  New  York  was  not  given  till  several  days  later, 
and  a  New  Hampshire  member,  Matthew  Thornton,  was  permitted  to 
append  his  signature  on  November  4,  four  months  after  the  signing.] 

It  will  not  at  this  day  be  denied  by  many,  even  on  the 
i  42 


494  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

English  side  of  the  Atlantic,  that  the  Declaration  was  a 
work  of  great  power,  that  it  had  a  large  basis  of  truth, 
that  it  appealed,  in  noble  and  strenuous  language,  to  the 
very  highest  principles  of  political  right  and  virtue.  Its 
crowning  glory  is  that  it  did  this  in  no  Utopian  spii-it,  in 
no  mood  of  wild  and  vindictive  change,  but  with  decorum, 
with  dignity,  with  tenderness,  and  with  sense.  English- 
men, who  regret  the  quarrel  out  of  which  this  supreme 
act  of  renunciation  arose,  may  yet  reflect,  with  a  just  sat- 
isfaction and  no  ungenerous  pride,  that  the  root  of  all  these 
principles  is  to  be  found  in  the  traditions  of  a  thousand 
years  of  English  political  life.  Jefferson  did  but  apply  to 
novel  circumstances  the  general  ideas  of  popular  freedom 
which  had  long  been  illustrated  in  the  old  country.  George 
III.  had  endeavored  to  introduce  into  the  administration 
of  affairs  a  species  of  German  absolutism,  distasteful  alike 
to  Englishmen  at  home  and  to  their  descendants  in  Amer- 
ica. The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  final  reply 
of  Americans  to  the  ill-judged  and  ignorant  attempt.  Its 
effect  on  Europe  was  immense.  It  helped,  in  a  very  con- 
siderable degree,  to  make  the  French  Revolution ;  it  even 
influenced  England.  Doubtless  it  is  an  exaggeration  to 
say  that,  but  for  the  success  of  the  Americans,  England 
would  have  been  enslaved.  .  .  .  But  the  example  of 
America  strengthened  the  liberal  party  in  the  mother- 
country,  and  guaranteed  the  certainty  of  reform.  This  is 
why  the  great  production  of  Jefferson  should  have  as  much 
interest  for  English  as  for  American  minds.  .  .  . 

Undoubtedly,  no  more  important  act  has  ever  been  per- 
formed. From  that  day  forward — from  that  memorable 
4th  of  July,  1776 — the  Eepublic  of  English  America  as- 
sumed a  distinct  and  tangible  existence.  The  United  Col- 
onies became  the  United  States.  George  III.  was  formally 
deposed  in  thirteen  provinces  of  his  empire,  and  some 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA  IN  1776. 


495 


millions  of  his  subjects  became  foreigners.  A  new  chapter 
in  the  annals  of  the  human  race  had  been  opened,  and  it 
was  as  yet  too  early  to  forecast  with  any  certainty  whether 
that  chapter  was  to  be  mainly  characterized  by  weal  or 

woe. 


AMERICA  IN  1776. 

EUGENE  LAWRENCE. 

[Before  completing  our  historical  review  of  the  colonial  period  of 
America,  a  description  of  the  general  condition  of  the  colonies  At  the 
close  of  this  era  will  be  of  interest,  as  indicative  of  the  work  in  nation- 
making  which  had  been  achieved  within  the  less  than  two  centuries 
since  the  settlement  of  the  British  colonies.  We  select  from  Harper 
&  Brothers'  "First  Century  of  the  Republic"  some  passages  from 
Eugene  Lawrence's  ably-written  paper  on  "  Colonial  Progress."] 

FIFTY-ONE  doubtful  and  divided  men,  of  infinite  variety 
in  opinions,  education,  and  character,  met  in  the  hot  days 
of  July.  1776,  in  that  plain  room  at  Philadelphia  where 
Was  decided  the  chief  event  of  modern  history,  to  found  a 
republic.  They  were  about  to  reverse  all  the  inculcations 
of  recent  experience,  and  to  enter  at  once  upon  a  new  era 
of  uncertainty.  From  all  the  models  of  the  past  they 
could  borrow  little,  and  they  overleaped  barriers  that  had 
affrighted  all  former  legislators.  Not  Cromwell  and  Hamp- 
den,  not  the  plebeians  of  Eome  and  the  Demos  of  Athens, 
not  the  Republicans  of  Venice  nor  the  Calvinists  of  Hol- 
land and  Geneva,  had  ventured  upon  that  tremendous 
stride  in  human  progress  that  would  alone  satisfy  the  re- 
formers of  America.  Educated  in  the  strict  conceptions 
of  rank  and  caste  which  even  Massachusetts  had  culti- 
vated, and  Virginia  carried  to  a  ludicrous  extreme,  they 


496  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

threw  aside  the  artificial  distinction  forever,  and  declared 
all  men  equal.  .  .  . 

At  the  founding  of  the  republic  the  colonists  were  ac- 
customed to  hoast  that  their  territory  extended  fifteen 
hundred  miles  in  length,  and  was  already  the  seat  of  a 
powerful  nation.  But  of  this  vast  expanse  the  larger  part 
even  along  the  sea-coast  was  still  an  uninhabited  wilder- 
ness. Although  more  tban  a  century  and  a  half  had 
passed  since  the  first  settlements  in  Massachusetts  and 
Virginia,  only  a  thin  line  of  insignificant  towns  and  vil- 
lages reached  from  Maine  to  Georgia.  In  the  century 
since  the  Declaration  of  Independence  a  whole  continent 
has  been  seamed  with  railroads  and  filled  with  people;  but 
the  slow  growth  of  the  preceding  century  had  scarcely 
disturbed  the  reign  of  the  savage  on  his  native  plains. 
On  the  coast  the  province  of  Maine  possessed  only  a  few 
towns,  and  an  almost  unbroken  solitude  spread  from  Port- 
land to  the  St.  Lawrence.  A  few  hardy  settlers  were  just 
founding  a  State  among  the  Green  Mountains  destined  to 
be  the  home  of  a  spotless  freedom.  In  New  York,  still 
inferior  to  several  of  its  fellow-colonies  in  population,  the 
cultivated  portions  were  confined  to  the  bay  and  shores 
of  the  Hudson.  The  rich  fields  of  the  Genesee  Valley 
and  the  Mohawk  were  famous  already,  but  the  savages 
had  checked  the  course  of  settlement.  .  .  .  Pennsylvania, 
a  frontier  State,  comparatively  populous  and  wealthy,  pro- 
tected New  Jersey  and  Delaware  from  their  assaults ;  but 
Pittsburg  was  still  only  a  military  post,  and  the  larger 
part  of  the  population  of  the  colony  was  gathered  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  capital.  Woods,  mountains,  and 
morasses  filled  up  that  fair  region  where  now  the  immense 
wealth  of  coal  and  iron  has  produced  the  Birmingham  of 
America. 

The  Southern  colonies  had  gi-own  with  more  rapidity 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA  IN  1776.  497 

in  population  and  wealth  than  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  had  extended  their 
settlements  westward  far  into  the  interior.  Some  emi- 
grants had  even  wandered  to  western  Tennessee.  Daniel 
Boone  had  led  the  way  to  Kentucky.  A  few  English  or 
Americans  had  colonized  Natchez,  on  the  Mississippi.  But 
the  settlers  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  lived  with  rifle  in 
hand,  seldom  safe  from  the  attacks  of  the  natives,  and 
were  to  form  in  the  war  of  independence  that  admirahlo 
corps  of  riflemen  and  sharp-shooters  who  were  noted  for 
their  courage  and  skill  from  the  siege  of  Boston  to  the 
fall  of  Cornwallis.  The  Virginians  were  settled  in  the 
Tennessee  mountains  long  before  the  people  of  New  York 
had  ventured  to  build  a  village  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie 
or  the  Pennsylvanians  crossed  the  Alleghanies.  But  still 
even  Virginia  is  represented  to  us  about  this  period  as 
in  great  part  a  wilderness.  ...  In  the  North  the  line  of 
cultivated  country  must  be  drawn  along  the  shores  of  the 
Hudson  River,  omitting  the  dispersed  settlements  in  two 
or  three  inland  districts.  The  Delaware  and  a  distance  of 
perhaps  fifty  miles  to  the  westward  included  all  the  wealth 
and  population  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Alleghanies  infolded 
the  civilized  portions  of  Virginia,  and  North  and  South 
Carolina  cannot  be  said  to  have  reached  beyond  their 
mountains.  So  slowly  had  the  people  of  North  America 
made  their  way  from  the  sea-coast.  .  .  . 

[Of  the  inland  country  very  little  was  known,  while  the  re-inn 
beyond  the  Mississippi  was  "a  land  of  fable,  where  countless  host* 
of  savages  were  believed  to  rule  over  endless  plains  and  to  engage  in 
ceaseless  battles."  Long  afterwards  it  was  supposed  that  the  waters 
of  the  Missouri  might  extend  to  the  Pacific.] 

Within  the  cultivated  district  a  population  usually,  but 
probably  erroneously,  estimated  at  three  millions  were 
thinly  scattered  over  a  narrow  strip  of  land.  The  number 

42* 


498  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

can  scarcely  be  maintained.  The  New  England  colonies 
could  have  had  not  more  than  eight  hundred  thousand  in- 
habitants ;  the  middle  colonies  as  many  more ;  the  South- 
ern a  little  over  a  million.  New  York  had  a  population  of 
two  hundred  and  forty-eight  thousand,  and  was  surpassed 
by  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  Maryland,  and 
was  at  least  equalled,  if  not  exceeded,  by  North  Carolina. 
Its  growth  had  been  singularly  slow.  The  small  popu- 
lation of  the  Union  was  composed  of  different  races  and 
of  almost  hostile  communities.  There  was  a  lasting  feud 
between  the  Dutch  at  Albany  and  the  people  of  New 
England.  .  .  .  The  Germans  settled  in  Pennsylvania  re- 
tained their  national  customs1  and  language,  and  were 
almost  an  alien  race.  Huguenot  colonies  existed  in  sev- 
eral portions  of  the  country.  The  north  of  Ireland  had 
poured  forth  a  stream  of  emigrants.  Swedish  settlements 
attracted  the  notice  of  Kalm  along  the  Delaware.  In 
North  Carolina  a  clan  of  Highlanders  had  brought  to  the 
New  World  an  intense  loyalty  and  an  extreme  ignorance. 
The  divisions  of  race  and  language  offered  a  strong  obsta- 
cle to  any  perfect  union  of  the  different  colonies.  But  a 
still  more  striking  opposition  existed  in  the  political  insti- 
tutions of  the  various  sections.  In  the  South,  royalty, 
aristocracy,  and  the  worst  form  of  human  slavery  had 
grown  up  together.  In  no  part  of  the  world  were  the  dis- 
tinctions of  rank  more  closely  observed,  or  mechanical 
and  agricultural  industry  more  perfectly  contemned.  In 
New  England  the  institutions  were  democratic,  and  honest 
labor  was  thought  no  shame.  In  the  South  episcopacy 
was  rigidly  established  by  law;  in  New  England  a  tolerant 
Puritanism  had  succeeded  the  persecuting  spirit  of  Cotton 
Mather  and  Winthrop.  .  .  . 

In  the  course  of  a  century,  within  their  narrow  fringe 
of  country  the  colonists  had  transformed  the  wilderness 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA   IN  1776.  499 

into  a  fertile  and  productive  territory.  Agriculture  was 
their  favorite  pursuit.  Travellers  from  Europe  were 
struck  with  the  skill  with  which  they  cultivated  the  rich 
and  abundant  soil,  the  fine  farm-houses  that  filled  the 
landscape,  the  barns  overflowing  with  harvests,  the  cattlo, 
the  sheep.  The  Northern  and  middle  colonies  were  famous 
for  sheep  and  corn.  Pennsylvania  was  the  granary  of 
the  nation.  In  New  Jersey  the  fine  farms  that  spivud 
from  Trenton  to  Elizabethtown  excited  the  admiration 
of  the  scientific  Kalm.  Long  Island  was  the  garden  of 
America,  and  all  along  the  valleys  opening  upon  the  Hud- 
son the  Dutch  and  Huguenot  colonists  had  acquired  ease 
and  opulence  by  a  careful  agriculture.  The  farm-houses, 
usually  built  of  stone,  with  tall  roofs  and  narrow  windows, 
were  scenes  of  intelligent  industry.  While  the  young 
men  labored  in  the  fields,  the  mothers  and  daughters  spun 
wool  and  flax  and  prepared  a  large  part  of  the  clothing 
of  the  family.  The  farm-house  was  a  manufactory  for  all 
the  articles  of  daily  use.  Even  nails  were  hammered  out 
in  the  winter,  and  the  farmer  was  his  own  mechanic.  A 
school  and  a  chui*ch  were  provided  for  almost  ever}-  vil- 
lage. Few  children  were  left  untaught  by  the  Dutch 
dominie,  who  was  sometimes  paid  in  wampum,  or  the 
New  England  student,  who  lived  among  his  patrons,  and 
was  not  always  fed  upon  the  daintiest  fare.  .  .  . 

The  progress  of  agriculture  at  the  South  was  even  more 
rapid  and  remarkable  than  at  the  North.  The  wilderness 
was  swiftly  converted  into  a  productive  region.  The  coast 
from  St.  Mary's  to  the  Delaware,  with  its  inland  country, 
became  within  a  century  the  most  valuable  portion  of  the 
earth.  Its  products  were  eagerly  sought  for  in  all  the 
capitals  of  Europe,  and  one  noxious  plant  of  Virginia  had 
supplied  mankind  with  a  new  vice  and  a  new  pleasure. 
.  .  .  Tobacco  was  in  Virginia  the  life  of  trade  ami  inh-r- 


500  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

course ;  prices  were  estimated  in  it ;  the  salaries  of  the 
clergy  were  fixed  at  so  many  pounds  of  tobacco.  All 
other  products  of  the  soil  were  neglected  in  order  to  raise 
the  savage  plant.  Ships  from  England  came  over  annu- 
ally to  gather  in  the  great  crops  of  the  large  planters, 
.  .  .  [and]  Virginia  grew  enormously  rich  from  the  sudden 
rise  of  an  artificial  taste. 

[Other  crops  replaced  tobacco  farther  south.  In  South  Carolina 
the  cultivation  of  rice,  brought  thither  in  1694  from  Madagascar,  had 
become  greatly  developed.  Indigo,  sugar,  molasses,  tar,  pitch,  were 
other  valuable  Southern  products,  but  cotton,  which  was  destined  to 
assume  the  place  farther  south  which  tobacco  then  held  in  Virginia, 
was  as  yet  cultivated  only  in  small'quantities  for  the  use  of  the  farmers. 
The  commercial  restrictions  imposed  by  England  acted  detrimentally 
upon  American  agriculture,  yet  it  nourished  in  spite  of  them.] 

The  commerce  of  the  colonies  flourished  equally  with 
their  agriculture.  It  was  chiefly  in  the  Northern  colonies 
that  ships  were  built,  and  that  hardy  race  of  sailors  formed 
whose  courage  became  renowned  in  every  sea.  But  the 
English  navigation  laws  weighed  heavily  upon  American, 
trade.  Its  ships  were,  with  a  few  exceptions,  only  allowed 
to  sail  to  the  ports  of  Great  Britain.  No  foreign  ship  was 
Buffered  to  enter  the  American  harbors.  .  .  .  [Yet]  the  colo- 
nists contrived  to  build  large  numbers  of  ships,  and  even 
to  sell  yearly  more  than  a  hundred  of  them  in  England. 
The  ship-yards  of  New  England  were  already  renowned. 
Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia  were  seats  of  an  im- 
portant trade.  On  the  island  of  Nantucket  the  whale- 
fishery  had  been  established  that  was  to  prove  for  a  brief 
period  a  source  of  great  profit  and  a  school  of  accomplished 
seamen.  The  spermaceti-whale  was  still  seen  along  the 
American  coast,  but  the  New  England  whaler  had  already 
penetrated  Hudson  Bay,  and  even  pierced  the  Antarctic. 
...  In  consequence  of  the  rigid  navigation  laws,  smug- 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA  IN  1776.  501 

gling  prevailed  all  along  the  American  coast,  and  swift 
vessels  and  daring  sailors  made  their  way  to  the  ports  of 
France  and  Spain  to  bring  back  valuable  cargoes  of  wine 
and  silks.  Boston  was  the  chief  seat  of  ship-building,  and 
its  fast-sailing  vessels  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies  to  be 
exchanged  for  rum  and  sugar.  In  1743  it  was  estimated 
that  New  England  employed  one  thousand  ships  in  its 
trade,  besides  its  fishing-barks.  .  .  . 

The  rise  of  American  commerce  had  seemed  wonderful 
to  Burke,  Barre,  and  all  those  Englishmen  who  were  capa- 
ble of  looking  beyond  the  politics  of  their  own  narrow 
island ;  but  no  sooner  had  America  become  free  than  its 
trade  doubled,  and  soon  rose  to  what  in  1775  would  have 
seemed  incredible  proportions.  New  York,  Boston,  and 
Philadelphia  became  at  once  large  cities,  and  England  was 
enriched  by  American  freedom.  .  .  . 

In  manufactures  the  colonists  can  be  said  to  have  made 
but  little  progress.  The  English  government  had  vigor- 
ously forbidden  them  to  attempt  to  make  their  own  wares. 
A  keen  watch  had  been  kept  over  them,  and  it  was  resolved 
that  they  should  never  be  suffered  to  compete  with  the 
artisans  of  England.  The  governors  of  the  different  colo- 
nies were  directed  to  make  a  careful  report  to  the  home 
government  of  the  condition  of  the  colonial  manufac- 
tures, in  order  that  they  might  be  effectually  destroyed. 
From  their  authentic  but  perhaps  not  always  accurate 
survey  it  is  possible  to  form  a  general  conception  of  tho 
slow  advance  of  this  branch  of  labor.  South  of  Connecti- 
cut, we  are  told,  there  were  scarcely  any  manufactures : 
the  people  imported  everything  that  they  required  from 
Great  Britain.  Kalm,  indeed,  found  leather  made  at  Beth- 
lehem, in  Pennsylvania,  as  good  as  the  English,  and  much 
cheaper.  He  praises  the  American  mechanics;  but,  in 
general,  we  may  accept  the  reports  of  the  governors  that 


502  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

all  manufactured  articles  employed  in  the  family  or  in 
trade  were  made  abroad.  Linens  and  fine  cloths,  silks, 
implements  of  iron  and  steel,  furniture,  arms,  powder,  were 
purchased  of  the  London  merchants.  But  this  was  not 
always  the  case  in  busy  New  England.  Here  the  jealous 
London  traders  discovered  that  iron-foundries  and  even 
slitting-mills  were  already  in  operation  ;  that  fur  hats  were 
manufactured  for  exportation  in  Connecticut  and  Boston; 
that  the  people  were  beginning  to  supply  their  own  wants, 
and  even  to  threaten  the  factories  of  England  with  a  dan- 
gerous rivalry.  The  English  traders  petitioned  the  gov- 
ernment for  relief  from  this  colonial  insubordination,  and 
Parliament  hastened  to  suppress  the  poor  slitting-mills 
and  hat-manufactories  of  our  ancestors  by  an  express  law. 
The  hatters,  who  seem  to  have  especially  excited  the  jeal- 
ousy of  their  London  brethren,  were  forbidden  to  export 
hats  even  to  the  next  colony,  and  were  allowed  to  take 
only  two  apprentices  at  a  time.  Iron  and  steel  works  were 
also  prohibited.  Wool  and  flax  manufactures  were  sup- 
pressed by  stringent  provisions.  American  factories  were 
declared  "nuisances."  No  wool  or  manufacture  of  wool 
could  be  carried  from  one  colony  to  another;  and,  what 
was  a  more  extraordinary  instance  of  oppression,  no  Bible 
was  suffered  to  be  printed  in  America. 

[Pig-iron  was  produced  to  some  extent  in  Pennsylvania  and  some 
other  colonies,  but  for  export  only,  not  for  manufacture.  Coal  was 
mined  in  Virginia.  No  conception,  however,  was  yet  attained  of  the 
vast  stores  of  mineral  wealth  which  slept  beneath  the  ground,  and 
which  were  destined  to  make  the  new  nation  immensely  rich  within 
a  few  generations.] 

The  chief  cities  of  our  ancestors  were  all  scattered  along 
the  sea-coast.  There  were  no  large  towns  in  the  interior. 
Albany  was  still  a  small  village,  Schenectady  a  cluster  of 
houses.  To  those  vast  inland  capitals  which  have  sprung 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA  IN  1776.  593 

up  on  the  lakes  and  great  rivers  of  the  West  our  country 
offered  no  parallel.  Chicago  and  St.  Louis,  the  centivs 
of  enormous  wealth  and  unlimited  commerce,  had  yet  no 
predecessors.  Pleasant  villages  had  sprung  up  in  New- 
England,  New  Jersey,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson, 
but  they  could  pretend  to  no  rivalry  with  those  flourishing 
cities  which  lined  the  sea-coast  or  its  estuaries  and  seemed 
to  our  ancestors  the  abodes  of  luxury  and  splendor.  Yet 
even  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston,  extensive  as 
they  appeared  to  the  colonists,  were  insignificant  towns 
compared  to  the  English  capitals,  and  gave  no  promise  of 
ever  approaching  that  grandeur  which  seemed  to  be  re- 
served especially  for  London  and  Paris.  In  1774  the  popu- 
lation of  New  York  was  perhaps  twenty  thousand ;  that 
of  London  six  hundred  thousand.  The  latter  was  thirty 
times  larger  than  the  other,  and  in  wealth  and  political 
importance  was  so  infinitely  its  superior  that  a  comparison 
between  them  would  have  been  absurd. 

Boston,  which  has  crowned  Beacon  Hill,  pressed  over 
the  Neck,  and  even  covered  with  a  magnificent  quarter  a 
large  surface  that  was  once  the  bed  of  the  Charles  River, 
was  in  1774  a  town  of  fifteen  thousand  or  eighteen  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  closely  confined  to  the  neighborhood  of 
the  bay.  .  .  .  The  Boston  of  1774,  which  proclaimed  free- 
dom and  defied  the  power  of  England,  would  scarcely  rank 
to-day  among  the  more  important  country  towns.  New 
York  was  more  populous,  but  it  was  still  confined  to  the 
narrow  point  of  land  below  the  Park.  The  thickly-built 
part  of  the  town  lay  in  the  neighborhood  of  Whitehall. 
Some  fine  houses  lined  Broadway  and  Broad  Street,  but  to 
the  west  of  Broadway  green  lawns  stretched  down  from 
Trinity  and  St.  Paul's  to  the  water.  Trees  were  planu-il 
thickly  before  the  houses ;  on  the  roofs  railings  or  balconies 
were  placed,  and  in  the  summer  evenings  the  people  gath- 


504  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

ered  on  the  house-tops  to  catch  the  cool  air.  Lamps  had 
already  been  placed  on  the  streets.  Fair  villas  covered  the 
environs,  and  even  the  Baroness  Biedesel,  who  had  visited 
in  the  royal  palaces  of  Europe,  was  charmed  with  the 
scenery  and  homes  of  the  citizens.  Extravagance  had 
already  corrupted  the  plainer  habits  of  the  earlier  period. 
The  examples  of  London  and  Paris  had  already  affected 
the  American  cities.  The  people  of  New  York  drank  fiery 
Madeira,  and  were  noted  for  their  luxury.  Broad  way  was 
thought  the  most  splendid  of  avenues,  although  it  ended 
at  Chambers  Street.  And  twenty  years  later,  when  the 
City  Hall  was  built,  it  was  called  by  D wight  (a  good 
scholar)  the  finest  building  in  America. 

The  streets  of  New  York  and  Boston  were  usually 
crooked  and  narrow,  but  the  foresight  of  Penn  had  made 
Philadelphia  a  model  of  regularity.  Market  and  Broad 
Streets  were  ample  and  stately.  The  city  was  as  populous 
as  New  York,  and  perhaps  the  possessor  of  more  wealth. 
It  was  the  first  city  on  the  continent,  and  the  fame  of 
Franklin  had  already  given  it  a  European  renown.  Yet 
Philadelphia  when  it  rebelled  against  George  III.  was  only 
an  insignificant  town,  clinging  to  the  banks  of  the  river ; 
and  New  York  invited  the  attack  of  the  chief  naval  power 
of  the  world  with  its  harbor  undefended  and  its  whole 
population  exposed  to  the  guns  of  the  enemy's  ships.  The 
Southern  cities  were  yet  of  little  importance.  Baltimore 
was  a  small  town.  Virginia  had  no  large  city.  Charleston 
had  a  few  thousand  inhabitants.  Along  that  immense  line 
of  sea-coast  now  covered  with  populous  cities  the  smallest 
of  which  would  have  made  the  New  York  and  Boston  of 
our  ancestors  seem  insignificant,  only  these  few  and  isolated 
centres  of  commerce  had  sprung  up.  The  wilderness  still 
covered  the  shores  of  Long  Island,  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
and  the  Carolinas  almost  as  in  the  days  of  Raleigh. 


LAWRENCE]  AMERICA  IN  1776. 


505 


To  pass  from  one  city  to  another  along  this  desolate 
shore  was,  in  1775,  a  long  and  difficult  journey.  Koads 
had  been  early  built  in  most  of  the  colonies.  In  Massa- 
chusetts they  were  good,  except  where  they  passed  over 
the  hills.  In  New  York  a  good  road  ran  through  Oi 
and  Ulster  counties  to  Albany.  That  between  New  York 
and  Philadelphia  was  probably  tolerable.  In  the  Soutlu-ni 
colonies  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  road-building,  and 
even  those  in  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia  were  often 
almost  impassable.  A  stage-coach  ran  in  two  days  from 
New  York  to  Philadelphia,  but  the  passengers  were-  re- 
quested to  cross  over  the  evening  before  to  Powle's  Hook, 
that  they  might  set  out  early  in  the  morning.  Sloops 
sailed  to  Albany  in  seven  or  eight  days.  From  Boston  to 
New  York  was  a  tedious  journey.  In  fair  weather  the 
roads  of  the  time  were  tolerable  ;  but  in  winter  and  spring 
they  became  little  better  than  quagmires.  There  was 
therefore  but  little  intercourse  between  the  people  of  the 
distant  colonies,  and  in  winter  all  communication  by  land 
and  water  must  have  been  nearly  cut  off.  .  .  . 

The  Northern  cities  were  usually  built  of  brick  or  of 
stone,  and  many  of  the  farm-houses  were  of  the  latter 
material.  The  former  had  been  imported  from  Holland 
for  the  first  New  York  buildings;  and  even  Schenecta'ly. 
a  frontier  town,  was  so  purely  Dutch  as  to  have  been  early 
decorated  with  Holland  brick.  In  the  country  stone  \v:is 
easily  gathered  from  the  abundant  quarries  on  the  Hudson 
or  along  the  New  England  hills.  Many  large,  low  stone 
houses,  with  lofty  roofs  and  massive  windows,  may  still 
be  seen  in  the  rich  valleys  opening  upon  the  Hudson, 
almost  in  the  same  condition  in  which  they  were  left  by 
their  Huguenot  or  Dutch  builders,  and* apparently  capable 
of  enduring  the  storms  of  another  century.  Brick-making 
was  soon  introduced  into  the  colonies,  and  the  abundant 
i.— w  43 


506  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [LAWRENCE 

forests  supplied  all  the  materials  for  the  mechanic.  ...  A 
general  equality  in  condition  was  nearly  reached.  Not 
five  men,  we  are  told,  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia  ex- 
pended ten  thousand  dollars  a  year  upon  their  families. 
The  manners  of  the  people  were  simple ;  their  expenses 
moderate.  Yet  nowhere  was  labor  so  well  rewarded  or 
poverty  so  rare.  .  .  .  Wines  and  liquors  were  freely  con- 
sumed by  our  ancestors,  and  even  New  England  had  as 
yet  no  high  repute  for  temperance.  Eum  was  taken  as  a 
common  restorative.  The  liquor  shops  of  New  York  had 
long  been  a  public  annoyance.  In  the  far-southern  colo- 
nies, we  are  told,  the  planter  began  his  day  with  a  strong 
glass  of  spirits,  and  closed  it  by  carousing,  gambling,  or 
talking  politics  in  the  village  tavern.  Our  ancestors  were 
extraordinarily  fond  of  money,  if  we  may  trust  the  judg- 
ment of  Washington,  who  seems  to  have  found  too  many 
of  them  willing  to  improve  their  fortunes  from  the  re- 
sources of  the  impoverished  community.  But  in  general 
it  must  be  inferred  that  the  standard  of  public  morals  was 
not  low  [as  compared  with  the  Europe  of  that  day]. 

[Intellectually  the  colonists  made  much  progress,  and  statesmen, 
writers,  and  scientists  appeared  who  vied  with  those  of  Europe. 
Schools  for  the  general  population  were  considerably  more  numerous 
than  in  England  and  France,  while  several  colleges,  of  a  somewhat 
high  standard,  were  established,  though  they  were  as  yet  but  poorly 
attended.  Several  newspapers  had  been  started,  the  earliest,  The  News 
Letter  of  Boston,  being  founded  in  1704.  In  1775  four  papers  were 
printed  in  each  of  the  cities  of  Philadelphia,- New  York,  and  Boston. 
Books  were  not  wanting.  One  Boston  house  had  ten  thousand  volumes 
on  its  shelves.  A  public  library  had  been  founded  by  Franklin  in 
Philadelphia  in  1742.  Medical  schools  and  other  institutions  were  in 
operation,  and  the  first  steps  in  most  of  the  great  enterprises  of  later 
days  had  been  taken  at  the  opening  of  the  Kevolution.] 


JEFFERSON]    DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.          507 
THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

[As  a  fitting  epilogue  to  the  history  of  Colonial  America,  and  pro- 
logue to  that  of  Independent  America,  we  append  the  highly-impor- 
tant document  whose  consideration  and  passage  by  the  Continental 
Congress  are  described  in  a  preceding  article.  The  committee  :ij>- 
pointed  to  draw  up  this  paper  consisted  of  Thomas  Jefl'erson,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Philip  Livingston,  but 
its  preparation,  as  there  stated,  was  left  by  the  committee  to  Jetf' 
from  his  supposed  peculiar  fitness  for  the  work.  Several  unimportant, 
and  one  or  two  important,  changes  were  made  in  the  original  draft  as 
presented  by  him,  but  as  it  stands  it  is  very  nearly  word  for  word  his 
own,  and  must  be  ranked  for  ages  to  come  among  the  great  political 
documents  of  the  world,  the  Magna  Charta  of  American  liberty,  or 
perhaps  we  should  say  of  human  liberty, — since  in  the  republic  of  the 
United  States  the  freedom  of  mankind  was  first  solidly  based  and  per- 
manently assured.] 

WHEN,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them, 
a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident : — that  all  men 
are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain-  unalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  to  secure 
these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  de- 
riving their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  govi-nu-.l ; 
that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or 


508  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [.JEFFERSON 

to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  government,  laying  its 
foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its  power  in 
such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their 
safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that 
governments  long  established  should  not  be  changed  for 
light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly  all  experience 
hath  shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer, 
while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by 
abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But 
when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  in- 
variably the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them, 
under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty, 
to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards 
for  their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  suf- 
ferance of  these  colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  systems  of 
government.  The  history  of  the  present  king  of  Great 
Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations, 
all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an  absolute 
tyranny  over  these  states.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws,  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  imme- 
diate and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  .those  people 
would  relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legis- 
lature, a  right  inestimable,  and  formidable  to  tyrants 
only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  un- 
usual, uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of 


JEFFERSON]    DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.          509 

their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights 
of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions, 
to  cause  others  to  be  elected;  whereby  the  legislative 
powers,  incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the 
people  at  large  for  their  exercise ;  the  state  remaining  in 
the  mean  time  exposed  to  all  the  danger  of  invasion  from 
without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
states ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturali- 
zation of  foreigners  ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage 
their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  re- 
fusing his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of 
their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  officers  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out 
their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing 
armies,  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  juris- 
diction foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged 
by  our  laws ;  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment 


510  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [JEFFERSON 

for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhab- 
itants of  these  states : 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial 
by  jury  : 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pre- 
tended offences  : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a 
neighboring  province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary 
government,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render 
it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing 
the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  val- 
uable laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our 
governments : 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring 
themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation, 
and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  cruelty 
and  perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on 
the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  be- 
come the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to 
fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  -us,  and 
has  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers 


JEFFERSON]    DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.          5H 

the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  war- 
fare is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  agon,  sexes, 
and  conditions. 

^  In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms:  our  repeated  peti- 
tions have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury. 

A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a 
free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time  of 
attempts  made  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwar- 
rantable jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them 
of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement 
here.  "VVe  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  mag- 
nanimity, and  we  have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our 
common  kindred,  to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which 
would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  correspon- 
dence. They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and 
of  consanguinity.  We  must  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the 
necessity  which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold  them, 
as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in  peace, 
friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to 
the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
intentions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  authority  of  the  good 
people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare  that 
the*e  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  FKKK 
and  INDEPENDENT  STATES;  that  they  are  absolve! 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown;  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great 
Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved ;  and  that  as 
free  and  independent  states  they  have  full  power  to  levy 


512  AMERICAN  HISTORY.  [JEFFERSON 

war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce, 
and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  independent 
states  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of.this  dec- 
laration, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 
Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives, 
our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor. 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President. 

New  Hampshire,  Josiah  Bartlett,  William  "Whipple,  Mat- 
thew Thornton.  Massachusetts,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine,  Elbridge  Gerry.  Rhode  Island,  Ste- 
phen Hopkins,  William  Ellery.  Connecticut,  Roger  Sher- 
man, Samuel  Huntington,  William  Williams,  Oliver  Wol- 
cott.  New  York,  William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston,  Francis 
Lewis,  Lewis  Morris.  New  Jersey,  Richard  Stockton,  John 
Witherspoon,  Francis  Hopkinson,  John  Hart,  Abraham 
Clark.  Pennsylvania,  Robert  Morris,  Benjamin  Rush, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Morton,  George  Cl}*mer,  James 
Smith,  George  Taylor,  James  Wilson,  George  Ross.  Dela- 
ware, Caesar  Rodney,  George  Read.  Maryland,  Samuel 
Chase,  William  Paca,  Thomas  Stone,  Charles  Carroll,  of 
Carrollton.  Virginia,  George  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Thomas  Nelson, 
junior,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  Carter  Braxton.  North  Car- 
olina, William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  John  Penn.  South 
Carolina,  Edward  Rutledge,  Thomas  Hey  ward,  junior, 
Thomas  Lynch,  junior,  Arthur  Middleton.  Georgia,  Button 
Gwinnett,  Lyman  Hall,  George  Walton. 


END   OF  VOL.   I. 


